BurmaNet News: April 11 2003

[editor at burmanet.org]

April 11 2003 Issue #2214

INSIDE BURMA

Myanmar Times: Myanmar imposes travel restrictions, visa ban to prevent
spread of SARS
DVB: Poor raod conditions affecting Aung San Suu Kyi tour entourage
Irrawaddy: Staging Thingyan festival

MONEY

The Economist: Investing in a misruled land
Xinhua News Agency: More foreign tourists visit Myanmar in 2002
Xinhua: Myanmar’s rice export up sharply in 2002

REGIONAL

AFP: Rangers clash with Muslims in Thai refugee camp, three injured

INTERNATIONAL

AFP: EU to extend Myanmar sanctions next week: officials
Irrawaddy: Burmese born hangs flag on Saddam

STATEMENTS

State Dept: Conditions in Burma and U.S. Policy Toward Burma for the
Period September 28, 2002 – March 27, 2003
Burma Campaign Austria: Press Statement

INSIDE BURMA

Myanmar Times April 11 2003

MYANMAR IMPOSES TRAVEL RESTRICTIONS, VISA BAN TO PREVENT SPREAD OF SARS

The government has stepped up measures aimed at isolating Myanmar Burma
from a deadly form of pneumonia that has caused scores of deaths
throughout the world, most of them in East Asia. The temporary measures
include an order for the Myanmar embassies in Hong Kong and Singapore to
stop issuing visas and a ban on Myanmar citizens from travelling to both
destinations, which took effect on 28 March.

They follow the deployment of medical teams at Yangon Rangoon and Mandalay
international airports two weeks ago to screen arriving passengers for
symptoms of the disease, known as Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome
(SARS). The latest measures were announced on 1 April by Secretary 1 of
the State Peace and Development Council, Gen Khin Nyunt, in his capacity
as chairman of the National Health Committee. Gen Khin Nyunt told a
meeting of the committee that the decision to introduce the visa ban
followed the discovery that a returning Yangon resident had stayed at a
hotel in Hong Kong linked to the SARS outbreak in the territory. He said
the resident, a 28-year-old German employed by the Uniteam shipping
company, had shown no symptoms of the virus when he was screened at Yangon
airport on 29 March.

The businessman is among more than 4,200 Myanmar and foreign travellers to
have been screened by the airport medical teams. Gen Khin Nyunt said the
temporary ban on travel to Hong Kong and Singapore excluded Myanmar
working there, going there as transit passengers, and merchant seamen.

He urged the Ministry of Health to extend surveillance activities to
checkpoints along the borders with Thailand and China, where the disease
is first believed to have emerged in Guangdong Province last November. A
senior official from the Health Department told Myanmar Times late last
week that Myanmar had recorded no cases of SARS. Dr Soe Aung, the
department's deputy director-general, urged the public to remain vigilant
and report any suspected cases.

Meanwhile, Myo Theingi Cho reports travel agents and hotels say bookings
have fallen by between 10 per cent to 25 per cent because of the SARS
scare and the effect of the war in Iraq. Mr Kazuto Yamazaki, from the
Legend Travel and Tour company, said cancellations were running at about
10 per cent, but noted that bookings for April were low anyway because it
marked the start of the low season.

Another company that specialises in the Japanese market, SM Tours and
Transport, said three big groups from Japan had cancelled trips to
Myanmar. "Compared to last April, bookings are down by about 25 per cent,"
said U San Win Chein, the tour manager at SM.

The managing director at Sunbird travel company, Mr Werner Rumpf, said
about 10 per cent of its bookings had been cancelled, most by travellers
in western countries. Traders hotel said reservations were down about six
per cent compared to the same time last year.

The hotel's reservations manager, Ko Win Kyaw Oo, said most of the
cancellations were from Hong Kong, Singapore and Thailand, which have been
badly affected by the SARS outbreak. The Grand Plaza Park Royal Hotel
reported a few cancellations from the United States because of the war in
Iraq but said it had not lost bookings because of SARS. Reservations at
the Pansea hotel were down by up to 30 per cent on the same time last
year, said its room division manager, Ko Aung Ko Ko.
___________

Democratic Voice of Burma April 10 2003

POOR ROAD CONDITIONS AFFECTING AUNG SAN SUU KYI TOUR ENTOURAGE

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her entourage who are on an organizational tour
of Chin State are continuing their visit to townships of southern Chin
State. Spokesperson for the National League for Democracy (NLD) U Lwin
said the party is proceeding to Kanpetlet after opening a township party
office in Matupi.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was reported to have spoken to gatherings of well
wishers at Kyaukhtu and Mindat before her arrival in Matupi. Over 5,000
people came out to greet her in Kyaukhtu. It is said that a car in which U
Tin Oo was riding slipped and overturned while travelling from Mindat to
Matupi because of tough road conditions. When U Lwin was contacted about
the matter, the NLD spokesperson said he had no definitive news as
telephone lines were down and no news was available yet. However, he said
he learned that a car had broken down and had to be left on the roadside.

U Lwin I don't know exactly but they said something about a car breaking
down or something like that. They said they moved everything from the car
.... which may, perhaps, have slipped off the road, and could not be
driven. The car had to be left behind. U Tin Oo took a ride in another
car. End of recording

That was NLD spokesperson U Lwin. In connection with the news about the
car carrying U Tin Oo slipping off the road, DVB Democratic Voice of Burma
correspondent Khin Maung Soe Min contacted a Chin citizen and filed this
report.

DVB correspondent The red car that overturned at around 0700 local time
this morning was said to be carrying U Tin Oo. An elderly Chin national
who knew about the incident said:

Unidentified Chin national After leaving Kyaukhtu on 10 April they went to
Mindat and from there to Matupi. On the way to Matupi, about 30 miles
away, U Tin Oo's car overturned but he was not hurt. The car could not be
brought up yet. However, all the people grouped together in three other
cars to continue their journey to Matupi.

