BurmaNet News: November 12 2002

[editor at burmanet.org]

November 12 2002 Issue #2120

INSIDE BURMA

DPA: U.N. envoy arrives in Myanmar to push junta-Suu Kyi dialogue
DVB: Life after Razali for better or worse?
Kao Wao: Farmers thrown into a life of poverty
Irrawaddy: Honsawatoi Restoration Party member shot
AFP: Myanmar court hears Ne Win family’s appeal against coup conviction

MONEY

Financial Times: Clarke facing embarrassment over Burma link

GUNS

Globes Online: Jaffee Center: Israel supplied UAVs to Indonesia
AFP: Karenni rebels committed to armed struggle despite defection reports

REGIONAL

Malaysiakini: Razali defends Iris: disappointed with ASEAN
Malaysiakini: Interview with Razali Ismail: Part 2

INTERNATIONAL

Sacramento Bee: Burmese activists builds global support

____INSIDE BURMA_______

Deutsche Presse-Agentur
November 12 2002

U.N. envoy arrives in Myanmar to push junta-Suu Kyi dialogue

United Nations Special Envoy Razali Ismail arrived in Yangon (Rangoon)
Tuesday on his ninth visit to Myanmar (Burma) aimed at energising stalled
reconciliation talks between the National League for Democracy (NLD) and
the four-decade-old military government.

Razali met with Foreign Minister U Wing Aung shortly after his arrival and
was scheduled to meet with the ruling junta's first secretary, General
Khin Nyunt, later in the day. On Tuesday evening he was scheduled to meet
with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, whose NLD won the country's only
free election in 1990, but has been blocked from taking power by the
junta, which now calls itself the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC).

A statement issued by the U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan's spokesman
said Razali had also requested a meeting with the SPDC's chairman, Senior
General Than Shwe.

"As stated in his report to the General Assembly, the secretary general is
concerned that the positive momentum generated for the ongoing national
reconciliation process in Myanmar since the restoration of Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi's freedom of movement on 6 May could dissipate, unless some
tangible progress is made in the near future," the statement said.

Razali's visit comes amid increasing frustration over the apparent
foot-dragging by the junta in taking part in a substantive dialogue with
Suu Kyi's NLD.

A statement from the European Union urged the junta "to take advantage of
the visit by arranging a meeting for the U.N. special envoy with Senior
General Than Shwe.

"The European Union believes it is important that the Burma/Myanmar
authorities use this opportunity to take clear and substantive steps to
initiate a genuine political process, leading to reconciliation and
democratisation in Burma."
_____

Democratic Voice of Burma
November 11 2002

Life After Razali for better or for worse?

It has emerged today that the UN special envoy Mr Razali Ismail is to
resign from his position if the national reconciliation process takes
longer in Burma. He told a Malaysian news agency just before his ninth
trip to Rangoon. On his eighth visit, the SPDC promised him to start
dialogues soon. It is said that he understood that the term 'soon' to be
about 2 or 3 weeks, at most a month but as no talks had emerged; he is
feeling a sense of despair.
Here is the reaction of NLD spokesman U Lwin:
U Lwin : He said that with a sense of responsibility, I presume but we
don't know what will really happen yet. Please wait for a little bit more.
Don't rush. He is not at the stage of doing it. Only when he did it would
be true, of course.
U Khun Tun Oo of UNA also says that he is expecting to meet Mr Razali on
Friday and he added that there could be some disastrous consequences if
Razali resigned:
U Khun Tun Oo : Mr Razali is comfortable (friendly) with the SPDC, with
NLD and with ethnic nationalities. It would be a great loss to us if
someone like him who is comfortable with all of us decided to abandon us.
If I have to say it straight, we have to be alert and diligent for the
talk.
Htet Aung Kyaw : If there is no progress and Mr Razali resigned, what kind
of consequences will there be?
U Khun Tun Oo : It's difficult to predict because it not only Mr Razali
who is involved here. The UN itself sponsored the process. The UN assigned
the duty to Mr Kofi Anan. He appointed Mr Razali as his representative to
do things for him. If the UN cannot able to help, there would be no help
from other quarters. I think that scenario could become an unimaginable
nightmare.
Here is the view of U Aung Moe Zaw from National Council of Union of Burma
(NCUB) based in Thailand:
U Aung Moe Zaw : We regard Mr Razali's statement as the description of the
true state of SPDC and the national reconciliation process in the country.
Secondly, it is time to push the SPDC to talk through systematic and
co-ordinated efforts by international communities. Thirdly, it's time for
the international communities strengthen and support democratic forces
effectively.
___________

Kao Wao News Group
November 4 2002

FARMERS THROWN INTO A LIFE OF POVERTY

Confiscation of land in Mon State by the Burmese army in August have
brought increasing hardship to local villagers  through the loss of their
land and food security.

