BurmaNet News: December 13 2002

[editor at burmanet.org]

December 13 2002 Issue # 2139

INSIDE BURMA

BBC: Aung San Suu Kyi talks to the world
Economist: Ne Win

DRUGS

AFP: Thailand, Myanmar hold joint anti-narcotics meeting
SHAN: Opium tax for army levied
SHAN: Speed precursors coming from outside Burma a lame excuse, retorts
Shan exile

MONEY

Bangkok Post: MDX plans dam on Salween
Xinhua: Myanmar exports more marine products in first 8 months

INTERNATIONAL

Augusta Chronicle: UGA students urge release of alumnus

ON THE BORDER

Bangkok Post: Burma revives claims of Thai support for rebels
Nation: Soldier killed in shootout with Wa
Bangkok Post: Rights group says more proof needed for probe go-ahead

STATEMENTS/OTHER

Korea Herald: Migrant worker indie rock band: Eureka
Irrawaddy: Aiding Burma


INSIDE BURMA

British Broadcasting Corporation December 13 2002

Aung San Suu Kyi talks to the world
By Lyse Doucet

She is a Nobel Peace Prize winner, a symbol of her nation's hopes, a woman
who has spent most of the past 15 years under arrest in her house.
But for a little more than a hour this week, Aung San Suu Kyi was a voice
at the end of our telephone line to Rangoon - a voice so powerful, yet so
calm.
This was Talking Point with a difference: Aung San Suu Kyi seemed to be
dispensing advice to the world.
There was no mistaking her precise diction, that soft distinctive lilt.
"I can only give you 20 to 30 minutes," she cautioned in a most gracious way.
That would leave us with half a programme. We all worried whether the
telephone line would also fail.
Either the connection to Burma would go down or the military authorities
would make sure it did.
Advice
But, somehow, I believed that once Aung San Suu Kyi began to hear from
people around the world, she would not leave us.
And she did not. Maybe it was because many did not just call or e-mail, as
they do for our guests every week, to seek her opinion or to challenge
her.
They wanted her to tell them what to do.
Jeremy in London asked whether he should travel to Burma - Myanmar as it
is known - over the holiday period.
Neil Roberts e-mailed from Hanoi to ask if it was OK to apply for a
teaching job in Rangoon.
Almost everyone who called began by expressing admiration for her and her
long struggle for democracy in Burma.
Frustration
In our post-11 September world, when so much of our political coverage
uses words like militancy, violence and protest, Aung San Suu Kyi's
language was noticeably different.
She told Barbara, who e-mailed from Sri Lanka, that violence sometimes
seemed to win in the short run but in the long run it would only destroy
more than it created.
Political dialogue with the military government was the priority -
everything else had to wait including tourism and investment.
Even crackling telephone lines could not hide the sadness and frustration
from exiles far away.
"We hoped good news would be on the way," said Tin Htun a Burmese national
living in the United States. "But there is nothing, only hope."
Aung San Suu Kyi offered nothing specific except glimpses of her
commitment and her calm certitude that change would come - in its own
time.
Thanks
For many callers, there was clearly magic in just speaking to her. Ahmad
Nasir barely managed to express his excitement that he in the Maldives
could speak to Aung San Suu Kyi in Rangoon.
In the end, I realised this was Aung San Suu Kyi's present to us for the
70th birthday of the BBC World Service.
She reminded us of what we have long tried to do - give people a chance to
speak and to speak to each other.
That day, all of us at talking point felt touched by the power of that
thought and that voice down our telephone line.
Before we said goodbye, I also thanked the Burmese generals who may have
been listening in.
_____