DVB correspondent To confirm the news, DVB contacted sources in Kyaukhtu,
Mindat, and Matupi but none of the three towns had personal phones.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party will have to go over the 9,000-foot
Mawpi mountain in order to reach Matupi. The 110-mile Mindat-Matupi road
is so tough it is said that even during the dry season only trucks
carrying logs can go through it. End of recording

In the meantime, we have learned that the authorities in Haka were
distributing documents that personally attack Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. NLD
Spokesperson U Lwin said posters that were critical of Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi were also posted in towns along the road leading to Matupi...
___________

Irrawaddy April 11 2003

Staging Thingyan Festival
By Naw Seng

Rangoon businessmen are busy seeking permits to construct stages for
revelers searching for a place to gather during the upcoming Thingyan
water festival, according to one building contractor in the capital. The
sale of permits has reportedly added millions of kyat to the city’s
coffers.
"A permit for a stage in Rangoon is about a million kyat," said a
contractor close to the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC). Other
building costs for the larger stages, such as those along Inya road near
Rangoon University, can reach as high as 600,000 kyat.
Businessmen wanting a permit must have connections to high-ranking
officials and make the purchase through a middleman. YCDC officials deny
allowing the sale of permits, saying township level offices are
responsible for regulating the building of stages.
During Thingyan contractors sell entry to those wanting to see
entertainment and throw water. The usual cost is 8,000 kyat per day or
20,000 for the entire festival. Owners also receive income from companies
who buy space on the stages for product advertising. "At least 2.5 million
kyat can be earned from each advertiser," a contractor said.
"We predict this New Year’s festival will be crowded," said one Rangoon
businessman who is constructing a stage. "Our profit will depend on how
many tickets are sold," he said.
Some of the larger stages will feature live bands or DJs. A journalist
familiar with the festivities in Rangoon said most of those on stage will
be "the general’s kin" or other members of "Rangoon’s elite".
Most government ministries have also built stages to present music and
traditional dancing during the celebration. The Rangoon mayor’s stage in
front of city hall is the usual highlight of the capital’s water festival.
An official from the YCDC said they have made announcements about rules of
behavior during Thingyan, in an attempt to avoid accidents and exhibitions
of poor taste. The state-controlled newspapers in Rangoon have re-run
culture-related announcements from previous years’ festivals.
Apart from the revelling, Thingyan is a time of deep religious
significance for all Buddhists. Pagodas and monasteries will also be
crowded with the pious observing the occasion. The festival runs from
Sunday to Thursday in Burma.
MONEY

Economist April 12 2003

Investing in a misruled land

THE villagers of Migyaunglaung are lucky by the standards of
military-ruled Myanmar. In 1997, six years after the army forcibly evicted
them from their homes on the banks of the Dawei river, it suddenly
relented and allowed them to return. They are in no doubt about what
accounted for this unprecedented clemency: the intervention of
TotalFinaElf, a French energy conglomerate which exports gas to Thailand
through a nearby pipeline. Others in the area describe how Total's
presence has spared them from forced labour, extortion and harassment at
the hands of the army. On top of this, Total has set up a lavish aid
scheme that has spent $6m on all manner of projects from pig farms to fire
stations. So why do human-rights campaigners vilify the company for its
investment in Myanmar?

In part, the complaints stem from events during the planning and
construction of the pipeline in the mid-1990s. Villagers from the area
have sued the three shareholders in the pipeline (Total, the government of
Myanmar and Unocal, an American oil firm) in three different countries for
complicity in the atrocities the army committed at the time. Total and
Unocal, while denying any responsibility for any unpleasant incidents,
contend that their presence has actually helped to improve the life of the
local people and modify the government's behaviour. Their critics, on the
other hand, say they are simply propping up the despots and should
withdraw from the country.

The suggestion is hardly far-fetched. Premier Oil, a British company that
owns a share in another nearby pipeline, is now in the process of selling
its stake after a prolonged disinvestment campaign by activist
shareholders. Last month, a holding group for several retailers called May
became the 40th American company to succumb to a consumer boycott and ban
goods made in Myanmar from its shelves.

But many companies, including some that have given in to the boycotters,
argue that such withdrawals do more harm than good. An executive from a
European clothing company that recently pulled out of Myanmar describes
how the government took over its factory. Now, he assumes, the plant is
operating without the safeguards for the workers and the environment that
his firm had insisted on. Likewise, Olivier de Langavant, Total's country
manager in Myanmar, says that another oil firm would step into the breach
if Total pulled out--just as Malaysia's Petronas is happily replacing
Premier. At the moment, he says, the government is not earning much money
from the pipeline anyway, since it is still paying off its share of the
construction costs. What's more, he argues, economic isolation, even if it
could be achieved, would not really bother Myanmar's generals; after all,
they themselves sealed the country off from the world for 30 years up to
1988.

The proponents of boycotts and sanctions, who include Aung San Suu Kyi and
her political party, claim that the regime does worry about its image.
They point to its recent courtship of groups such as Amnesty International
and the International Labour Organisation. They also claim that the
government is feeling the financial pressure: clothing exports to the
United States fell by 27% in 2002, for example, cutting into its
hard-currency earnings. But such setbacks pale next to the damage the
generals do to Myanmar's economy all by themselves. They tend to change
laws, cancel contracts and close borders without heed to the economic
consequences. They are currently sitting back and watching a damaging run
on the banks unfold.

There is no international consensus about how best to influence the
regime. America, which at present imposes mild sanctions on trade and
investment in Myanmar, recently threatened to strengthen them unless the
government took more vigorous steps to restore democracy. But Sergio
Pinheiro, who monitors the human-rights situation in Myanmar for the UN,
says that the generals respond better to engagement than to ostracism.
There is, of course, a third possibility: that the behaviour of outsiders,
friendly or hostile, has no effect on the regime at all.
__________

Xinhua News Agency April 11 2003

More foreign tourists visit Myanmar in 2002

A total of 310,971 foreigners visited Myanmar in 2002, 11.47 percent more
than 2001, according to the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism Friday.

The figures show that 180,079 or 57.9 percent came by land, while 129,279
or 41.5 percent arrived by air and the rest by sea.

The tourist arrivals during 2002 was the highest since 1996 and over the
past five years, the country absorbed annually 270,000 tourists.

Myanmar has been making efforts to promote its tourism by building more
hotels and attracting foreign investment in the sector.

Official statistics show that there are 42 state-owned hotels with 1,402
rooms, 498 local private hotels, motels and inns with 11,292 rooms.

Besides, there are 528 tour companies, 372 transport services and 6,104
tourist guides in operation in the country.

Since Myanmar opened to foreign investment in 1988, the number of hotel
projects have reached 40 as of late 2002 with an amount of 1,235 million
US dollars.

Meanwhile, at the beginning of 2001, Myanmar lowered the requirement for
travelers to exchange 300 dollars with local currency on arrival, bringing
the amount down to 200 dollars.

Other measures include allowing Chinese tourists to use Chinese currency
RMB during their stay in Myanmar starting July 2002.

In order to attract more foreign tourists, it was reported that Myanmar
will soon grant visas-on-arrival for individual travelers on some
designated foreign carriers.

