BurmaNet News: February 25 2003

[editor at burmanet.org]

February 25 2003 Issue #2183

INSIDE BURMA

Asia Times Online: Myanmar: Real reform or a nervous junta?
Myanmar Times: Foiled lot prompts plea to members of political parties

DRUGS

Straits Times: Myanmar’s opium farmers hit by govt clampdown
DVB: Drugs on the Thai-Burma border
Irrawaddy: Opposition: Sincerity over Third Party

MONEY

Irrawaddy: Bad moon rising?

INTERNATIONAL

DVB: Mr. Razali’s trip to Burma postponed

REGIONAL

Narinjara: Burma-Bangladesh border trade resumes
Asia Times Online: Guangxi, Yunnan improving links with ASEAN

MISCELLANEOUS

Asia Society and OSI: Trading Women
V&L, LLC: Job Announcement


INSIDE BURMA

Asia Times Online February 25 2003

Myanmar: Real reform or a nervous junta?
By Alan Boyd

SYDNEY - The military regime in Myanmar, prodded by close ally China and
fears of a social backlash from a crippled economy, may be preparing to
come in from the cold. The reclusive junta has sent out a series of
diplomatic signals in recent weeks that appear to offer democratic reforms
in exchange for the lifting of economic sanctions that are draining off
badly needed foreign investment.

In its latest statement, issued in Yangon late last week, the junta
offered to open a dialogue with the United States on "making the
transition to a stable democracy".

"The government invites the US to join us in open constructive dialogue
toward humanitarian, economic and political development," an official
spokesman said.

According to the US State Department, no formal approach had been made as
of Friday. However, some European diplomats believe change may be in the
air, pointing to a more conciliatory tone in the junta's stream of
anti-Western vitriol.

How far the junta might be willing to bend is not clear, as Washington and
its allies are unlikely to accept anything less than an end to the
military's harsh three-decade hold on power. But the message coming out of
Yangon is that it wants a tradeoff: some form of power-sharing agreement
in return for the acceptance of Myanmar back into the global community.

"We have seen this pattern before of deflecting international censure by
means of limited concessions that can easily be rolled back once attention
has shifted somewhere else," said a European envoy. "What we do detect is
an erosion of their comfort zone, and this is probably an economic
reaction. The sanctions are hurting, and [the generals] evidently don't
know which way to turn".

Imposed by the European Union and the United States in 1996, the sanctions
have succeeded in diverting foreign investment elsewhere, with dozens of
multinationals opting to pull out to avoid retail boycotts. Direct capital
inflows from abroad fell by 14.7 percent in the first 10 months of 2002
compared with the same period a year earlier, according to the Central
Statistical Organization, with only the oil and gas sectors holding firm.

About US$7.4 billion has been committed since Myanmar launched market
reforms in 1988 that ended 26 years of self-imposed isolation. But a
substantial portion of this capital never arrived. One reason is that
nationalists have gradually regained the political ascendancy, even
passing an edict last March that restricts trade activities by
wholly-owned foreign firms.

However, the sanctions affect only a relatively narrow band of resource
and manufacturing industries with links to the business and political
elite, and have had little impact on the junta's siege mentality. It is
more likely that the reform overtures are a reaction to the social fallout
from economic privation, partly caused by inept public policies, which has
become a sensitive political issue.

Farmers rioted in some rural regions late last year over the poor
government response to severe flooding that pushed up food prices and
exposed the inadequacy of the state's social-security system. Agriculture
contributes 40 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) and employs
three-quarters of the population, but is hampered by a breakdown of
transport and distribution networks, and an obsessive interest in costly
mechanization processes.

Likewise, the urban middle classes are incensed over the junta's failure
to arrest a steady currency devaluation, blamed on the sanctions and a
spiraling budget deficit, that has wiped out scores of dollar fortunes.
Last week the government was forced to bail out ailing private banks after
a rush on Yangon deposits that was apparently sparked by the collapse of
shady investment schemes.

Inefficient state-owned enterprises are another revenue drain, with most
functioning as umbrellas for cronyism and political loyalty. Privatization
efforts have foundered because the bulk are not considered worth
retaining.

Military self-interest is a prime cause of public resentments. The budget
deficit is popularly believed to have resulted from a failure to check
rampant corruption and massive spending on military hardware and
infrastructure - the latter often with a defense objective.