Economist December 13 2002

Ne Win

IN THE winter of 1960, Ne Win, then prime minister of Burma, visited China
to sign a treaty of friendship. He felt instantly comfortable with the
Chinese, partly perhaps because of a blood tie through a distant ancestor,
but mostly because of the welcome he received from Zhou Enlai, the Chinese
prime minister, who had the gift of charm, rare in China at that time. "We
are almost brothers," Zhou told him amid embraces. More importantly, Zhou
seemed to dispense power effortlessly. His wishes seemed to be obeyed
without question, with military-style thoroughness. He had only one master
to consult, Chairman Mao Zedong. On his way home Mr Ne Win contrasted the
system in China with that in Burma. He was irked by the tedium of the
democratic ways of his country since it had been granted independence by
Britain in 1948. He was primarily a military man, holding the job of army
chief in addition to civilian duties. Why, he reasoned, could he not run
the country in the efficient, no-nonsense way he had witnessed in China?
Mr Ne Win liked to watch, and watch again, a newsreel that had been taken
of his meeting with Zhou. In 1962, he struck, leading an army coup that
dismissed parliament, scrapped the constitution and jailed most government
ministers. He adopted the title "chairman". Only one party, Mr Ne Win's,
was allowed. When university students objected he blew up their lodgings.
All land, industry and commerce were taken over by the state, as they had
been in China. Dance halls were closed, gambling was forbidden. Foreigners
were expelled, tourism was abolished. No high-rise building was allowed;
no neon signs, even for Coca-Cola. Burma became one of the most difficult
countries in the world to enter. Mr Ne Win's one-man rule, during which
the modern world was locked out, was to last for 26 years. These foolish
acts

The modern world was not too bothered about being excluded. Burma was not
seen as strategically important, as Vietnam and Korea were. U Thant, the
secretary-general of the United Nations from 1961 to 1971, was for many
people the "decent" Burma, whatever was happening inside the country. Nor,
it should be said, was Burma an easy country to govern. For years before
Mr Ne Win came to power some ethnic areas had been in rebellion against
the central government. However, his policy of state control, isolation
and repression made things worse. Ethnic groups became bolder. Opium
chiefs expanded their fiefs and corrupted the soldiers sent to close them
down. Burma had been the world's largest exporter of rice, but by 1973
could hardly provide enough for its own needs. Income per person fell from
$670 a year in 1960 to $200 in 1989. Despite having good farmland, high
quality timber such as teak and minerals including oil, Burma was rated
one of the world's poorest countries.

Mr Ne Win was not a fool. He was of middle-class stock and briefly
attended university. But he was foolishly in the thrall of obsolescent
ideologies, the communism of China, a country he visited a dozen times,
and the former fascism of Japan. During the second world war he had been
recruited by Japan to fight against the British in Burma, and became one
of the leaders of a Japanese-run "independent" Burma, along with Aung San,
the father of the country's present democratic leader, Aung San Suu Kyi.
Both men joined the British towards the end of the war when the Japanese
were in retreat. Aung San was murdered in 1947. Miss Suu Kyi says in her
book about her father that he had planned to devote his life to "his
family and writing". Mr Ne Win, though, was committed to power. When he
became dictator his slogan was, "One blood, one voice, one command". As
dictators do, he adopted a new name. Ne Win means "brilliant as the sun".
His real name, Shu Maung, means "apple of my eye".

Those who did penetrate the lost land of Burma emerged with a rare lot of
travellers' tales. Astrologers advised the dictator that nine was his
lucky number, and he decreed that only currency notes divisible by nine
were of value. All others were declared worthless. He was said to have
married nine times, although some reports said only seven. He liked to
dress up to look like the ancient kings of Burma. He bathed in dolphin's
blood, believing it kept him youthful. He was obsessional about English
and fined editors whose newspapers had spelling mistakes.

In 1988 Mr Ne Win announced his retirement. A group of generals took over
the dictatorship and marked the change by calling the country Myanmar, a
traditional name. A surprisingly free general election was won by Miss Suu
Kyi's democrats in 1990, but the result was not honoured. It was assumed
that Mr Ne Win continued to be consulted by the generals into old age. But
his power seemed finally to have withered this year when some members of
his family were accused, on little published evidence, of plotting a coup.
His last public appearance was at a lunch he gave to Buddhist monks, 99 of
them. He died, apparently peacefully, in his villa on the palm-fringed
shore of Lake Inya, not far from Miss Suu Kyi's own house. Whatever the
power of numbers may be, he could count himself pretty lucky.

DRUGS
Agence France-Presse December 13 2002

Thailand, Myanmar hold joint anti-narcotics meeting

Senior Thai and Myanmar officials on Friday opened a bilateral
anti-narcotics meeting aimed at improving cooperation in the fight against
drugs.