Local battalions of the State Peace and Development Council based in
Northern Ye township, Mon State, confiscated over 2000 acres of cultivated
land that will increase poverty, according to Mawkanin villagers whose
lands were seized by the Burmese army.  Most of the plantation lands in
this area have been taken by force for the building of heavy artillery
bases.

The land was confiscated last August shortly after a trip to the area by
General Maung Bo, the junta chief who has oversight over Mon and Karen
states and Tenasserim division. The farmers were forced to sign an
agreement set out by the authorities for the seizure. The authorities
allowed the farmers to produce rubber for three years before the land is
seized. They will receive no compensation.

Nai Blai whose land was confiscated said it will lead to social unrest and
local people will take up arms to resume fighting against the regime. Many
people have lost their land, become jobless, and are looking for weapons
to ambush the SPDC soldier who is guarding their old lands. Land just
confiscated by the army for the (Battalion), has only a few soldiers
guarding it, said Nai Blai.

According to a village headman, these lands are to be used for the
expansion of Battalions 106 and 588.  The lands seized in this area are
not for the purpose of building the battalion as the commander told the
villagers, but will later be used for the army's coffers to raise fund and
deal in business ventures.  "If the SPDC is trying to build new
battalions, about 50 or 60 acres of land will be enough, but they seized
thousands acres of land to use for economic reasons," complained a
villager Nai Krake who escaped to the Thai-Burma border.

In August, General Maung Bo met the village headmen and farmers to inspect
the site in Mon State explaining about the government's plan to build an
artillery battalion. The government seized 2,000 acres of land in Northern
Ye after the General's visit. The land was confiscated from local
villagers and includes 600 acres belonging to Mokanin, Lamine Hnitkayin
and DeinPeen villages, 500 acres between Jao-Khalae and Taungbon village,
and 500 acres between Aung-Thayar and Leinmaw-Chan of Northern Ye
Township, Mon State.

The abbot of a Buddhist monastery in Mawkanin village requested to the
local commanders on behalf of the farmers not to seize the land, but the
request was ignored by the military regime.

After the seizure, many villagers migrated to Thailand while those
remaining in Mon State expressed their desire to take revenge on the army
for the loss of their lands. The disappointed Buddhist monk said, "After
their lands were taken, some farmers went to Thailand through the Three
Pagodas Pass border, while other farmers went to Rangoon to apply for
passports in order to find work in Singapore and Malaysia."

Since 2000, confiscation of land in Ye township of Mon State has increased
to accommodate the building of larger army bases.  According to a local
administrator, over 5000 acres have been seized since then. Most fertile
lands are valuable for plantations belonging to the Mon and Karen
civilians. A Mon veteran politician from Ye complained, "There are ten new
battalions added in Ye township since 2000."
_______

Irrawaddy
November 12 2002

Honsawatoi Restoration Party Member Shot
By Naw Seng

A member of the breakaway Honsawatoi Restoration Party (HRP) was injured
last night in Sangklaburi, Thailand, after an unknown group opened fired
on a home owned by the brother of the HRP’s leader, according to Mon
sources in the area.
"We can't say who the culprit is," said Naing Aye Mon from the New Mon
State Party (NMSP). "But we can confirm that our group didn't participate,
but some think that this attack came from our group."
Sources say the attack was aimed at Col Naing Pan Nyunt, the leader of the
HRP and its military wing the Monland Restoration Army (MRA), which broke
away from the NMSP in November 2001. Pan Nyunt was allegedly staying in
the house last night alongside his brother Naing Aung Than and Naing Maung
Han, who was injured in the attack.
The HRP did not comment on the incident, which is being investigated by
the Thai police. Security has also reportedly been increased in the area
following the attack.
In late October, four NMSP members—including Central Executive Committee
member Nai Min Htut—were killed after the MRA attacked a home in Burma’s
Mon State where the men were sleeping.
_____________

Agence France-Presse
November 12 2002

Myanmar court hears Ne Win family's appeal against coup conviction

Myanmar's Supreme Court on Tuesday began hearing an appeal lodged by the
son-in-law and three grandsons of former dictator Ne Win who were
sentenced to death for plotting to overthrow the junta.