Undeterred, fiscal chiefs have responded to the revenue shortfall by
imposing punitive tax measures that have merely added to the economic
burden and created fresh village tensions.

As social pressure builds, the junta is looking for a way out that will
not require too many political sacrifices. But some observers doubt that
this will be possible in the prevailing economic conditions.

"Achieving a national consensus to resolve Burma's economic crisis
requires a national dialogue that will also address the legitimacy
deficit, the political instability, and the social justice concerns of the
population," the pro-reform Burma Fund warned in a recent report. "Without
fundamental political reforms, no government can hope to solve the
economic crisis in Burma."

Pressure has also come from some unlikely external sources. Malaysia and
Singapore, two of the leading foreign investors in Myanmar, have both
urged the junta to open a dialogue, as have Japan and China. The Chinese
connection is viewed as crucial, as Beijing has become Myanmar's most
influential neighbor by virtue of a generous program of development aid
and a growing defense relationship.

Anxious to secure a route to the Indian Ocean for its landlocked western
provinces, China has said publicly that it wants the leadership to make
enough concessions to ensure a stable and durable system of government.
Junta leader General Than Shwe met last month with Chinese President Jiang
Zemin and party leader Hu Jintao in what was seen partly as an attempt by
China to speed up the lagging reform process.

China is also believed to have played a role in the release from house
detention of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi last May, and the
resumption of direct talks between the military and her National League
for Democracy (NLD).

However, opposition remains strong in Yangon against any further
concessions to the NLD, which won a democratic election after a bloody
nationwide uprising in 1988, but has never been allowed to take power.

"Frankly, the talks are less a statement of intent than a convenient
shield against additional sanctions. They have not make any appreciable
progress and we don't expect this position to alter until there is a
collective political will to change," said another diplomat.

Intelligence strongman Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, the third-ranking
member of the junta, indicated in August that it had no intention of
handing over power to Aung San or anyone else. "The world is full of
examples where a hasty transition from one system to another led to
unrest, instability and even failed states," he said.

But that was before the death in December of influential former ruler Ne
Win, whose implacable opposition to a deal with the NLD had been widely
viewed as the biggest impediment to reform. It was Ne Win who dragged
Myanmar - then known as Burma - into isolation in 1962 and played the
central role in the suppression of the failed 1974 and 1988 pro-democracy
movements.

Although he stepped aside in 1998 to reduce tensions, the former postal
clerk and army officer was believed to still be the central junta figure
until his family was implicated in a farcical coup plot last March.
Skeptical diplomats believe that the "coup" was fabricated to discredit
and neutralize the 92-year-old Ne Win, who was hindering efforts to
establish a political formula that would ease external pressures without
loosening the junta's grip.

This is believed to be based on a 1990 concept of allowing the NLD to
operate openly as an opposition grouping while guaranteeing the armed
forces a continuing role as power broker - probably by transforming the
junta into a political party.

There would probably be no role for Aung San Suu Kyi, even though her late
father is recognized as the founder of modern Burma and is revered in
military circles for his role as a liberation fighter against the Japanese
and British colonizers. Suu Kyi, by comparison, is despised and feared by
the junta for her enormous grassroots popularity. It appears likely she
will be forced into the background as part of any political compromise.

"I don't think they can accept her on any terms, and nor can she be seen
to serve alongside the architects of the NLD's downfall. What they will
want is people they can more easily control, the NLD moderates," said the
European diplomat.

"But we are getting a little ahead of ourselves. Genuine change, if indeed
there is any, will come slowly and on the junta's terms, when it feels
sufficiently assured of its own position in the new order to allow in
newcomers."
________________