Myanmar has set a short-term target of drawing 500,000 tourists annually.
___________

Xinhua News Agency April 11 2003

Myanmar's rice export up sharply in 2002

Myanmar exported 919,700 tons of rice in 2002, up 32.7 percent from 2001,
said the Ministry of Commerce Friday.

During the year, rice export earning stood at 110.29 million US dollars,
an increase of 33 percent compared with 2001 and accounted for 3.6 percent
of the country's total exports.

Official statistics show that in 2002, Myanmar produced 22.78 million tons
of paddy from 6.63 million hectares cultivated.

Myanmar's cultivable land stretches 18.225 million hectares, of which
10.12 million hectares or 55.5 percent have been put under crops.

The country's agricultural sector, the mainstay of its economy,
contributes 48 percent to the gross domestic product.

REGIONAL

Agence France Presse April 11 2003

Rangers clash with Muslims in Thai refugee camp, three injured

Three people were seriously injured when paramilitary security opened fire
on demonstrators after a clash with Muslims at a refugee camp in western
Thailand, camp officials and witnesses said.

The incident occurred Thursday night after four rangers guarding Baegalor
refugee camp, in Tak province near the Myanmar border, detained a Muslim
religious figure for attempting to connect a water supply line without
permission, they said.

"After his arrest, the Muslim leader was tied up at a tree and they cut
his beard with a knife," a witness in the camp told AFP.

"Muslim refugees believed (such an act) humiliated their religion and
their community leader," he said, adding that more than 100 Muslim
refugees then rushed to protect the detained man and attack the rangers,
witnesses said.

Most of the rangers fled the scene but one pulled out an assault rifle and
opened fire into the crowd before people beat him unconscious, the sources
added.

A senior camp official confirmed the incident, and said one ethnic Karen
woman and a Muslim man suffered gunshot wounds.

"The two refugees are being treated in the refugee camp medical centre,"
the official said, adding that the ranger was taken to hospital in
Thasongyone district.

Authorities have ordered Baegalor camp sealed while they conduct an
investigation and boost security.

Baegalor, located 475 kilometers (295 miles) northwest of Bangkok, is home
to 40,000 mainly ethnic Karen refugees from Myanmar, including 8,000
Muslims.

INTERNATIONAL

Agence France Presse April 11 2003

EU to extend Myanmar sanctions next week: officials

The European Union will next week extend sanctions against military-ruled
Myanmar for another year, officials said Friday.

The decision will be endorsed by a meeting of EU foreign ministers in
Luxembourg on Monday, following agreement this week by ambassadors of the
15-nation bloc, the sources said.

The EU in October 1996 banned all contacts with members of the Myanmar
junta and later imposed an arms embargo and economic sanctions, including
a freeze on assets held in EU countries by members of the regime.

EU and US sanctions also include investment bans and restrictions on
lending to Myanmar by international financial bodies that have contributed
to a marked deterioration in the country's economy.

In its latest guise, the 12-month EU sanctions package -- which cites
"insufficient progress in the situation of human rights in Burma/Myanmar"
-- was due to expire on April 29.

The sources said the EU foreign ministers could also threaten to enlarge a
153-strong list of Myanmar junta members and associates who are banned
from entering EU territory.

The visa blacklist, which includes 19 civilians, is topped by Senior
General Than Shwe, the junta's number one.

But an EU ministerial mission may also in the meantime visit Yangon, one
EU diplomat said.

The EU remains strongly critical of the regime's grip on power in Myanmar
and the faltering pace of UN-sponsored talks with Aung San Suu Kyi, leader
of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD).

The United States and the EU are considering whether to impose further
sanctions on the junta if the situation does not improve, according to a
US State Department report released to the public on Wednesday.

Despite the frosty background, however, the EU waived the visa ban to
enable Myanmar Deputy Foreign Minister Khin Maung Win to join his
Southeast Asian colleagues for a meeting in Brussels in January.

Foreign ministers from the EU and the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN) agreed that Myanmar's progress towards national
reconciliation was in a "fragile" state, while differing about how much
pressure to exert on the regime.

Aung San Suu Kyi was released from 19 months of house arrest in May last
year. But since then, the Nobel peace laureate has been unable to start
formal reconciliation talks she had hoped to launch "within a few weeks"
of gaining her freedom.

The six-monthly US State Department report said contacts between the NLD
leader and the junta had "ground to a halt".
_____________

Irrawaddy April 11 2003

Burmese Born Hangs Flag on Saddam
By Kyaw Zwa Moe

An ethnic Chinese man born in Burma stole the show in Baghdad on
Wednesday, as he hung the US flag over Saddam’s face shortly before a US
tank dismantled the statue. Some Rangoon residents, however, disagreed
with the move saying it had heavy imperialistic undertones.
 Marine Edward Chin, 23, only stayed in Burma for one week before moving
to the US with his family. He joined the US forces in 1999, and is now
serving as a Corporal in the US-led coalition forces in Iraq.
"I was just trying to get the chain around his neck and put the flag on
his head," Chin said. "At the moment, I was just doing what I was told to
do by my commanding officer."
Chin, however, was soon ordered to replace the US flag with an Iraqi flag.
The image was seen throughout the world, including Rangoon where viewers
were able to watch the climatic event on both BBC and CNN. People in
Rangoon, however, reacted differently to Chin’s now famous act.
"They don’t need to use their flag to cover the statue, if they were
waging this war just to remove Saddam," said one journalist in Rangoon.
"It is good to see a statue of a dictator falling down, however, it would
have been a beautiful scene if the Iraqi people could have destroyed it
with their own hands."
Another Rangoon resident said although it was good to see a dictator fall
he did not understand the need for the US flag. "I really don’t understand
as to why they [American] used their flag on the statue."
Others were less emotional and seemed glad to see a native born Burmese
participate in the historic act. "As our native born, he was so lucky that
he took part in destroying a statue of a dictator like ours," a resident
in Rangoon said. "We still cannot imagine doing such a thing to our
dictators."
Many Arabs were reportedly disappointed with the move, saying it was
tantamount to the US occupation, and not the liberation, of Baghdad.
Other Burmese are also taking part in the Iraqi war, including Private
Khing Wah Win, who migrated to the US with her family in 1990 and joined
the US Army in 1996.