Chief defence counsel Tun Sein told the court there was no basis for a
lower court's decision in September to convict the four of treason.

"We are submitting this appeal in the hope that the Supreme Court will
reverse the decision by the divisional court," he told judges Tin Aung
Ayea and Khin Myint. Tun Sein called for Ne Win's son-in-law Aye Zaw Win
and three grandsons Aye Ne Win, Kyaw Ne Win and Zwe Ne Win to be acquitted
of the charges.

The men were sentenced to death by hanging after being arrested in March
in a swoop against the once all-powerful family that stunned the nation
and remodelled Myanmar's political landscape.

The junta said the Ne Win clan had grown disgruntled at losing their
economic and political privileges as their patriarch's power waned, and
had used black magic and voodoo dolls as part of their plot to seize
power.

Most observers doubt they were seriously attempting to mount a takeover,
but believe the current regime installed 14 years ago, now known as the
State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), wanted to demonstrate it is
firmly in charge.

Since the arrests, Ne Win and his daughter Sandar Win -- reputedly the
brains behind the family which accumulated an extensive business empire --
have been held under virtual house arrest at their Yangon home.

Ne Win stood down in 1988 after a quarter-century in power but until the
crackdown on his family he had widely been seen as an extremely
influential figure who exerted control over the ruling generals.

Analysts say they expect the death sentences will be commuted to life
imprisonment as the current regime has never presided over an execution
and the last person accused of treason was hung in the 1970s, under Ne
Win's rule.

It was not known how long the appeal will take to be heard, but by a
midday recess Tuesday only Aye Zaw Win's case had been read to the court.

A small group of media has been allowed to hear the proceedings but the
court is closed to the public.

____MONEY_____

Financial Times
November 12 2002

Clarke facing embarrassment over Burma link
By Alison Maitland and Jean Eaglesham

Kenneth Clarke, former chancellor and deputy chairman of British American
Tobacco, faces severe embarrassment today over revelations that he
criticised companies investing in Burma - where BAT has a joint venture
with the military junta.

Mr Clarke, who chairs the BAT board's corporate social responsibility
committee, said in a letter to a constituent: "I must admit that I do
sometimes feel uncomfortable about investment in that country . . .
Theproblem in Burma arises when companies start collaborating with an
extremely unpleasant regime which is totally contrary to our notions of
civil liberties and democracy."

Last night, however, Mr Clarke issued a statement rejecting calls for BAT
to withdraw from the venture.

The letter was obtained by the Burma Campaign UK, a leading human rights
pressure group, which today launches a worldwide campaign to force BAT to
withdraw. John Jackson, director of the pressure group, said: "Ken Clarke
is absolutely right. He should get them to pull out immediately."

Mr Clarke's letter appears to be in contradiction with BAT's policy, made
clear in its first "social report" in July, to press on with the 60-40 per
cent joint venture between its Rothmans subsidiary and Union of Myanmar
Economic Holdings, an organisation owned by the Burmese military regime.

BAT said Mr Clarke had not forgotten about the Burma investment when
writing the letter. It issued a statement from Mr Clarke recalling that
the Burma business was inherited in the merger with Rothmans International
in 1999.

Mr Clarke said: "An international company cannot reform the politics of
the government of any country in which it does business. We employ more
than 400 people in Burma and I see no benefit to them in us simply pulling
out."

The Burma Campaign, supported by the Federation of Trade Unions of Burma,
Unison, Glenys Kinnock and Lord (formerly Sir David) Steel, said it would
take just six minutes' worth of BAT's annual profits to give its workers
in Burma a year's salary as severance pay.

It points out the opposition of Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's democracy
leader, to any investment until there is political change. It says the
industrial zone where the cigarette factory is located was upgraded by the
military authorities in 1996 using child labour.

The campaign will ask leading investment funds, including Hermes, Insight
Investment, Morley and Jupiter, to use their influence to persuade BAT to
pull out.

Vincent Cable, Liberal Democrat trade and industry spokesman, claimed Mr
Clarke was "risking his reputation for being forthright and honest" by
advocating withdrawal of investment from Burma while representing a
company doing the opposite.

However, Mr Clarke said on BBC's Newsnight last night : "I don't think
companies can have a rule about not doing business with dictatorships." He
added that "probably about a third of the world" was governed by
dictatorships.

