BurmaNet News: July 11 2003

[editor at burmanet.org]

July 11 2003 Issue #2282

INSIDE BURMA

Financial Times: Junta says Suu Kyi planned uprising
DVB: No prospect for Daw Suu’s release
DVB: Missing people from Mandalay
Irrawaddy: Photo diplomacy backfires
Xinhua: Myanmar’s population reaches 52.4 million

REGIONAL

Hindu: Myanmarese foreign minister meets Vajpayee
AP: Myanmar pro-democracy groups in India use Internet to report on
junta’s excesses
AFP: Two Myanmar nationals detained in Malaysia for suspected drug
trafficking

INTERNATIONAL

AP: Canada takes steps against Myanmar's military regime over Suu Kyi
imprisonment

ON THE BORDER

Kaladan: Process of forced repatriation continued in the Rohingya refugee
camp

OPINIONS/STATEMENTS

New Light of Myanmar: If the desire for peaceful transition and national
reconciliation is genuine
Dictator Watch: Burma relief mission, and analysis of Prime Minister
Thaksin of Thailand
FEER: Asia must support Suu Kyi
Mizzima: Will Burma be the pivot of the new Cold War?
Irrawaddy: U Ba Kaung passes away (obituary)

INSIDE BURMA

Financial Times July 11 2003

Junta says Suu Kyi planned uprising BURMA:
By AMY KAZMIN

Burma's military rulers have attempted to persuade Asian leaders that Aung
San Suu Kyi, the pro-democracy opposition leader, was detained on May 30
because her National League for Democracy (NLD) was plotting a violent
uprising to overthrow the ruling junta.

In a personal letter to an Asian leader, a copy of which was obtained by
the Financial Times, Than Shwe, Burma's senior general, said his regime
acted because NLD factions "were conspiring to create an anarchic
situation...with a view to attaining power" by June 19, Ms Suu Kyi's
birthday.

The letter accused the NLD of seeking to "arouse people to take to the
streets...and create a mass movement that would result in public
demonstrations and unrest", so it could seize government offices,
factories and banks.

The letter also claims that Ms Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize winner and
committed advocate of non-violence, was herself "attempting to lure armed
groups...t o join in the planned uprising".

Given the "threat to national security by this militant group", the senior
general said he was "compelled to take firm measures to prevent the
country from sliding down the road to anarchy and disintegration".

The Burmese letter - whose conspiracy claims were dismissed by a western
diplomat as "fantasy" - appears aimed at shoring up flagging Asian support
for the junta, which has been threatened with fresh international
sanctions.

"It reeks of weakness not strength," the diplomat said of the letter.
"This whole march around Asia shows they are feeling the pressure."

Top Burmese diplomats have in recent days travelled to several Asian
capitals, including Bangkok, Dhaka and Tokyo, to plead for understanding,
though Tokyo said afterwards that it found the junta's claims
"unconvincing".

"If Suu Kyi has been uncompromising in anything, it's been the calls for
non-violence," the western diplomat said. "It's been her credo from day
one."

The junta has faced heavy international criticism - even from some
traditionally loyal Asian friends - for the detention of Ms Suu Kyi on May
30, after a violent assault on her motorcade during a month-long political
tour. Eyewitnesses said that more than 3,000 men, many dressed as Buddhist
monks, stabbed and beat NLD supporters with iron bars and wooden bats on
an isolated road.

The junta initially claimed she was being held in "protective custody".

But Japan, a big aid donor, suspended all new humanitarian aid projects
for Burma, while the normally reticent Association of South East Asian
Nations broke with its usual protocol to call for the opposition leader's
release.
_________

Democratic Voice of Burma July 10 2003

No prospect for Daw Suu’s early release

Someone close to Asian diplomatic circle in Rangoon told the DVB that
there is no prospect for the impending release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. It
has been more than a month since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was detained and
although there have been mounting international pressures, there is no
prospect of the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

Western diplomatic circle in Rangoon also accepted this fact and recent
pressures are said to be not strong enough to force the regime to release
her. The subject is popular with the people of Rangoon, according to
someone close to the Burmese media world. People have been talking about
it at crowded teashops and markets and unlike previous occasions they are
talking about it openly, added the same person.