STATEMENTS

U.S. Department of State April 11 2003

Conditions in Burma and U.S. Policy Toward Burma for the Period September
28, 2002 – March 27, 2003
Released by the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs
April 11, 2003

Introduction and Summary
Efforts to foster peaceful democratic change in Burma essentially ground
to a halt over the past six months. The regime has become more
confrontational in its exchanges with the National League for Democracy
(NLD), led by Aung San Suu Kyi, and has offered few signs of progress
toward their stated commitment to a political transition to democracy and
no interest in pursuing political dialogue with the elected opposition. UN
Special Envoy Razali continued his mission, the National League for
Democracy opened up a significant number of township and divisional party
offices, and NLD General Secretary Aung San Suu Kyi was able to continue
her travels in Burma, visiting both Shan and Rakhine States. However, the
visit to Rakhine State was marred by incidents instigated by
government-affiliated organizations and believed to be based on orders
from Rangoon; political prisoner releases stopped as of late November, and
there were new arrests of political activists. Aung San Suu Kyi was nearly
jailed in February on charges arising from a civil lawsuit filed by a
relative. Most seriously, the regime has not demonstrated its willingness
to begin a real dialogue with the NLD on substantive political issues.
Economic developments were punctuated by the banking crisis that followed
the collapse of approximately 20 informal financial institutions, which
had taken deposits in return for promises of returns of five percent per
month or more. Stimulated by the rampant inflation in recent years, and
the repressed financial conditions that had stifled the growth of
legitimate financial institutions, these informal financial institutions
had grown rapidly for two years, before collapsing in January, sparking a
run on the private banks. The banks have coped by restricting withdrawals,
calling in loans, and requesting emergency central bank support. Several
may nonetheless fail. Only private banks have been affected thus far. All
of the government-owned banks and all of the banks in which government
corporations participate as joint venture partners have continued to run
normally. Inflation has also come down sharply as the asset price
inflation fueled by the activities of the informal financial institutions
has collapsed.
The Government of Burma (GOB) severely abuses the human rights of its
citizens. There is no real freedom of speech, press, assembly,
association, or travel. Burmese citizens are not free to change their
government. Religious minorities (particularly Christians and Muslims) are
discriminated against and any form of proselytizing is discouraged.
Security forces also regularly monitor citizens' movements and
communications, search homes without warrants, and relocate persons
forcibly without just compensation or legal recourse. In June 2002, the
Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF) accused the Burma Army of using rape
systematically as "a weapon of war" in ethnic minority areas along the
Thai border. The regime denied those charges and has not agreed with UN
Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Burma Paulo Sergio Pinheiro on the
ways and means for an effective, impartial international investigation of
these allegations. However, the government did recently intervene and
punish both an army officer found guilty of rape and his commanding
officers. Forced labor also remained an issue of serious international
concern, despite some limited government efforts to control the practice.
An International Labor Organization (ILO) Liaison Officer was appointed to
Burma in October 2002 and, at the direction of the ILO Governing Body, has
attempted to hammer out a "viable program of action" with the government
to eliminate forced labor. Thus far, those efforts have not achieved the
stated objective.
Burma remains one of the world's largest producers of opium, heroin, and
amphetamine-type stimulants. Its overall output of opium and heroin has
declined for six straight years; in 2002 Burma produced less than
one-quarter of the opium and heroin than it did six years before. At the
same time, however, the production of methamphetamines has soared,
particularly in the area controlled by the Wa ethnic group. According to
some estimates, as many as 400 million to 800 million methamphetamine
tablets may be produced in Burma each year, although these estimates are
difficult to verify. Burma has joined with China, Thailand, and India in
attempting to curb this traffic; as yet, however, there are few signs that
this regional effort is succeeding.
U.S. policy goals in Burma include a return to constitutional democracy,
restoration of human rights, including fundamental civil and political
rights, national reconciliation, implementation of the rule of law, a more
effective counternarcotics effort, HIV/AIDS mitigation, combating
trafficking in persons, accounting for missing servicemen from World War
II, counterterrorism efforts, and regional stability. We continue to
encourage talks between Aung San Suu Kyi and the regime in the hope that
the regime will live up to its stated commitment to political transition,
leading to meaningful democratic change. We also consult regularly, at
senior levels, with countries with major interests in Burma and/or major
concerns regarding Burma’s current deplorable human rights practices.
In coordination with the European Union and other states, the United
States has maintained sanctions on Burma. These include an arms embargo,
ban on new investment, and other measures. Our goal in applying these
sanctions is to encourage a transition to democratic rule and greater
respect for human rights. Should there be significant progress towards
those goals as a result of dialogue between Aung San Suu Kyi and the
military government, then the United States would look seriously at
measures to support this process of constructive change. Continued absence
of positive change would force the U.S. to look at the possibility of
increased sanctions in conjunction with the international community.
Measuring Progress Toward Democratization
Efforts to foster peaceful democratic change in Burma have once again
ground to a halt over the past six months. While there have been some
positive developments, the regime has become more confrontational in its
exchanges with the NLD, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, and has offered few signs
of progress toward their stated commitment to a political transition to
democracy.
UN Special Envoy Razali Ismail continued his mission, visiting Burma for
the eighth time in November 2002. On the positive side, the NLD also
continued to rebuild itself as a national party, opening up offices
throughout Burma. Altogether, the NLD has now reopened about one-quarter
of its township and divisional offices (92 offices out of approximately
360). In addition, the Committee to Represent the People's Parliament
(CRPP), a group of parties elected to Parliament in 1990, expanded to a
total of 18 elected Members of Parliament (MP). In 1998, the opposition's
decision to establish the CRPP led to the arrest of many of the MPs by the
regime.
Finally, the NLD's General Secretary Aung San Suu Kyi continued her
travels, visiting Shan and Rakhine States and opening NLD offices in both
states. In Shan State, this travel went relatively smoothly; in Rakhine
State in December, however, efforts by the United Solidarity Development
Association (a "mass organization" affiliated with the regime) to
discourage any large turnout of crowds for Aung San Suu Kyi, turned ugly.
In the town of Mrauk Oo Aung San Suu Kyi intervened with local authorities
by climbing atop a fire truck to prevent them from dispersing a crowd of
20,000 supporters with water hoses.
Political prisoner releases stopped as of late November, despite continued
appeals from the international community (UN Special Envoy Razali and UN
Special Rapporteur Pinheiro, as well as the EU, U.S., and others) for the
unconditional release of all political prisoners. Approximately 550
political prisoners have been released since October 2000, including 380
NLD party members. However, another 1,300 "security detainees" still
remain in detention, including approximately 110 NLD party members and 17
elected MPs.
There were also new arrests. Approximately 60 political activists, mostly
teachers, lawyers, and students, were detained by the government between
August 2002 and March 2003 on charges including conspiracy to commit