The two-day meeting in this northern Thai city is chaired by Thailand's
Office of Narcotics Control Board (ONCB) secretary general Kitti
Limchaikit and attended by some 60 top law enforcement officials.
Myanmar's 16-member delegation is led by Police Major General Khin Yi,
national police chief and secretary of the Central Committee for Drug
Abuse Control (CCDAC).

"The two-day meeting will centre on matters relating to joint efforts in
law enforcement and supression of drug trafficking in the border area,"
said an ONCB official.

"The meeting is to continue discussions held during the previous joint
drug law enforcement cooperation seminar in Yangon early this year," he
told AFP.

In the past the two countries had traded accusations that the other
supports ethnic armies accused of involvement in the drugs trafficking
business.

Thai army officials angered Myanmar recently by predicting that a record
one billion "speed" pills would be trafficked into Thailand in 2003 from
dozens of Myanmar drug factories along the border.

The border drugs trade, which Thai and US authorities say is masterminded
by the Yangon-allied United Wa State Army (UWSA), is a perennial irritant
to relations between Thailand and Myanmar.

The troublesome issue flared again this week with the death of a Thai
soldier in a shootout in northern Chiang Mai province with ethnic Wa drug
traffickers, Thai army officials said Friday.

Three Wa traffickers were killed and one was wounded and captured in the
clash, where Thai forces also seized 36,000 amphetamine pills, they said.

While the opium crop in Myanmar is decreasing, methamphetamine production
is increasing fast and fuelling a massive addiction crisis in Thailand.
_______

Shan Herald Agency for News December 13 2002

Opium tax for army levied

Local militia units have been collecting tax on the newly harvested opium
in an eastern Shan State township opposite Chiangmai since late last
month, according to reliable sources.

The three Lahu militia leaders in Mongton Township: Tin Win of Pangsak;
Pikoy, his deputy and Jalaw of Mongkarng were met by Captain Han Sein,
Commander, Company 1, Infantry Battalion 65, on 23 November at Hwe 
Nawngsak, about 40 miles from the border, to receive the assignment, they
said.

The three were ordered to collect a minimum of 65 joy (1 joy = 1.6 kg) of
opium between them: Tin Win, 24 joy (west of the Mongton-Thai border
road); Pikoy, 16 joy (east of the road) and Jalaw, 25 joy (north of the
Tasarng-Mongton-Monghsat road).

In addition, they were appointed as official buying agents for the army,
purchasing as many joy as possible at the rate of 6,000-8,000 baht per
joy. "You can draw as much cash as you need from Chao Ching (a.k.a. Chaw
Ching)," he was quoted to have said.

According to all the sources, IB 65, among the 4 permanent battalions in
Mongton, handles all drug business in the township, in cooperation with
the United Wa State Army's 171st Brigade commanded by Wai Hsuehying,
younger brother of Wei Hsuehkang: Li Hsien, 56, heads the production
division and Chao Ching, 50, acts as sales manager while Captain Han Sein,
49, is responsible for security.

Han Sein arrived in Mongton in 1981 as a lance-corporal. Distinguishing 
himself in the campaigns against the Lahu resistance, he rose steadily 
until 1996, when he was promoted to the present rank. He is married to a
local Shan woman, Nang Mon of Hpakhae Village near Mongton, and has two
children, 1 boy and 1 girl. (Some reports say the two were from Nang Mon's
previous marriage with an ethnic Chinese trader, Lao Yang.)

"He enjoys excellent relationship with both the local populace and the 
business sector," said a source. "Many villagers who were arrested on 
minor, or sometimes even major, charges were often released through his 
intercessions."

According to sources close to Han Sein, it is difficult for Burmese units
to be free from "unsavory practices" to maintain themselves, when Rangoon
authorities is expecting them to survive on their own. "So, in the end,
they have only two choices: to live by their wits or to live off the
land," said one.
__________

Shan Herald Agency for News December 13 2002

Speed precursors coming from outside Burma a lame excuse, retorts Shan exile

In response to Foreign Minister Win Aung's claim that although
amphetamines were produced in Burma, the precursor chemicals were made in
India, Thailand and China, a prominent Shan expatriate in Chiangmai said
it was a much worn-out justification for Rangoon's involvement in drugs.
"While no one argues that precursors are coming from outside Burma, we 
should also stop a while to figure out why there are so many drug 
refineries in Burma but very few in its neighboring countries," responded
Liang Parng, a social worker for Shan refugees in Chiangmai. "My bet is
that we will eventually come to the conclusion that it is an economic
necessity there."