The most interesting topics for the people are; how the SPDC is going to
solve the Dipeyin problems and when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would be
released.

Many political observers in Rangoon regard the assault on NLD supporters
at Dipeyin on the 30th of May was the attempt to rout the NLD. One
observer told the DVB told the DVB that the NLD could be forced to
dismantle soon. When asked about the SPDC’s recent one-sided media
campaign against the NLD with the photographs of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the
same observer said that the regime wants to convince people that the
Dipeyin incident is not the fault of the SPDC.

The main purpose of the photograph campaign is also to make people think
that the incident occurred after the reckless behaviour of Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi despite the ‘self-control’ and ‘compassion’ of the SPDC.

Another political observer thinks that the SPDC would not dismantle the
NLD but it would try to bring about the change of its leaders. Like the
situation before 1995, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and top NLD leaders would be
detained and the regime will try to replace the party with NLD leaders who
could be controlled by the generals, argued the same observer.
_______________

Democratic Voice of Burma July 10 2003

Missing people from Mandalay

Although it has been more than a month since the Dipeyin incident
occurred, it is reported that the people in Mandalay are still finding it
difficult to find out the exact conditions of missing and detained people.
As the NLD members of Mandalay have been actively participating in
pro-democracy activities, many of them became the victims and hostages of
the 30th May Dipeyin assault, a Mandalay Division NLD leader.

So far, only eight people from the Mandalay who accompanied Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi have been released and it is still difficult to estimate the exact
number of people detained and missing, said one of the NLD divisional
leaders U Ko Ko Gyi as follows:

U Ko Ko Gyi : It is impossible to estimate the number. Impossible. They
are all scattered everywhere. Impossible to estimate. They haven’t
released all the people. They have released only eight people the other
day. These eight people seemed to be ordered to say that they knew nothing
about the incident. They released people like these. Some people were
knocked out early during the assault and never knew what had happened.
Some regained their consciousness in the next morning and know nothing
about what had happened the previous night. Some people have returned home
but they dare not go out and say that they are released. Some people
really still haven’t returned home. It is not good to see the people who
have returned in the current situation and people are not meeting one
another. We are all listening to the tone of the situation.

U Ko Ko Gyi’s daughter, Ma Thanda Soe is among the missing people and his
son, Ko Kyaw Soe Linn who drove Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s car on the day of
the incident is now being detained in Khanti Prison [northern Burma].

He said that he tried to see him son twice but the plan had to be
cancelled due to weather condition and other difficulties. When asked how
he feel about losing both his son and daughter thus in the assault on the
30th May, he answered:

U Ko Ko Gyi : Well, naturally, we even don’t want a blue bottle to touch
my son or my comrades. It’s the same. I don’t want them to be harmed. But
they are working for the country and we are proud of them all the same for
sacrificing their lives like other NLD members.
___________