Myanmar Times February 25 2003

Foiled plot prompts plea to members of political parties

The government has called on members of political parties to help its
efforts for a peaceful transition to democracy by respecting the law. The
request came in the wake of the arrest of some members of political
parties in recent weeks in connection with an anti-government plot. "The
government therefore regrets very much when individual members of some
parties, acting in violation of their own party’s regulations,
deliberately break national laws," a government statement released on
February 13 said. It was referring to a government announcement on
February 10 concerning the arrest of seven members of the National League
for Democracy and five others in connection with a plot to attack Insein
correctional facility on Yangon’s western outskirts, blow up the railway
station at Thazi, about 120 miles north of Mandalay, and to distribute
anti-government literature. The February 13 statement said those arrested
would be tried fairly in a court of law.  "Members of political parties,
in particular, should take special responsibility for helping Myanmar make
a peaceful transition to democracy by respecting rule of law," the
statement said.  The government praised most members of the 10 registered
political parties. "The Government would like to extend its thanks to the
vast majority of political figures in Myanmar, who are acting responsibly
and with dignity to bring multi-party democracy to our country," the
statement said.  Earlier, a government spokesperson gave an assurance that
the latest arrests would not affect the process of national
reconciliation. "As long as the NLD is within the legal framework, its
legal existence would not be affected," Brigadier-General Than Tun told a
media conference on February 10. The State Peace and Development Council
government and the NLD have been holding talks aimed at national
reconciliation since October 2000.  Those arrested included seven members
of the NLD, including some working for an NLD group based in Thailand. The
other five are the Yangon-based joint secretary of the Shan National
League for Democracy, as well as two women from Kawkareik in Kayin State
and two men from Yangon involved in money transfers linked to the plot,
Brig-Gen Than Tun said. He said although none of those arrested was from
the NLD’s Yangon headquarters, its responsibility for the plot could not
be ruled out.

DRUGS

The Straits Times February 25 2003

Myanmar's opium farmers hit by govt clampdown

YANGON - Myanmar's success in cutting opium production by half in the
past seven years is posing serious problems to poor farmers who were
dependent on the crop for a living, a United Nations drug official said
yesterday.

Mr Jean-Luc Lemahieu, the representative in Myanmar of the UN Office on
Drugs and Crime (ZUNODC), said international assistance is needed to
ease the hardship of farmers as they do not have new sources of income.

'No sufficient resources were made available for alternative income
generation,' Mr Lemahieu told a press conference. 'We have seen a
reduction of 50 per cent since 1996-97.

'For us this is too fast - for the simple reason that we have not seen
proportional income revenues created for the opium farmers.'

Myanmar is the world's second-biggest producer of opium after
Afghanistan, even though it managed to reduce opium production by half
from 1,760 tonnes in 1996 to 828 tonnes in 2002.

UNODC estimates that as many as 300,000 of Myanmar's 42 million people
still rely on opium cultivation for a living - mostly ethnic minority
villagers in rugged frontier areas. These farmers see little of the vast
profit gleaned by drug traffickers and heroin producers.

'For humanitarian reasons we ask the international community as well as
the government to focus more on the fate of opium farmers and their
families,' said Mr Lemahieu.

'Without alternative income, it's very hard for opium poppy farmers to
survive.'

The UN has heavily promoted crop substitution as a way to curb opium
production, convincing farmers to grow legal crops which can be
legitimately marketed.

But the UN has limited resources and a poorly managed national economy
means Myanmar's military government also has little to spend on such
projects.

Further constraints are caused by the attitude of the United States and
other Western countries, which limit aid to Myanmar because of its poor
human-rights record and failure to hand over power to a democratically
elected government, as well as its alleged failure to seriously limit
drug trafficking.

Mr Lemahieu said the UN view is that although Myanmar's government still
has a lot to do to tackle the drug problem, it has the political will
and means and resources to do so.

The United States has repeatedly refused to certify Yangon's government
as meeting its standards for drug crackdowns, effectively denying almost
all US aid to every government sector.
___________

Democratic Voice of Burma February 24 2003

Drugs on the Thai-Burma border

The Burmese authorities are worried that drugs will flow back into Burma
because of the anti drug campaigns of the Thai government. Therefore, the
local authorities of the townships along the borders are calling meetings
and giving local villages new instructions. DVB’s Myint Maung Maung
reports:

MMM: the people who live along the border are ordered to reveal left
properties or charged received properties or bought properties left by
friends from the other side of the border to local authorities. Local
border police and army forces are ordered to search and check the villages
each week. They are also ordered to handover and report to local township
authorities of the drug smugglers from the Thailand with evidence within
24 hours. But the directive doesn’t have an order for the arrests of drug
smugglers from Burma to Thailand.