terrorist acts for the simple peaceful expression of political dissent.
Due to international pressure, most of these activists were released
within days, but one died while in detention (apparently from a lack of
medical care), while several were convicted of offences carrying sentences
of seven years or more.
In February 2003 Aung San Suu Kyi was involved in a minor civil law suit
brought by a relative that appeared to be politically motivated. Aung San
Suu Kyi counter-sued. Both were found guilty. She and other NLD leaders
characterized the initial suit as being instigated by the regime and
politically motivated. She was given a choice of paying a small fine or
being jailed for a week. She refused to admit guilt by paying the fine and
indicated her willingness to be jailed for a week as a result. The
government then issued a "suspension of judgment" decree as several
thousand NLD supporters gathered outside the courthouse.
Most seriously, the regime has shown no inclination to engage the
democratic opposition in meaningful political dialogue. The government
arranged meetings between Aung San Suu Kyi and the Minister of Education
and others, but the NLD leader made clear to UN Special Envoy Razali in
October that there was "no real dialogue" with the regime. There were also
signs of Senior General Than Shwe's frustration with the lack of increased
aid or reduced sanctions.
The hamstrung status quo has frustrated a number of concerned countries.
Australian Foreign Minister Downer, Japan's Deputy Foreign Minister
Tanaka, and the EU Troika visited Burma over the past several months and
Japan's Prime Minister Koizumi reportedly weighed in on behalf of reform
at ASEAN Summit in Phnom Penh in November; however, no one has yet been
able to move the process forward. At the most recent meeting of the U.N.
Contact Group on Burma, held in Tokyo in February, there was little
consensus on next steps and what new strategies could be effective. Both
the EU and the United States are now considering the advisability of
increasing sanctions on Burma.
Counternarcotics
The United States judged earlier this year that Burma had "failed
demonstrably" to make substantial efforts to cooperate on narcotics
matters, primarily due to the failure to stem the production and flow of
amphetamine-type stimulants into neighboring countries. At the same time,
the USG has sustained a successful program of cooperation between police
authorities in Burma and the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration. Since
1993 the USG and GOB have cooperated on annual opium yield surveys in
Burma and with UNODC and other donors on opium reduction and crop
substitution programs. In June 2002, the United States pledged an
additional $700,000 to support UNODC’s Wa Alternative Development Project,
which helped reduce opium production in the territories of one of the most
notorious former insurgent groups, the United Wa State Army.
While Burma is the world's second largest producer of illicit opium, its
overall production in 2002 was only a fraction of its production in the
mid-1990s. According to the joint U.S./Burma opium yield survey, opium
production in Burma totaled no more than 630 metric tons in 2002, down 26
percent from 2001, and less than one-quarter of the 2,560 metric tons
produced in Burma in 1996. Burma's success in reducing the production of
opium and heroin, however, has been offset by increasing production of
amphetamine-type stimulants, particularly in outlying regions governed by
former insurgents that are not under the effective control of the Rangoon
government. According to some estimates, as many as 400 to 800 million
methamphetamine tablets may be produced in Burma each year. Due to the
mobile, small-scale nature of the methamphetamine production facilities
both reliable data and effective law enforcement measures are difficult.
Burma does not have a chemical industry, and as far as we know, does not
produce any of the precursors for synthetic drugs. This highlights the
regional character of this problem and the need for regional cooperation
to put an end to drug flows from the region.
There are reliable reports that individual Burmese officials in outlying
areas are involved in narcotics production or trafficking or offering
protection for these activities. In addition, while the government says it
urges former ethnic insurgents to curb narcotics production and
trafficking in their self-administered areas along the Chinese border, it
has only recently, with the support and assistance of China, begun to
crack down hard on some of these groups. Since September 2001, it has
begun to enforce pledges from these former insurgent groups to make their
self-administered areas opium-free and has pressured groups (including the
Wa and the Kokang Chinese) into issuing decrees outlawing narcotics
production and trafficking in areas under their control. According to
early reports from UNODC's opium surveyors, the cultivation in traditional
growing areas has been reduced. However, the Wa have not committed to
eliminating narcotics production until 2005. The Burmese junta gauges that
any military operation to end production would be extremely costly.
In recent years, Burma continues to improve its cooperation with
neighboring states, particularly China. In 2001, Burma signed memoranda of
understanding on narcotics control with both China and Thailand. The MOU
with China established a framework for joint operations, which in turn led
to a series of arrests and renditions of major traffickers in 2001 and
2002, many of whom were captured in the former insurgents'
self-administered areas. Over the past two years Burma has returned over
30 Chinese fugitives to China, including principals from one group that
China described as "the largest armed drug-trafficking gang in the Golden
Triangle." Burma's MOU with Thailand has committed both sides to closer
police cooperation on narcotics control and to the establishment of three
joint “narcotics suppression coordination stations” at major crossing
points on the border. Recent visits by Thai Prime Minister Thaksin and
other Thai officials to Rangoon made narcotics cooperation a centerpiece
of bilateral relations. In addition, India participated in a January 2003
meeting with China and Burma in Rangoon on precursor control. As a result,
India is now exploring the possibility of establishing a 100-mile wide
"restricted area" within which any possession of ephedrine, acetic
anhydride, or other drug precursors would be criminalized. If adopted by
Thailand and China, such action could have a major impact on amphetamine
production in areas not under Rangoon's effective control.
Burma is part of every major multilateral narcotics control program in the
region. It is a party to the 1961 UN Single Convention, the 1971 UN
Convention on Psychotropic Substances, and the 1988 UN Drug Convention. It
has also announced that it will shortly adhere to the 1972 Protocol to the
1961 Single Convention. Burma has also supported UNODC's 1993 Memorandum
of Understanding that was signed among the six regional states -- Burma,
China, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam, and Cambodia -- to control narcotics
production. Finally, as China and Thailand have become more active
multilaterally, Burma has joined all trilateral and quadrilateral programs
organized by either to coordinate counter-narcotics efforts among the four
states of the Golden Triangle (Laos, Burma, China, and Thailand).
Under pressure from the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), the Government
of Burma has taken action on money laundering issues. In June 2002 the GOB
enacted a new money laundering law that criminalized money laundering in
connection with most major offenses, including terrorism and narcotics
trafficking. A Central Control Board chaired by the Minister of Home
Affairs was established in July; training for financial investigators was
conducted in Rangoon and Mandalay in August and September, and the initial
investigations were begun in July 2002. Using the provisions of the law,
assets have been frozen and/or seized in several major narcotics-related
cases. With assistance from UNODC, the Burmese government is also in the
process of drafting a new mutual legal assistance law, which should lay
the groundwork for judicial and law enforcement cooperation across borders
in the prosecution of money laundering and other cases.
The Quality of Life in Burma
The Economy. Economic developments in Burma were punctuated in February
and March 2003 by a banking crisis centered on several major private
banks. Undermined by soaring inflation and government restrictions on