_____GUNS______

Globes Online
November 12 2002

Jaffee Center: Israel supplied UAVs to Indonesia
 By Dror Marom
The Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies’ annual “Middle East Military
Balance 2001-2002” also reveals other arms deals.

Indonesia has bought unmanned aviation vehicles (UAVs) from an Israeli
company, Tel Aviv University’s Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies’ “The
Middle East Military Balance 2001-2002” reveals. Indonesia, the world’s
largest Muslim country, has no diplomatic relations with Israel. “The
Middle East Military Balance” states that Israel sold arms to at least 47
countries worldwide. Deals include the following: Israel Military
Industries-manufactured Galil assault rifles and other arms to Colombia;
Air-to-air missiles, Litening Airborne Infra-Red Navigation and Targeting
Pods, laser-guided bombs, 155mm artillery and upgrades of ships and
Chinese-built F-7 jets to Myanmar (formerly Burma). Galil assault rifles
to Nepal. Dabur patrol boats to Nicaragua. Kfir fighter jets, Sa’ar model
4.5 missile boats, UAVs, mine detectors, 120mm tank shells, and ground
forces radars to Sri Lanka. A deal to upgrade Uganda Air Force MiG-21 has
been frozen. Relying on foreign sources, “The Middle East Military
Balance” states that besides the Indonesia deal, Israel has supplied
Searcher UAVs, Night Target System (NTS) missiles against ground targets,
a military satellite, Ehud air combat debriefers and upgrades for F-5 jet
fighters to Singapore. “The Middle East Military Balance” details all of
Israel’s arms deals with India, which has become Israel’s largest arms
customer. India has bought several types of UAVs built by Israel Aircraft
Industries.

___________

Agence France-Presse
November 12 2002

Karenni rebels committed to armed struggle despite defection reports

Karenni rebels vowed Tuesday to continue their armed resistance against
the Myanmar junta despite a report that 153 of their comrades had
surrendered to the regime.

Myanmar's official press said this week that a contingent from the Karenni
National Progressive Party (KNPP), including two senior commanders, turned
themselves in at a ceremony Saturday in Loikaw, the state capital of
Kayah.

But KNPP officials on the Thai border disputed Yangon's claims that their
comrades had defected from the ethnic militia which has resisted central
rule for decades. "We still believe our people were forced to surrender by
the SPDC (the ruling State Peace and Development Council) when they were
in Loikaw for peace talks," KNPP information officer Khu-U Rae told AFP by
telephone.

He said the group was on high alert following the announcement of the
surrender and that rebel leaders were weighing their options.

"The KNPP will continue to carry out its armed resistance movement with
around 2,000 members," Khu-U Rae said.

The group confirmed it sent a delegation led by senior commander Kari Htoo
earlier this month to peace talks in Loikaw, but dismissed the number of
reported defections as an exaggeration.

It claimed instead that just 40 KNPP rebels were present at the ceremony,
while the rest were civil administration officers from Karenni villages or
villagers engaged in business with the junta.

Khu-U Rae conceded there were rumours that a split had emerged within the
group, with a minority supporting a peace deal with the junta.

Other senior KNPP leaders, including the group's secretary general Raymond
Htoo, were at a meeting on the remote Thai-Myanmar border Tuesday and
unavailable for comment.

Ethnic insurgencies have plagued border areas since Myanmar gained
independence from Britain in 1948. By the end of the 1990s, the junta had
signed ceasefire accords with 17 groups, leaving a handful still fighting
Yangon's rule.

Tens of thousands of villagers have been displaced as a result of the
conflicts, with many of them living in refugee camps on the Thai side of
the border