Liang Parng had also spoken in the same vein at the seminar on Wa, held in
Chiangmai on 30 November. A participant, who requested anonymity, from
Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University told S.H.A.N. and a few selected NGO
workers later that he saw no way out for Bangkok and Rangoon in the event
that they chose to go tough on each other.

"While the Thais know who, among the Burmese and Wa top officials, are 
involved, the latter is also aware who among the Thais are involved," he
said. "It would certainly end up as a disaster for both sides if they
decide to expose one another."

"That explains why (Prime Minister) Thaksin is suddenly walking
soft-footed on drugs, after a year of talking tough," quipped an NGO
worker.

A two-day meeting on drugs is being held today at Chiangmai's Mae Ping
Hotel. Burma's new police chief, Brig Gen Khin Yi, was reported to be
among the participants.

His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej, while delivering his annual birthday
eve address on 4 December, had called for a nationwide war on drugs.

MONEY

Bangkok Post December 13 2002

MDX plans dam on Salween
By Yuthana Praiwan

MDX Plc, a local major construction group, is set to sign a memorandum of
understanding with Rangoon for the construction of a 3,600-megawatt
hydro-power dam on the Salween River.

Sitthiporn Ratanopas, governor of the Electricity Generating Authority of
Thailand, said the signing would take place on Dec 20.

The firm would develop the project in the upper part of the Salween River.
The project is being developed separately from those of Egat.

GMS Power, a subsidiary of MDX, has been conducting studies on the project
since 1997.

MDX has also won deals with Rangoon to build a coal mine in a Burmese town
opposite Prachuap Khiri Khan, a port project in Tavoy and a Mae
Sot-Rangoon road project.

The company also has construction projects for dams in China and Laos.

MDX's shares have been suspended and are in the rehabilitation sector of
the Stock Exchange of Thailand.

A 1991 survey by Energy and Power Development Corporation, a Japanese
government-owned generating firm, identified six potential sites along the
Salween River in 1991 for hydro-power projects.

MDX has expressed interest in developing one site and has signed an
initial agreement with Rangoon while Egat has focused attention on another
two sites for possible dam construction.

The other three sites had attracted little attention from developers.

The project to be developed by MDX is located at Tasang, in Shan state,
Burma. Although the site is not in Thai territory, electricity
transmission cables could be linked. MDX executives declined to give
details of the project. However, it is expected the dam construction would
require a total investment of at least US$3.6 billion.

A source at Egat said the two dams the authority was interested in
constructing would have power generation capacity of 4,540 and 792
megawatts, respectively.

The project site is opposite Mae Sariang district in Mae Hong Son
province. Egat has already submitted the project for the two dams to the
cabinet for consideration.

The government was considering whether the project should be implemented
by Egat or private companies. The project also depended on negotiations
with the governments of the two neighbouring countries.

The study by the Japanese firm showed the 4,540-megawatt dam is expected
to be around 570 metres long and 168 metres high. The dam, if completely
built, could result in a flooded area of 21,400 rai, compared with 150,000
rai flooded by the Sirikit and Bhumibol dams in Thailand.

The project to be developed by Egat is expected to require total
investment of between $5 billion and 5.6 billion.

Mr Sitthiporn said the plant on the Salween River could begin supplying
power to Thailand in 2009.

Its generation cost would be the lowest in Asia at 90 satang per unit
compared with 1.80 to two baht per unit for petroleum and coal-fired power
plants.
______

Xinhua News Agency December 13 2002

Myanmar exports more marine products in first 8 months

Myanmar exported 82,600 tons of fish and prawn in the first eight months
of 2002, a 108.5-percent increase from the same period of 2001, the
government's Fisheries Department said in its latest figures.

Of the total, fish export accounted for 70,800 tons or 85.7 percent, while
prawn took up the rest. Export earning through the export of these marine
products totaled 95 million US dollars during the eight-month period,
making up 4.7 percent of the country's total export earning.

In 2001, Myanmar yielded 1.37 million tons of fish and prawn, of which
61,000 tons were exported, mainly to China and Singapore.