interest rates, Burma's private banks were shaken to their roots by the
collapse of several unofficial financial institutions in January 2003.
During February, approximately 40 percent of the banks' deposits were
withdrawn, obliging the banks to restrict withdrawals, call in loans, and
apply to the Central Bank for emergency assistance. The run has focused on
private banks, especially those with Chinese or Chinese-Burmese ownership.
Government-owned and joint venture banks with government participation
have not been affected, presumably because the public is more confident of
government support in those cases. Burmese-owned private banks have also
escaped the extreme pressures applied to the Chinese-owned banks,
presumably again because depositors are more confident of government
support in those cases.
Looking ahead, several private banks may fail within the next several
months. Since the private banks hold a majority of bank deposits in Burma,
this will have a major impact on their customers' savings and on the
payments system throughout Burma. A good portion of the inflation that
plagued Burma over the past two years was generated by the uncontrolled
credit and investment operations of the informal financial institutions,
which have now collapsed. With them gone and the banking system crippled
by the current run, inflation should decline, while the kyat, now suddenly
in short supply, strengthens. Since the start of the crisis in February,
the values of both gold and the dollar have fallen by about 20 percent
against the kyat, while general price inflation has moderated. Both trends
should continue in the months ahead.
In the energy sector, some good luck has saved the government from the
consequences of a string of disastrous public investment decisions. As it
turns out, a crash government exploration program has turned up enough
natural gas onshore to ensure against a recurrence of the severe load
shedding and blackouts that plagued the economy in 2002. Where in January
2002 the nation's peak generating capacity was sufficient to meet only
about two-thirds of the nation's peak demand, it now appears that all, or
virtually all customers in Rangoon and other major cities are getting
electricity on a regular basis. In 2004, several major hydropower projects
are due to come on line and, provided that the new-found gas holds out
that long, Burma may finally be able to put its long-running energy
problems behind it.
In the fiscal budget, the situation continues to be desperate, but not so
desperate as thought earlier. There, a failed fiscal concept, in which the
GOB attempted to run the entire government on the basis of the profits of
the state-owned enterprises, has left the GOB without any basis for
long-term planning, as profits have turned to losses in one state-owned
enterprise after another. In fact, in Burma's fiscal year 2001/2002, the
deficits of the state-owned enterprises actually absorbed all the revenues
collected by the government, leaving the government proper (i.e., the
army, the navy, the health and education services, and all ministerial
operations) to run on the basis of monies borrowed from the Central Bank.
This has over the past two years produced a rapid expansion of the money
supply, a commensurate increase in inflation and a sharp depreciation in
the value of the domestic currency.
The collapse of the informal financial institutions has had a deflationary
effect. Previously propped-up asset values have collapsed and relatively
high interest rates for savers have also gone away. Thus, the inflation
associated with the government’s mismanaged fiscal expansion will have
less impact.
Human Rights. The Government of Burma severely abuses the human rights of
its citizens. Burmese do not have the right to change their government.
Nor is there any real freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, or
travel. Religious minorities (particularly Christians and Muslims) are
discriminated against and any form of proselytizing activity is actively
discouraged. Burma was designated a Country of Particular Concern for
particularly severe violations religious freedom in 2002. Security forces
also regularly monitor citizens' movements and communications, search
homes without warrants, and relocate persons forcibly without compensation
or legal recourse.
Patterns of abuses are worse in ethnic minority areas. These abuses
include censorship, persecution, beatings, disappearances, extrajudicial
executions, the curtailing of religious freedom, forced relocations,
rapes, and forced labor, including conscription of child soldiers. Several
reports by non-governmental organizations have been published this year
alleging human rights abuses by the Burmese military on Burmese civilians
including rapes of hundreds of women between 1992 and 2001. The regime
initially denied these charges but, after conducting investigations,
conceded that it had identified five cases (out of the 173 presented by
SHRF) whose circumstances approximate those described by SHRF. The
international community is calling for an independent investigation by
competent officials from outside Burma conducting private interviews with
victims in an atmosphere of security and free of reprisals. In March 2003,
UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights Pinheiro visited Burma to discuss
the human rights situation there, including prospects for an independent,
credible investigation of the rape allegations. However, he cut his visit
short when he learned that his supposedly confidential discussions with
political prisoners were being monitored by Burmese authorities.
In August 2002, a Burma Army Captain raped a four-year-old girl in a
village in Kayah State, and local officials attempted to cover up the
crime when villagers first complained to them. However, the government has
since taken action. The Captain was brought back to Rangoon in handcuffs,
and the Commander and Deputy Commander of the Captain's battalion were
relieved of command for their mishandling of the incident. Reportedly,
there have been no reprisals against the villagers.
There had been no releases of political prisoners since late November 2002
until shortly before Pinheiro arrived in March 2003. The regime claimed to
have released 45 prisoners on March 16, including "elderly inmates,
females either pregnant or with young children, and those incarcerated for
disturbing peace and tranquility." Three to four of those released were
NLD members. Approximately 550 political prisoners have been released
since October 2000, including approximately 380 NLD party members. However
another 1,300 "security detainees" (including pro-democracy activists,
lawyers, students, teachers, journalists, insurgents, and those accused of
aiding insurgents) still remain in prison. Of these, about 110 are NLD
members and 17 are elected Members of Parliament. Another 400 prisoners
(mainly mothers with young children) were released on humanitarian
grounds. U.N. Special Rapporteur Pinheiro and U.N. Special Envoy, along
with members of the international community, have consistently and
strongly pressed for the unconditional release of all political prisoners.
This appeal has thus far not been answered. The United States continues to
recognize the results of the 1990 elections and will continue to push for
the full restoration of the civil and political rights of the people of
Burma.
Instead of more releases of prisoners, as pledged, arrests of political
activists continued in late 2002 and early 2003. Between August 2002 and
March 2003, the government detained approximately 60 activists for
peaceably promoting democracy and freedom. While most of these activists
were released within days of their arrest, there were reports that several
were beaten or otherwise abused while in detention. In addition, one
detainee died (apparently as a result of a lack of medical attention),
while others were convicted and sent to prison for periods of seven years
or more. However, the aggregate number of political prisoners and security
detainees has decreased by dozens at least in the period covered by this
report.
The regime has allowed the United Nations High Commission on Refugees to
maintain a presence in northern Rakhine State, providing support and
protection services to more than 230,000 Rohingya Muslims who have
returned from Bangladesh. After nearly a decade, however, some 22,000
Rohingya refugees still remain in two refugee camps in Bangladesh and
another estimated 200,000 Rohingya live illegally in southernmost
Bangladesh. In spite of ongoing repatriation efforts, for the last few
years repatriations to Burma have not kept up with the camp birthrates and