__REGIONAL ______

Malaysiakini
November 12 2002

Razali Defends Iris; Disappointed with Asean
By Yap Mun Ching/Kuala Lumpur

Despite criticism over his involvement in a company that does business
with the Burmese government, United Nations special envoy to Burma Razali
Ismail maintained that he is still qualified as facilitator in the Burmese
peace talks since he had never discussed business with the military
leaders.
In an exclusive interview with Malaysiakini last Friday, Razali explained
that Iris Technologies, a company in which he has a 30 percent stake, had
established a general interest in Burma even prior to his appointment as
special envoy.
"Iris’ interest in [Burma] happened before I became the special envoy but
it was a general interest," said Razail. "Then it developed into something
specific."
"I have never once spoken to the leaders in [Burma] about Iris," he said.
He claimed that opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself had no
problems with his involvement in Iris when he spoke to her about it.
"She has complete trust in my integrity," he said.
However, Razali was quick to add that regardless of whether he had the
trust of others, what mattered ultimately was whether he was confident
that he was right for the job.
"At the end of the day, you have to think if you are qualified or not. If
you are no longer qualified because of certain involvement, you should
step down. I think I am qualified."
Razali’s part ownership of Iris Technologies was first revealed last May
when a Rangoon-based newspaper reported a deal for the Malaysian company
to supply 5,000 electronic passports to the Burmese government.
In the ensuing controversy, the UN secretary-general’s office said it was
satisfied that there was no conflict of interest in Razali’s dual role,
and that his contract with the organization did not carry any restrictions
on business activities.
Disappointed with Asean
Meanwhile, Razali said the UN continues to approve of his efforts to push
forward the Burmese reconciliation process.
"Every six months they come and say please do it for another six months.
Basically, while some people raised their eyebrows, nobody wanted me to
actually drop this. In fact, I got another contract recently, without
asking," he said.
The UN envoy, however, expressed disappointment with Asean leaders for not
doing more to encourage progress in the Burmese talks.
"[The Eight Asean Summit in Phnom Penh] has just taken place. I do not
know how many leaders took the trouble to talk about this quietly," he
said.
Razali said that while respecting Asean’s principle of non-interference,
it is still possible for the individual leaders to express their views, in
a similar manner as Malaysian Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
"I think [Mahathir] has done a huge amount of work in trying to help the
UN and bring about a situation of national reconciliation in (Burma) at
the highest level...As far as the other Asean leaders are concerned, I am
somewhat surprised that they have not expended energy to that extent," he
said.
During a high-level official visit in August, Mahathir was said to have
urged Burma’s generals to engage in dialogue with opposition leader Aung
San Suu Kyi.
Sense in meeting
Initially expected to meet with Suu Kyi, Mahathir left Burma instead with
a message from the military government that it would only proceed with
change at its own pace.
Asked why the proposed meeting did not materialize, Razali declined to
provide any reasons but added that it made sense for the two leaders to
meet.
"I was told that Suu Kyi wanted to meet with [Mahathir] and [Mahathir]
also would have liked to meet with her...I think it would help the
government of [Burma] and Suu Kyi in their understanding and perspective
of the issues."
"I am surprised that they have not met. I do not want to speculate on why
[but]..I think it makes a lot of sense for them to meet," he said.
Razali is due to arrive in Rangoon today on his ninth visit to Burma since
his appointment as special envoy two years ago.
He is expected to revitalize the move towards a dialogue between the
military government and Suu Kyi, which had stalled after initial optimism
over the opposition leader’s release from house arrest in May.
In 1990, Suu Kyi and her National League of Democracy won a landslide
victory in democratic elections but this was not recognized by the
country’s military junta.
__________

Malaysiakini
November 12 2002

Interview with Razali Ismail: Part 2

During the second and final installation of UN special envoy to Burma
Razali Ismail’s exclusive interview with Yap Mun Ching from the Kuala
Lumpur-based Malaysiakini New Service, Razali defends his involvement with
Iris Technologies, speaks of his role as special envoy and his
disappointment with Asean in engaging Rangoon as well as issues of poverty
and abuse in Burma.
"So, all Asean countries, particularly the ones physically neighboring
Myanmar, have the right to make known their views and hope that there will
be peace, reconciliation and economic development
. Asean countries can
play the necessary role to bring about the evolution of political
structure in Myanmar."