It is reported that there are 120 seafood processing plants in Myanmar, of
which 25 are being upgraded to international standard to boost the export.

Myanmar is rich in fishery resources and the fishery sector is the third
mainstay of its economy after agriculture and forestry, contributing 7.3
percent to its gross domestic product and standing as the third largest
foreign exchange earner.

According to official statistics, since Myanmar opened to foreign
investment in late 1988, such contracted foreign investment in the fishery
sector has so far reached 197 million dollars.

INTERNATIONAL

Augusta Chronicle December 13 2002

UGA students urge release of alumnus

University of Georgia students are calling for the release of an alumnus
arrested in Myanmar for demanding political reform.
Students signed a resolution and sent letters to their legislators urging
them to work for the release of Salai Tun Than, a 1955 Georgia graduate.
Mr. Tun Than, a retired professor who earned his master's degree in
agronomy from Georgia, was arrested Nov. 29, 2001, for handing out
pro-democracy fliers and staging a solo protest in front of the city hall
in the capital of Yangon.
He also read a speech calling for freedom and an end to 40 years of
military rule, according to a release from the Free Burma Coalition. He
was arrested and sentenced to seven years in prison.

ON THE BORDER

Bangkok Post December 13 2002

Burma revives claims of Thai support for rebels
By Subin Khuenkaew

Burma's Township Border Committee chairman Lt-Col Aye Saw has accused
Thailand of supporting the anti-Rangoon Shan State Army, saying the rebels
now have military bases on Thai soil.

Lt-Col Aye Saw surprised his Thai counterpart, Col Apichart Meesomonmade,
with the allegation during a meeting in Chiang Saen district yesterday.
Calling the SSA a group of terrorists, Lt-Col Aye Saw said the Shan rebels
had their stronghold at Doi Tai Laeng, opposite Mae Hong Son's Pang Ma Pha
district; a base at Muang Na, opposite Chiang Mai's Chiang Dao district,
and another base near Koh Wan, opposite Chiang Rai's Mae Fa Luang
district.

All were located inside Thailand, he said.

Col Apichart denied the allegation, saying the military had never given
the SSA support.

He also denied that Thai soldiers deployed at the disputed Doi Lang area,
in Chiang Mai's Mae Ai district, had established outposts on Burmese
territory.
______

Nation December 13 2002

Soldier killed in shootout with Wa
By Wiwatchai Somkam

Military intelligence officers predicted there would be more clashes
between drug traffickers and Thai soldiers following a fierce gunfight
between a Thai patrol and a Wa drug caravan on the northern border that
left one Thai trooper and three infiltrators dead.

Wa-affiliated operatives have stationed themselves in Thai border villages
to facilitate more shipments, the sources said. Army private Kamla Kotarak
was blown up and three soldiers from the Chiang Mai-based Pha Muang Task
Force were seriously wounded when a trafficker tossed two hand grenades at
the unit during last night's shootout.

Thai soldiers shot dead three of the four men smuggling 36,6000
methamphetamine pills from a nearby lab on the Burmese side. The 30-minute
exchange took place near Ban Pong Hai village in Chiang Rai's Mae Fa Luang
sub-district.

Military officers said the traffickers were linked to the 171st brigade of
the pro-Rangoon United Wa State Army.

The brigade is under the command of Wei Hsue-kang, a convicted heroin
trafficker wanted by the United States with a US$2 million (Bt86 million)
bounty on his head.

UWSA chairman Bao Yu-xiang told The Nation in an interview at his
Panghsang headquarters that his troops are not involv-ed in
methamphetamine production and that Wa-controlled areas will be opium-free
by 2005.
_______

Bangkok Post December 13 2002

Rights group says more proof needed for probe go-ahead
By Anucha Charoenpo

A Bangkok-based regional human rights organisation says it is willing to
take up the case of a Burmese rebel leader said to have been executed by
the Thai army, but more evidence is needed.

Asia Forum coordinator Chalida Phacharoensuk said if the statement of the
Vigorous Burmese Student Warriors (VBSW) was true, the army had violated
the human rights of Kyaw Ni. Better known as Johnny, Kyaw Ni took part in
the October 1999 seizure of the Burmese embassy in Bangkok.