restrictions on movement in Burma have made life exceedingly difficult for
this population. There are concerns that members of this disenfranchised
population have been recruited by terrorist organizations.
Furthermore, more than 132,000 other Burmese ethnic minority displaced
persons live in several refugee camps along the border in Thailand, and an
estimated two million Burmese, both ethnic minorities and ethnic Burmans,
live illegally in Thailand; many of these are economic migrants rather
than political refugees. The tens of thousands of Burmese and ethnic
minorities living illegally in the countries surrounding Burma are willing
to endure an often perilous existence because they believe it is even more
dangerous to return to Burma.
Forced labor also remained an issue of serious concern to the
international community, despite some (still relatively ineffective)
government efforts to control the practice. In June 2000, the
International Labor Conference concluded that the Government of Burma had
not taken effective action to deal with the use of forced labor in the
country and, for the first time in the history of the International Labor
Organization (ILO), it called on all ILO members to review their policies
to ensure that those policies did not support forced labor. The ILO
Governing Body implemented this decision in November 2000. The United
States strongly supported this decision.
Over the past 18 months, the Government of Burma has slowly begun to work
with the ILO on procedural measures to address the problem. In September
2001, it allowed an ILO High Level Team to visit Burma to assess the
situation. That team concluded that the GOB had made an “obvious, but
uneven” effort to curtail the use of forced labor, but that forced labor
persisted, particularly in areas where the Burma Army was waging active
military campaigns against insurgent forces. The team recommended that the
ILO establish a presence in Burma, a step that was finally completed in
October 2002 with the opening of an ILO Liaison Office in Rangoon. In
August 2002, the ILO began field visits to sites along the Thai/Burmese
border that have been identified by Amnesty International and other
organizations as "hot spots" for forced labor and Burmese Army abuse of
ethnic minorities. The ILO Liaison Officer has also attempted to engage
the GOB in discussions to develop a "viable plan of action" to eliminate
forced labor as demanded by the ILO Governing Body in November 2002, but
so far these efforts have been unsuccessful. While the GOB has made some
procedural concessions to ILO demands, the GOB has still not prosecuted
any individual for use of forced labor, and there is abundant evidence
that the centuries-old tradition of forced labor in Burma continues. As a
result, the ILO has continued to press for an effective investigative
body, the appointment of an independent ombudsman to report on violations,
and the elimination of forced labor in law and practice. The use of forced
labor to build infrastructure for tourist sites appears to be reduced from
levels reported in the late 1990's. In recent years, there have been
isolated reports of forced labor at tourist sites.
Burma was ranked as a Tier 3 country in the Department's 2002 Trafficking
in Persons Report. Since the publication of that report, the GOB has tried
to make more transparent that it is taking steps against sexual
exploitation trafficking, which most often involves the clandestine
movement of Burmese women and children from ethnic minority areas into
Thailand. The Myanmar National Committee on Women's Affairs has taken
measures to help educate vulnerable populations on the dangers of
trafficking by distributing booklets, producing some media programming and
organizing community talks. The Ministry of Home Affairs and the Attorney
General's office have carried out arrests and prosecutions of traffickers.
The effectiveness of these efforts appears to be uneven and difficult to
evaluate given the government's overall credibility and the political
climate in the country, but this represents what seems to be a genuine
engagement of some senior government officials to fighting sex
trafficking. The GOB has also allowed some limited but important NGO and
international organization activity to assist returning trafficking
victims and educate officials, but the government needs to be open to much
more of this kind of cooperation. The GOB has concentrated its efforts in
fighting sex trafficking, although officials are aware that the
international definition of trafficking in persons also encompasses labor
exploitation.
The regime did allow a visit by Amnesty International (AI) in February
2003. During the visit, the AI delegation met with government ministers
and other officials, as well as with Aung San Suu Kyi and other members of
the NLD. AI used their meetings with government officials to discuss the
conditions under which political prisoners are held and to call for the
immediate release of 19 prisoners on humanitarian grounds.
The Environment. Illegal logging and illicit trade in wildlife and
wildlife products are overwhelming efforts at protection. To help deal
with both of these issues, the Ministry of Forestry has instituted a
program to increase the size of protected areas, but pressures are
mounting as agricultural lands expand. Other concerns include threats to
reefs and fisheries and overall water resource management.
Development of a Multilateral Strategy
U.S. policy goals in Burma include a return to constitutional democracy,
the institution of a rule of law, improved human rights, national
reconciliation, counterterrorism efforts, regional stability, HIV/AIDS
mitigation, combating trafficking in persons, accounting for missing
servicemen from World War II, and more effective counternarcotics efforts.
We encourage talks between Aung San Suu Kyi and the military government in
the hope that it will lead to meaningful democratic change in Burma. We
also consult regularly, at senior levels, with countries with major
interests in Burma and/or major concerns regarding Burma’s human rights
practices.
The United States has co-sponsored annual resolutions at the UN General
Assembly and the UN Commission on Human Rights that target Burma. We have
also supported the ILO’s unprecedented decision on Burma given its failure
to deal effectively with its severe and pervasive forced labor problems.
Most importantly, we strongly support the mission of the UN Secretary
General’s Special Representative for Burma, Razali Ismail, whose efforts
are key in facilitating the start of any meaningful political dialogue
between the regime and the NLD.
In coordination with the European Union and others, the United States has
imposed sanctions on Burma. These sanctions include an arms embargo, a ban
on all new U.S. investment in Burma, the suspension of all bilateral aid,
the withdrawal of GSP privileges, the denial of OPIC and EXIMBANK
programs, visa restrictions on Burma’s senior leaders, and a vote against
any loan or other utilization of funds to or for Burma by international
financial institutions in which the United States has a major interest. We
have also maintained our diplomatic representation at the Chargé
d’Affaires level since 1990.
Our goal in applying these sanctions is to encourage a transition to
democratic rule and greater respect for human rights. Nevertheless, we
remain concerned about the growing humanitarian crisis in Burma. In 2002,
we initiated a $1 million program to address the growing HIV/AIDS epidemic
in Burma by funding only international non-governmental organizations
(INGOs) to undertake prevention activities; no assistance is direct to the
regime. Discussions with the government continue on allowing INGOs to
conduct voluntary HIV testing and counseling, as well as a greater
commitment to more effective prevention, treatment, and care programs,
including for pregnant mothers and high risk groups. We also use a portion
of the funding from the U.S. Burma earmark to develop programs in support
of democracy in Burma, as well as democracy, social, educational, and
governance-related programs outside Burma. None of these funds are
disbursed to or through the Government of Burma. We will also continue to
examine the potential for cooperation with Burma on terrorism and
narcotics issues. Should there be significant progress in Burma in coming
months on political transition, economic reform, and human rights, the
United States would look seriously at additional measures that could be
applied to support the process of constructive change. Absent progress, we
will be forced to consider, in conjunction with the international
community, additional sanctions and/or other measures.
__________