Q: Were you already involved with Iris Technologies before you became UN
special envoy?
A: I joined Iris nearly four years ago. About two and a half years ago, I
became the UN envoy. Iris’ interest in Myanmar [Burma] happened before I
became the special envoy but it was a general interest. Then, it developed
into something specific. I have never once spoken to the leaders in
Myanmar about Iris.
Iris is a technology [company] that wins contracts by itself. Iris’
technology is the most obvious one to have because this is the way how
passports will go—electronically. I have never at any moment felt that
there was conflict of interest. Purists can say otherwise, as one
journalist did. So I asked him if he wanted me to resign. Would everybody
be happy if I resigned?
We seem to try to splash things up to so many parts. I have been in the
US, I have been to the UK and Europe, and the connections between business
and politics have always been there but you must be accountable. Here, in
the context of accountability, I have done nothing at all. There is not an
iota of conflict involved.
Q: So you don’t think it has affected your credibility?
A: No, I think the UN looked at it and thought there was nothing there. If
they didn’t like it, they could have stopped my contract. I would be quite
happy not to be special envoy, I have other things to do in my life. I was
sort of shanghaied to do this job. If they don’t think that I am the right
person to do it then they can always terminate the contract.
Q: Are they happy with what you are doing now?
A: Well, every six months they come and say please do it for another six
months. Basically while some people raised their eyebrows, nobody wanted
me to actually to drop this. In fact, I got another contract recently,
without asking.
Q: Will this silence your critics?
A: No, it will not silence them. There are always people who want to be
such purists. It is not so simple. Life is not so compartmentalized.
Q: You are a very busy businessman in addition to your UN work. If the
Myanmar parties and the UN want you to expand your role, would you have
the time?
A: There are a lot of things I want to do. I want to do some environmental
things. I want to do some farming, I want to grow trees. We should try to
do forest plantation. We should not cut trees anymore. Down the road, say
20 years from now, we should cut trees only from plantations. We should
already begin. It is already beginning in Sabah and Sarawak, and we should
do it here in the peninsula.
I also want to do better with the Yayasan Salam [state-owned Salam
Foundation] which wants to help in national integration and push the
concept of active citizenship. So, this has already taken a lot of my time
and I am beginning to feel like a fellow who is punched-drunk—you know,
running from pillar to post.
But Myanmar is like a magnet, it draws you in. It is not just the
political things but also the people, the rights of people to have a
chance to do better for themselves. And the personalities are very, very
interesting so if I can play a role then I will do it.
Q: Why were you picked as envoy? Could it be because of your position as
special advisor to Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad?
A: The [UN] secretary-general [Kofi Annan] has advisors to tell him who to
[choose] and I was picked. I don’t think it has any connection to my job
with the prime minister of Malaysia but I am sure they took into account
the relationship between Malaysia and Myanmar.
Q: When Asean embraced Myanmar, one of the reasons given was that the move
would open up dialogue with the military government. But there is little
visible effort to push for reconciliation talks between the junta and the
opposition.
A: How can you say that? The prime minister of Malaysia...
Q: But he is a Malaysian leader. What about Asean?
A: Here I am speaking as a Malaysian. I think Dr Mahathir has done a huge
amount of work in trying to help the UN and bring about a situation of
national reconciliation in Myanmar at the highest level. He continues to
have that concern and he also wants to get businesses [going] in Myanmar.
That would help Myanmar.
As far as the other Asean leaders are concerned, as a Malaysian or even as
a UN special envoy, I am somewhat surprised that they have not expended
energy to that extent.
Q: What kind of efforts do you expect?
A: In the case of Asean, while respecting the question of non-interference
strongly, it is still possible to express your view on a particular
situation. After all, we have common borders. There is mobility across
borders and people move from one side to the other and there is also
[migrant] laborers from Myanmar. There is also the fear of HIV spread, and
the fear of the movement of narcotics, whatever their place of origin. So,
all Asean countries, particularly the ones physically neighboring Myanmar,
have the right to make known their views and hope that there will be
peace, reconciliation and economic development.
As the prime minister says: ‘Prosper your neighbor’. This is the only
thing that will work. We don’t want a situation similar to what Western
Europe did to Eastern Europe during the Cold War—to try to starve and
bankrupt Eastern Europe.
To some extent they did succeed but the price they have to pay to rebuild
the economies is huge. So why don’t we do it this way? We help to develop
these countries as much as we can, not just Myanmar but also Laos and
Vietnam. In the context of constructive engagement, Asean countries can
play the necessary role to bring about the evolution of political
structure in Myanmar.
Q: Similar to what Mahathir is doing now?
A: Yes, without headlining and without trying to get kudos from it—just