Burmese workers in Thailand are also given warnings about the drug
trafficking. The Burmese workers’ union ‘Moe Thauk Pann’ [Aurora]
distributed leaflets among the workers and warning them to avoid drug
trafficking activities.
_________

Irrawaddy February 25 2003

Opposition: Sincerity over Third Party

Burma’s main opposition party says the most important component of the
country’s fledgling reconciliation process is a genuine commitment to
dialogue by the Burmese regime. And although welcomed, the process does
not hinge on mediation or advice from a third party, an opposition
spokesperson said yesterday.
National League for Democracy (NLD) spokesperson U Lwin was referring to a
statement issued last week by the Burmese regime to the United States,
which invited the US "to join us in open constructive dialogue toward
humanitarian, economic and political development".
"We don’t need anybody, US or whoever, for the talks," if the junta is
serious about negotiations, said U Lwin yesterday. "What is important is
to have a will. We can do it [have dialogue] right now by ourselves."
The junta’s invitation followed a warning by the US that they are
considering increased sanctions against Burma. Lorne Craner, Assistant
Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, Democracy and Labor, told
a Free Burma Coalition gathering that the US "remains highly skeptical
about the regime’s commitment to any political transition."
U Lwin said that a US diplomat in Rangoon told him that the US would not
participate in the dialogue process, but it would support moves to
jumpstart the stalled negotiations. The US government also said that they
had not received any official invitation from the regime.
"To face the problem requires courage and to solve the problem needs talk.
But don’t take more time than is necessary," said U Lwin. "Now they [the
junta] are deliberately delaying the talks, and they don’t have the
courage to face the problem."
He also said anti-opposition pamphlets that recently surfaced in Sagaing,
Tenasserim and Magwe Divisions as well as in Arakan and Shan States are
the work of the central government. Distributing the pamphlets at the same
time in so many different locations required help from Rangoon, he said.
Last Friday’s court decision against opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi,
concerning a wrongful restraint suit filed by her cousin, was also
politically motivated, U Lwin said. Sentencing has been postponed, but Suu
Kyi faces a 500 kyat fine or seven days in jail. Suu Kyi has already
refused to pay the fine maintaining her innocence.
The relationship between the NLD and the government had thawed a bit
beginning in Oct 2000, when the regime agreed to "secret talks" with the
NLD, brokered by UN special envoy to Burma Razali Ismail. Suu Kyi’s
release from house arrest in May 2002 eventually followed this. And upon
release, she was able to tour the country and reorganize the NLD.
The situation recently, however, has become tense again with the regime
carrying out a series of political arrests. Suu Kyi’s last organizational
trip to Arakan State was marred by problems of government intervention.

MONEY

Irrawaddy February 25 2003

Bad Moon Rising?

Are bad omens looming over Burma, as some of the country’s soothsayers
predict?
Those who shun superstition and the auguries of astrologers may think not,
but with the recent spate of troubles to hit Burma, there may be reason to
think that this is the case.
Last week, panic hit the banking sector. Depositors who queued up to
withdraw money from Asia Wealth Bank were told to come back a week later.
The government has since had to step in to grant emergency loans to the
country’s three leading banking institutions: Kanbawza Bank, Yoma Bank and
Asia Wealth.
Despite the bailout, the banks remain in trouble, according to a
journalist in Rangoon: "Depositors are still nervous and businesspeople
are restless." He forecasts hyperinflation as people invest in land,
automobiles, gold and other commodities to keep their money out of the
banks.
Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi was found guilty in a Rangoon court on
Friday in a wrongful restraint case, involving charges filed by her cousin
last year. Her cousin maintains Suu Kyi illegally kept him from entering
her compound, where he had previously stayed before physically assaulting
her last May. The judgement was later suspended after Suu Kyi staged a
half-day courtroom sit-in, maintaining her innocence through out. Analysts
see this as part of an increasing campaign by the regime to discredit Suu
Kyi.
Another sign that does not bode well for Burma, was Sr-Gen Than Shwe’s
absence from the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) conference in Malaysia this
past weekend. The only other time Than Shwe cancelled an overseas trip was
two years ago when he called off a visit to Bangladesh. Officially, poor
health resulted in Than Shwe missing the meeting in Kuala Lumpur, but some
analysts in Rangoon say that the urgency of the banking crisis kept the
top general at home. Very few believe that Than Shwe is in poor health, as
he was seen inspecting infrastructure projects on Saturday. Others,
however, have discounted any connection between the banks and the abrupt
cancellation of his trip.
Regardless of the reason, the cancellation is a serious setback for the
military government, which has been lobbying hard on the world stage to
win the hearts and minds of the international community.
"Who knows why he cancelled his trip," the journalist said. "Maybe an
astrologer told him not to go because of pending troubles [at home]."
Meanwhile, analysts say the recent friendly gestures sent to Washington
from junta leaders concerning help with the country’s dialogue process,
might be to offset any negative impact NAM’s upcoming condemnation of the
impending war in Iraq may bring to its members, including Burma.