Burma Campaign Austria April 11 2003

Press Release:
International Campaign against Austrian Airlines/ Lauda Air

Brussels, March 31, 2003 – The Annual International Conference of European
Burma Campaign Organisations, trade unions and partner organisations from
all over Europe start a campaign today against Austrian Airlines / Lauda
Air because this company recently started flights to Rangoon (Burma).

This coalition of organisations today wrote a letter to Dr. Joseph Burger,
CEO of Austrian Airlines (Lauda Air), stating:  “To our great dismay we
learned of AUA/Lauda Air’s direct weekly flights from Europe (Vienna) to
Rangoon (Burma) commencing last November. Burma is currently ruled by a
ruthless military dictatorship which is guilty of human rights abuses and
forced labour on a massive scale. Burma’s military regime has never
acknowledged the results of the 1990 elections, in which the National
League for Democracy (NLD), led by Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, won
over 80 percent of the seats. To date, the military junta has still not
handed over power to the democratically elected government.” The Burmese
Democratic opposition and the International Labour Organisation (ILO)
called for sanctions. The EU and the Burmese Democratic opposition have
also called for a boycott on tourism.

Burma Campaign Organisations, trade unions and partner organisations in
UK, Switzerland, Austria, Netherlands, Germany, France, Italy, Belgium,
Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Ireland consider Austrian Airlines operations
in Burma unacceptable. Therefore, all Burma Campaign Organisations urge
them to cease flights to Rangoon indefinitely, as long as the current
military regime in Burma is in power and the Burmese democratic and ethnic
opposition requests a tourism boycott.
At the Annual International Conference of European Burma Campaign
Organisations meeting in Brussels, the undersigned organisations state our
commitment to launch an international public and media campaign against
Austrian Airlines/Lauda Air. All organisations will continue this
campaign, including public demonstrations and the mass-release of protest
cards, until AUA/Lauda Air ceases its flights to Rangoon indefinitely.

Since last November Burma Organisations from a number countries have
strongly asked AUA/LA to stop its flights to Burma. AUA /LA has not
responded adequately to these requests. Today a worldwide public campaign
starts. In several countries public protests will be organised in the
months to come. The campaign is opened in Amsterdam by the largest Dutch
trade union (FNV) and Burma Center Netherlands with a public demonstration
in front of AUA’s Dutch office, on Monday the 31st.

For more information:
Burma Center Netherland (BCN): +31 20 6716952, email: bcn  xs4all.nl Www.
Burmacenter.nl

* Letter to AUA:

Austrian Airlines/Lauda Air
Dr. Joseph Burger, CEO
Österreichische Luftverkehrs AG
Fontanastrasse 1
1107 Wien
Österreich


Concerning: Announcement of campaign against AUA/Lauda Air because of
flights to Burma

Brussels, 29 March 2003

Dear Mr. Burger,

To our great dismay we learned of AUA/Lauda Air’s direct weekly flights
from Europe (Vienna) to Rangoon (Burma) commencing last November.

Burma is currently ruled by a ruthless military dictatorship which is
guilty of human rights abuses and forced labour on a massive scale.
Burma’s military regime has never acknowledged the results of the 1990
elections, in which the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Nobel
Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, won over 80 percent of the seats. To date, the
military junta has still not handed over power to the democratically
elected government.

•	Not only the NLD, but also Burmese ethnic minority groups, the
independent Burmese trade union, and the Burmese Government in Exile
(NCGUB) have all been calling for economic sanctions for years. A boycott
on tourism is part of such sanctions. Numerous companies and travel
organisations have already complied with this.
•	The economic sanctions and the boycott on tourism are broadly and
actively supported by international trade unions and hundreds of social
organisations.
•	In 1998, the European Union issued a resolution in which it stated it
was opposed to tourism to Burma under the current abominable circumstances
in Burma.
•	The International Labour Organisation (ILO) has called upon all its
members (among which there are organisations of employers and companies)
to review their activities in Burma. Moreover, dozens of multinationals
and travel organisations have already left Burma.

Against all international protests, including the protests of those people
who were democratically elected, your company has started flights from
Vienna to Burma. This means financial support to Burma’s military
dictators, both directly and indirectly (for instance from tourism
revenues). Supporting Burma’s dictators means the perpetuation of military
rule.

Despite your temporary off-season halt, AUA/Lauda Air is now the only
airline with intercontinental flights to Burma.

Burma Support Groups, trade unions and partner organisations of UK,
Switzerland, Austria, Netherlands, Germany, France, Italy, Belgium,
Denmark, Norway, Sweden and Ireland consider this unacceptable. Therefore,
we urge your company to cease flying to Rangoon indefinitely, as long as
the current military regime in Burma is in power and the Burmese
democratic and ethnic opposition requests a tourism boycott.

Today at the Annual International Conference of Europe Campaign
Organisations meeting in Brussels, we the undersigned organisations state
our commitment to launch an international public and media campaign
against Austrian Airlines/Lauda Air. The undersigned organisations will
continue this campaign, including public demonstrations and the
mass-release of protest cards, until AUA/Lauda Air ceases its flights to
Rangoon indefinitely.

Undersigned:

Christian Solidarity Worldwide  - UK
Burma Bureau Germany
Assistenza Birmania  - Italy
Burma Initiative Germany
Association Suisse Birmanie  - Switzerland
Burma Campaign Austria - Austria
Burma Center Netherands  - Holland
Actions Birmanie – Belgium
Burma Campaign UK
Burma Action Ireland
Swedish Burma Committee
Info Birmanie – France
Norwegian Burma Committee
Danish Burma Committee