quietly. The [8th Asean Summit in Phnom Penh] has just taken place. I do
not know how many leaders took the trouble to talk about this quietly.
Q: As the special advisor to Mahathir, are you required to brief him on
the Myanmar situation?
A: Yes, as much as possible. As often as the PM has the time, I brief and
talk to him on this and that about Myanmar. I also express my views over a
few other things. I think the honor is mine.
I have gained more from that designation than I have given to the PM so I
am very grateful for that. I am honest enough to realize that the PM has
done me a favor. I haven’t really helped him enough in advising him.
Q: It was said that Suu Kyi wanted to meet with Mahathir during his visit
to Myanmar in August. Subsequently, they did not meet. Do you know the
reason for it?
A: I was told that Suu Kyi wanted to meet with Dr Mahathir, and Dr
Mahathir also would have liked to meet with her. I am surprised that they
have not met.
I think it would help the government of Myanmar and Suu Kyi in their
understanding and their perspectives of the issues. I hope they meet. I do
not want to speculate why they did not meet, I have no right to do that. I
think it makes a lot of sense for them to meet.
Q: According to Human Rights Watch, the military has been involved in
persecuting Muslim minority groups. Malaysia is home to a sizeable
community of Muslim Rohingyas who say they face persecution.
A: I am aware of what has taken place and there are huge numbers of
internally displaced people. Some of them have come here. A solution must
be found eventually, if not sooner.
I think if there is political reconciliation, all these issues will begin
to be solved. If these Muslims from the Arakan area have citizenship, then
the government would have to accept that they are citizens. If they do not
have citizenship, then it is another matter. If they are citizens, all
rights of citizenship must be given to them.
Q: That is the disputed point.
A: In a better climate when there is national reconciliation, all these
things will have to be examined. But you can’t just plonk this out and
make this a red flag—that the military government is terrible. That is not
putting the whole picture there.
Various groups outside can always have their favorite flogging horse.
Everybody has that. Here too, maybe there are politicians who feel that as
Muslims, we have to help them. Maybe there are grounds for all this, but
please look at it in context.
Q: There are also reports from human rights groups alleging rape of Shan
women, use of child soldiers, slavery, ethnic and religious persecution.
A: I deal with the reconciliation process. These [other] matters are dealt
with by Dr Paulo Sergio Pinheiro who is the UN special envoy for human
rights.
However, they do impact on what I have to do. All the allegations must be
investigated. It would not be wise not to investigate them. One has to
know the truth. Sometimes things are said and they have their own
momentum.
I am not saying that these allegations are blown out of proportion but we
have to be very careful because these are very emotive things. Women being
raped and [persecution of] ethnic groups are terrible but one has to be
cool-headed about these things. It is also very easy to make allegations.
Q: So far you have met with Suu Kyi and the government separately. Any
chance for you to meet them together?
A: My role is that of a facilitator. I do not really mediate. That has
been an arrangement that has suited everybody given their sensitivities
and all that. Of course, the UN is prepared to consider all possibilities
if, for some reason or other, the UN has to do more and I am asked to be
more involved. If all parties agree, there is no problem.
Q: Do you see your role evolving to one of a mediator or do you see
yourself stepping out at some point?
A: One has to be very careful about this because the Myanmar parties are
very sensitive and very clear in their minds that they want to do it their
way. This is a homegrown process of national reconciliation and as far as
the UN is concerned and the international community is concerned, as long
as the results are there we have no right to say this or that.
If there is a need recognized by all parties that I should do more then,
of course, I would do it.
Q: You have said that you met with several ethnic minority group leaders.
Who are they are which groups do they represent?
A: They are the leaders of ethnic political parties that are considered
legal. They have an alliance called the [United Nationalities Alliance].
Q: Some exiles from Myanmar have said that the people are now at a
breaking point.
A: I think the events of 1988 are not something that one should
contemplate for the future. I think there must be other ways of doing
this. It is the right of the people to take to the streets if things are
desperate, but things are not that desperate.
If you look at Suu Kyi’s philosophy, she does not want any of those
things. She wants to persuade the government that it is in everybody’s
interest, including the military government to evolve into a situation
where there is national reconciliation and a proper government.
Q: What about news that people are starving?
A: People are undernourished and people are poor in certain areas. They
need infrastructure development. They need power, their lights are
sometimes shut off. There is no reason why 50 million people in Myanmar
should live like that. Myanmar is not in some remote corner of the world.
Myanmar is part and parcel of Asean, a burgeoning area of growth. The
people in Myanmar should benefit like other people in Asean, so it is not
acceptable.