A VBSW statement on Wednesday claimed he had been lured to a meeting along
the border by the Karen National Union (KNU), captured by Thai soldiers
and later executed.

The army has denied the allegation.

Mrs Chalida said if the rebel group could provide solid evidence Johnny
was killed by Thai soldiers, Asia Forum would be willing to take up the
case.

At this stage it is just the rebel group's claim. To make this case clear
the group should directly send more reliable information and evidence to
my organisation,'' she said. Asia Forum had no authority to ask the army
for clarification, but she could ask the National Human Rights Commission
to help investigate.

Prasert Luengaramvej, a Thai hostage during the embassy siege who acted as
a go-between with the authorities, said if the allegation was true he felt
sorry for Johnny, who had died for his political ideals''.

Mr Prasert, 44, said he had not kept track of Johnny or the student group.

Although Johnny was not friendly to me and the other hostages, he was good
enough not to harm or kill all of us,'' he said.

STATEMENTS/OTHER

Korea Herald December 13 2002

Migrant worker indie rock band:Eureka
By Chun Min-sung

 Wipe out your tears, never give up/ To make our dreams come true/ Don't
count those we already lost/ Keep walking the road to dreams/ Put aside
our longing for families/ Let's work hard/ Though sweat covers us from
forehead to toes/ I believe bright days will come after darkness. ("Road
to Dreams," Migrant Workers' Music Project - "What Is Life")This Sunday,
at 7:30 p.m., Eureka, an independent rock band composed of migrant
workers, will hold its debut concert at Baram, Ssamzie Space Hall, in
Sincheon.

The band, composed of seven Myanmar citizens, will sing about the hearts
of migrant workers in Korea. Currently working in furniture, dye and paper
box factories on the outskirts of Seoul, the members of the group have
been practicing music on Sundays, their only day-off. "It has been very
hard to work and sing both. I wanted to rest on Sundays like others,
watching television, reading books, or taking a nap. But my heart wants
music so dearly," said San Naing, the base guitarist and leader of the
band, during last Sunday's press conference in Sincheon. Even though the
rock band has performed on various occasions since its organization in
1998, they could not write their own music mostly due to members' unstable
positions as illegal workers in Korea. However, last year the group met
Park Kyung-ju, a film and video artist. They began participating in her
music project, and the band was finally able to write and compose their
own songs for a CD. Park, who had studied and worked as a migrant worker
in Germany, has devoted herself to the issue of migrant workers for four
years and launched her music project last year. The producer and artist
said, "The purpose of the project is to provide migrant workers with
opportunities to participate in producing their own music." "We often
think that migrant workers are people to be protected and undertake
various projects 'for them.' But they also have cultural aspirations just
like us," she added. Park's music project includes production of a music
CD and a music video. The CD will be released on the day of concert, and
all together has eight songs written by migrant workers in Korea. The
songs, written in both Korean and English, were composed by professional
musicians. Eureka wrote and composed three songs, "Hope," "To My Mother"
and "Road to Dreams." The CD also has two experimental songs written by
migrant workers from Thailand and China. The music video produced by Park
features Eureka singing the title song "What Is Life." The song was
written by a Nigerian worker and composed by a Korean musician. Throughout
last summer, the future of Park's music project seemed gloomy when there
were mass raids by police on illegal migrant workers in Korea. The rock
band had to repeatedly stop and resume their practice sessions. Amid heavy
physical labor in the factory and being far away from their families, the
members of Eureka found music as a source of their strength. Soe Moe Thu
said of music, "To have good memories while in Korea, I tried music." The
guitarist, who also wrote and composed songs for the CD, said, "I saw my
mother was in difficult situation while I was a freshman in college. I
decided to quit school and move to Korea to earn money. I have sent my
monthly payments to Myanmar," he said. "My two younger sisters could
finish college. They call me 'father,'" the 27-year-old musician said as
he beamed with pride. Korea, with its short history of migrant workers,
already has more than 300,000 migrant workers at present. "However, Korea
has failed to embrace their cultures. The existence of migrant workers has
great cultural potential for Koreans. I would like people to recognize
this project as the first attempt to embrace the peripheral cultures of
migrant workers and bring them into the mainstream," the project artist
said.