INTERNATIONAL

Democratic Voice of Burma February 24 2003

Mr Razali’s trip to Burma postponed

It is reported that the go-between of the Burmese affairs and the UN
special envoy to Burma, Mr Razali Ismail’s tenth trip to Rangoon intended
at the end of this month is being postponed to the end of April. The
decision was taken during the Tokyo meeting held during the previous week,
according to news from diplomatic quarters. But the news is neither
confirmed by Mr Razali himself nor the UN nor the SPDC. It is not known
clearly why the trip is being postponed. Political observers say that Mr
Razali could be taking his time to prepare for the trip as the tension
between the SPDC and the opposition is mounting again. U Aye Tha Aung, the
Secretary of the CRPP gave his opinions on Mr. Razali’s postponement and
the current situations in Burma as follows:

A: I see that the desire of the current authority [of Burma] to solve the
problems of the country by means of dialogue is the main thing compared to
the postponement of Mr Razali’s trip. If the SPDC has no desire for the
dialogue or solving the national problems, Mr Razali’s early or late trip
will not make any difference.

Q: What do you have to say about the invitation of the US government [by
the SPDC] and the like?

A: Instead of inviting the American government, it would be best to solve
the internal problems by inviting all internal organisations to solve the
problems by means of dialogue as a national duty. Especially the SPDC and
the NLD should meet and find solutions to the political and economical
problems. Then, we should solve the ethnic problems with ethnic political
parties – that would be the best. The ethnic nationalities as a whole
needs to urge [the SPDC] to have the dialogue. The international
communities need to push [the SPDC] with every method to the dialogue.’

REGIONAL

Narinjara News February 25 2003

Burma  Bangladesh Border Trade resumes

Dhaka, 25th February:  After a break of one year the border trade between
Burma and Bangladesh has resumed at full force, reports the Inquilab, a
Bengali daily from Dhaka on 22nd February.

The measures taken to increase revenue collection by present government in
Bangladesh since its installation is beyond doubt remarkable, which though
annoyed the smugglers in the beginning have been widely appreciated.  The
border trade between the two neighbours has reopened making way for the
traders so far scattered to come back again to the border town of Teknaf.

The clearing and forwarding agents at Teknaf have been busy with the
bustling activities at the Khayuk-khali (Kayu-chaung) creek, where vessels
loaded with goods from both the countries are seen busy loading and
unloading their merchandize.  The labourers are singing and whistling as
they are engaged in their brisk rounds.

A lot of change has taken place in the local circle of traders and workers
in the last one year.  The merchants and traders of Teknaf advanced large
amounts of money to the businessmen on the other side of the border.  Due
to the impasse in the border trade many traders on the other side have
gone into hiding.  Though the border trade at Teknaf resumed many of the
Burmese traders have changed their profession or moved elsewhere.   At
present more than a hundred businessmen from Teknaf are in Burma looking
for those people and bring them once again to their previous positions.

Meanwhile the drives against fraudulent revenue collection practices have
borne fruit and the revenue income has recorded a substantial increase. 
Those traders who failed to carry on smuggling in the name of border trade
have left the scene.  When asked some of the experienced traders who had
dealings with the export and import with Burma said that, there is a
powerful smuggling syndicate in Teknaf.  The godfather of the same
syndicate controls the giant operations from Chittagong  the main seaport
of Bangladesh, further north to Teknaf.  When the government decided to
crack down on smuggling, the smuggling in the guise of border trade has
stopped.

Though smuggling by road stopped, the smuggling route through the open sea
never stopped, rather it increased to tenfold (compared to previous volume
of trade).  The stoppage of smuggling on land route opened up a golden
opportunity for the smuggling syndicate, as it was easier to manoeuvre the
entire operation from Chittagong.

If the smuggling in the seas could not be checked, the border trade is
doomed to face a tough challenge as revenue is being realized on land. 
Whenever the government tried to step up its revenue collection the border
trade underwent periods of slump.  At that time the smugglers in
Chittagong make full use of the advantage.