____INTERNATIONAL_____

Sacramento Bee
November 12 2002

Burmese activist builds global support
By Priyanka Sharma-Sindhar

The former UCD student works out of a tiny Berkeley office to try to rid
his country of military rule.
BERKELEY -- On an average day, Zar Ni gets into work by 5 a.m. Like many
others, he works 12-hour days, spending a lot of time on the computer and
the phone. Unlike many others, he devotes his time to ridding his homeland
-- Myanmar, formerly known as Burma -- of military rule.

Ni, 39, who now goes by the one-word name "Zarni," is the founder of the
Free Burma Coalition, the highest-profile Burmese activist organization on
the globe.

The movement -- inspired by the push to end apartheid in South Africa --
is rooted in putting economic pressure on Myanmar's military commanders.

"We're a totally nonviolent movement," said Zarni, who left his country 14
years ago to attend the University of California, Davis, and now works out
of a tiny office in Berkeley. "We're not training our people to blow
themselves up."

His days as a student activist continued at the University of Wisconsin,
where he enrolled in a doctorate program in education.

Zarni created the Free Burma Coalition in 1995. The network connects
supporters on college campuses via e-mail. Today, the network extends to
28 countries, and has chapters at nearly 50 college campuses in the United
States.

"Internationally . . . every activist interested in Burma knows Zarni and
the Free Burma Coalition," said Maung Maung Oo, a visiting scholar at UC
Berkeley's journalism school. Oo is a journalist with Irrawaddy, a
magazine published by Burmese exiles along the Thai-Burma border.

Renamed Myanmar by its military rulers, Burma is a country of 42 million
people in Southeast Asia. Slightly smaller than Texas, it shares borders
with China, India and Thailand, and for brief stretches, with Bangladesh
and Laos.

It was ruled by the British through the 19th and early 20th centuries --
and for a brief period during World War II by the Japanese -- before it
fell into British hands again. Burma finally attained independence in
1948.

But, with warring ethnic groups and a weak socialist democracy, the nation
remained politically unsettled. In 1962, Gen. Ne Win overthrew the
democratically elected prime minister, U Nu, and seized power.

Since then, Myanmar has been ruled by a military regime. Rebellions have
occurred sporadically -- only to be subdued.

The most forceful uprisings took place in 1988, led by student activists.
The ruling military junta sent in the army and many protesters died in the
ensuing violence.

Two years later, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for
Democracy swept parliamentary elections, but the transition to democracy
has yet to take place.

With an army that's accused of drafting boys into military service,
forcing villagers into heavy labor and raping women, the country has a
dismal human rights record, according to Human Rights Watch. Dissenters
and religious and ethnic minorities are persecuted, the nonprofit group
says.

Jack Healey, head of the Washington D.C.-based Human Rights Action Center
and former executive director of Amnesty International USA, said efforts
to improve conditions within the country, including sanctions by the U.S.
government, have largely failed.

"There isn't all that much movement. I don't know if that's because nobody
knows where Burma is, or no one cares about Asia, or if it's 9/11," said
Healey.

Yet, he and others do credit activists here with keeping the issue alive.
Kyaw Paw U, a professor at UC Davis and an American of Burmese origin,
said, "The movement is so suppressed under the military regime that any
amount of help that comes from here is important."

Human rights groups and the Free Burma Coalition scored their biggest
victory with its efforts to get PepsiCo Inc. to withdraw from Myanmar five
years ago. The coalition launched a boycott against Pepsi products on
local and international campuses. It also reached out to labor groups,
women's groups, and church groups. In 1997, Pepsi ceased operations in
Burma.

"Pepsi was not the only company we were boycotting, but it became our
poster boy, because it was a global company," said Zarni.

The coalition went on to lobby state and federal agencies and corporate
shareholders to disengage from companies that had business interests in
Myanmar. That ended when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 2000 that states
could not use their purchasing power to influence companies in business
with countries known for human rights violations -- if the federal
government had already established a foreign policy for those countries.

The U.S. government has sanctions in place against Myanmar, which include
an arms embargo and a ban on investment and direct assistance to the
regime.

The activists continue to pressure companies to pull out of Myanmar and
claim 70 successes, such as the hotel chain Best Western International
Inc. and clothing retailer J.Crew. According to the U.S. Commerce
Department, in 2000 there was a $454 million deficit in U.S. trade with
Myanmar, and in 2001, a $458 million deficit.

El Segundo-based Unocal Corp., which has a stake in a $1.2 billion natural
gas project, is the last prominent American company in Myanmar.

Six years ago, villagers in Myanmar filed a suit against Unocal seeking
damages for human rights abuses, such as forced labor and rape, committed
by soldiers during the pipeline's construction. In September,the 9th U.S.
Circuit Court of Appeals reversed an earlier federal court decision and
said the oil giant could be held liable for any violations and must now
stand trial.

A Unocal spokesman has said the company has no knowledge and is not
responsible for any human rights abuses that may have occurred.