When asked about the name of the band, Soe Moe Thu whispered, "I found it
on the boxes that I was working on. I looked it up later in dictionary and
learned that the word has a nice meaning." Eureka's concert this Sunday
will certainly be a "Eureka!" not only for the audience but also to many
future audiences including migrant workers in Korea, who can discover the
true meaning of singing. Tickets are 8,000 won in advance and 10,000 won
at the door. Visit Ssamzi Net (www.ssamnet.com), or Nanum
(www.lcnet.org/nanum) for details. For more information call 02-338-4236
or visit the Ssamzie Space Hall Web site at (www.ssamziespace.co.kr)
________

Irrawaddy December 13 2002

Aiding Burma

Since her release in May this year, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has
become more pragmatic in dealing with Burma’s medieval generals as well as
in her outlook on the country’s problems.
Immediately after being freed, Suu Kyi was confronted by the humanitarian
crisis wracking the country and its citizens. She did not deny the
enormity of existing problems, and quickly affirmed that as long as aid
reaches people in need, she has no objections. But she also called for
transparency, accountability and independent monitoring of assistance
given to Burma.
Suu Kyi has made several trips upcountry and has been saddened by poverty
and the widespread suffering of Burma’s people. According to aides and aid
agencies, Suu Kyi believes urgent assistance is needed for HIV prevention
and care for those already infected with the disease.
In response to all humanitarian crises, the generals have been mute. UN
agencies in Rangoon, however, have voiced concern at the country’s
deteriorating social conditions and have called for action.
Burma’s deepening humanitarian crisis, particularly the issue of HIV/AIDS,
has been the focus of recent Burma-related conferences and seminars
worldwide. The issue has created divisions and heated debate among
Burmese, foreign NGOs and junta officials.
But this sense of urgency in Burma is not unique to the present day.
Sadly, the need for humanitarian assistance in isolated Burma has been
ignored for decades. Even under Gen Ne Win in the 1960s and 1970s, many of
Burma’s ethnic regions were in desperate need of aid. The social and
economic mismanagement by successive homegrown dictators in Burma has only
deepened humanitarian problems plaguing the country.
Administering financial aid with the necessary political will is vital.
Aid and technical assistance to Burma in the 1970s and 1980s was
squandered by avaricious and inept officials. When Burma committed to join
the US-led war on drugs in the 1970s, they received Bell helicopters and
M1 automatic rifles from US authorities. But instead of using the American
weaponry to fight against the drug lords—who later became Burma’s
"national leaders"—the military offensive hit at ethnic rebels.
Only in recent years have phrases such as "humanitarian crisis" been put
to use in Burma, only to be exploited by groups with vested interests
inside and outside the country.
A few years ago, senior government officials from Southeast Asia, Europe
and the US held a meeting with representatives from the UN and the World
Bank at Chilston Park in London. They agreed to offer an aid-for-reform
plan to the junta, but Burma’s leaders showed little interest and refused
to make any worthwhile concessions. Foreign Minister Win Aung responded:
"For us, giving a banana to the monkey and then asking it to dance is not
the way. We are not monkeys."
While Burma’s nationalist officials didn’t appreciate the aid package and
knocked back the reform plan, we should not lose sight of the matter that
aid alone won’t solve Burma’s problems.
Above all, aid should not create more problems and conflicts, but must
help shape structural and institutional reform.
Donors and aid agencies will inevitably encounter stubborn resistance from
Burma’s unyielding political forces. In the delivery process, these forces
will muddle and interfere.
Importantly, economic reform requires political will. Today, the top
generals seek advice from yes-men, bureaucrats and businessmen with
interests in jade and the opium trade. Leaders in Burma who believe the
free market enjoys special privileges will not want to be lectured on
banking reform, removing obstacles to economic growth and an enhanced role
for the private sector. Even if aid is delivered, we doubt whether Burma’s
rulers have the capacity to handle it.
Thus, it is imperative not to put the cart before the horse.
First of all, an in-depth analysis of Burma’s economic and social problems
is in order to design broad-based humanitarian policies for
implementation.
If conservative political forces in Burma are prepared to make way for
structural and institutional reform, economic and technical aid may bring
some benefits, but not before the Burmese people can be guaranteed a
democratic future. Otherwise, aid will become collateral damage in Burma’s
humanitarian crisis, and we are certain that Burmese people will be unable
to cope with this extra burden.