If the government of Bangladesh fail to stop smuggling by sea the
continuation of border trade and reaping benefits from it may fall
through.
__________

Asia Times Online February 25 2003

Guangxi, Yunnan improving links with ASEAN

GUILIN, China - China is building modern logistics platforms in its
southern Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region and Yunnan province as part of
its efforts to upgrade harbors, roads, railways and airports to meet the
growing demands of the China-Association of Southeast Asian Nations Free
Trade Area building process.
At a high-level symposium on the China-ASEAN FTA, vice chairman Gao
Hucheng of the autonomous region said Guangxi, which is equipped with
seaports, railways, highways, rivers, air routes and other infrastructure,
has become the gateway for trade with ASEAN.
A couple of new infrastructure projects, which will increase access to
borders and coastlines, are currently underway, he said.
Guangxi's outlet to the sea has not only provided China's interior with
fast outbound access but also provide ASEAN nations with a direct access
to China's hinterland, said Wang Yiming, vice president of the
Macro-Economics Research Institute of the State Development Planning
Commission.
A freeway connecting Nanning, Guangxi's capital city, and
Youyiguan (or Friendship Pass), China's border trade point with Vietnam,
is currently being built to cut the travel time from Nanning to Vietnamese
capital Hanoi by half.
This is just one of the numerous expressways being built in the region.
Expressways in Guangxi stretch more than 820 kilometers,
linking three harbors, three airports and six railways. By the end of this
year, more than 1,000km of expressway will be open to traffic.
In Fangcheng harbor on Beibu Bay, the 11th 10,000-ton dock is under way,
and in Qinzhou harbor, the sea route is being improved and upgraded.
By the year 2010, the total annual handling (throughput) capacity of
Guangxi's harbors is expected to top 50 million tons, said Zhang Yuanxin,
deputy director of the Guangxi Development Planning Committee.
Over the past decade, said Zhang, Guangxi has invested some
120 billion yuan (about US$14.5 billion) in highways, railways,
seaports and river-port construction.
In neighboring Yunnan province, which borders Myanmar, Laos and Vietnam,
highway networks linking borders have been completed, 10 commercial
airports been built and 103 international and domestic air routes opened
to traffic, said Wu Wei of the Yunnan Provincial Foreign Trade and
Economic Cooperation Department.

MISCELLANEOUS

Asia Society and the Open Society Institute February 25 2003

Trading Women
(56 min. 46 sec. 2002)

 Date: Tuesday, March 4, 2002
 Time: 6:30 p.m.
 Venue: Asia Society, 725 Park Avenue at 70th Street, New York, NY
 10021

 Trading Women is a documentary that investigates the trade in minority
girls and women from Burma, Laos and China into the Thai sex industry. The
culmination of 5 years of field research, the film shatters Western myths
about the sex trade.  Trading Women examines the efforts of the U.S.
Government to fight trafficking through a punitive regime that will
sanction any country that does not meet U.S. standards, an approach that
some feel may be counter-productive.  The film answers the question: why
has there been an exponential increase in highland women moving into the
sex trade? Thirty years ago there was a thriving sex industry in Thailand,
but there were no minority girls in it: no Akha, no Lahu, no Hmong, no
Karen.  What happened?  Trading Women shows how the upland economy was
destroyed by a combination of well-meaning development and opium
suppression programs in Thailand; and civil unrest, economic dislocation,
and repression in Burma. The result threatens both the physical and
cultural survival of highland minorities.  Filmed in China, Burma, Laos,
Thailand, New York, and Washington, D.C., this is the only film to follow
the trade in women in all its complexity, and to explore the international
response to the issue.

 Angelina Jolie will introduce the film.  Discussion follows with
award-winning anthropologist-filmmaker David A. Feingold.

 Please register in advance.
 $5 students w/ID;  $ 7 for members/NGOs;  $10 for nonmembers RSVP
 early:  Phone (212) 517-ASIA; Fax (212) 517-8315;
 email: boxo at asiasoc.org
__________-

V&L International, LLC

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looking for a translator/interpreter for Burmese & S'Gaw Karen languages
for a 5 month project. Please contact Lejla Hadzimuratovic at:

V&L International, LLC
Translation & Cross-Cultural Consulting Division
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Marina del Rey, CA 90292
T (310) 822-1781
F (310) 822-1761
E lejla at vnli.com