Irrawaddy July 11 2003

Photo Diplomacy Backfires
By Aung Zaw

Burma’s military leaders stepped up their diplomatic efforts this week,
seeking to assure people inside Burma and abroad that concern over Aung
San Suu Kyi and other democratic opposition members is misplaced.
On Saturday, the state-run New Light of Myanmar published photos of Suu
Kyi having dinner with high-ranking military leaders.
The photos, which are believed to have been taken in 2001 and 2002, show
Suu Kyi and her party leaders smiling and shaking hands with Sr-Gen Than
Shwe and his lieutenants. The caption reads, "A family dinner."
The paper also published a series of articles viciously attacking Suu Kyi
and the National League for Democracy (NLD) party. The writer claimed to
be a disgruntled NLD member.
"Auntie Suu is a willful and hard-headed person liable to rash judgments
followed by blind action, in her relations with the present government,"
one article read. "Nevertheless, whatever the provocation, responsible
leaders of the present government, preferring to act with forbearance, and
on the basis of give and take, have always chosen to take action in
moderation."
Though newspaper sales were unusually high, the "family dinner" photo and
other pictures were greeted with skepticism and scorn.
"This government always underestimates the opinion and IQ of its own
citizens," says a Rangoon resident, adding, "they think it will work but
Burmese are not fooled."
Retired army officer Col Tin Tun, says the photos and the articles
slamming Suu Kyi are counterproductive. "Don’t they realize that people do
not believe what they say? It is like covering a dead elephant with goat
skin."
Some NLD members are confused by the "family dinner" photo. Nyunt Haling,
an MP from Aung Lan Township, says a number of his colleagues were
surprised to see the photos because they had no knowledge of any such
meeting. But he doubted that the meeting resulted in anything meaningful
even if it did indeed take place. "The regime regularly invites people to
come hear talks about their national achievements and political
objectives," he said.
Political observers in Rangoon say the photo reminded many Burmese of the
Ne Win era, when the late dictator invited his enemies and ethnic rebels
to dine with him. The meals were viewed as nothing more than a photo
opportunity. "This is exactly the same as Ne Win’s containment policy,"
says an observer in Rangoon.
In addition to attempting to counter growing displeasure inside Burma, the
junta dispatched its special envoys to neighboring countries and the
regime’s primary donors. Foreign minister Win Aung and Deputy Minister
Khin Maung Win flew separately to Thailand, Japan, Pakistan, India and
Bangladesh.
The two ministers traveled with photos as well, hoping to convince foreign
ministers that Suu Kyi is well and that the government is committed to
national reconciliation.
But many were not convinced. Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi
was quoted by a Foreign Ministry official as telling Khin Maung Win that
Burma’s explanation of Suu Kyi’s situation was "completely unacceptable."
Japan, Burma’s largest aid donor, has frozen new assistance to Burma in
protest of the regime’s detention of Suu Kyi. It is now considering
further punitive measures.
A western diplomat in Rangoon says that the regime is desperate to win
back support from donors and regional governments. "They were showing
these photos to signal that they were indeed sincere," says the diplomat.
The move will hurt the regime’s future credibility as well, the diplomat
adds, saying: "No one wants to be cheated again and again."
____________

Xinhua News Agency July 11 2003

Myanmar's population reaches 52.4 million

Myanmar's population has reached 52. 4 million with 26.3 million women,
according to the Ministry of Immigration and Population Friday.

The country's population grows at 2.02 percent and its population density
is 77.6 per square-kilometer, it said.

Of the population, the rural accounts for 70 percent, while the urban
takes up 30 percent.

The under-14-year age group of the population represents 32.7 percent,
while the age group of between 15 and 24 stands 18.1 percent with
dependency ratio showing 68.8, it added.

Meanwhile, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) began supporting
population activities in Myanmar in 1973 with its assistance to the first
population census of the country.

To promote better understanding of population issues for socio-economic
development including the health and welfare of women and children, the
UNFPA initially supported a birth-spacing program in 20 townships in
Myanmar in 1991, which was expanded to 72 townships in 1995. The program
brought about access for 1.5 million couples to safe and effective birth
spacing methods.

Moreover, a four-year special program of assistance (2002-05) has been
worked out by the UNFPA, emphasizing the reduction of maternal mortality,
meeting the reproductive health needs of men and women including
adolescents and youth and prevention of the spread of HIV/AIDS.

To achieve this goal, the UNFPA and Myanmar have developed five component
projects which are being implemented by partners from the UN agencies,
government, national and international non-governmental organizations.

REGIONAL

The Hindu July 11 2003

MYANMARESE FOREIGN MINISTER MEETS VAJPAYEE

The Myanmarese Foreign Minister, U Win Aung, who has come in his capacity
as special envoy'' of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)
Chairman, Than Shwe, called on the Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee,
today.

Official sources said Mr. Win Aung was carrying a message from Senior
General, Than Shwe, on the prevailing situation in Myanmar. He also had a
meeting with the External Affairs Minister, Yashwant Sinha, today.

The sources said Mr. Win Aung's visit was taking place in the context of
the detention of the National League for Democracy (NLD) general
secretary, Aung San Suu Kyi. India is among those nations that have called
for the release of Ms. Suu Kyi. The United Nations special envoy on
Myanmar, Razali Ismail, has publicly called on India and other
neighbouring countries of Myanmar to put pressure on the military junta to
release Ms. Suu Kyi.
________

Associated Press July 11 2003

Myanmar pro-democracy groups in India use Internet to report on junta's
excesses
By NUPUR BANERJEE

Democracy advocates in Myanmar are operating more and more from
neighboring countries such as India, where they use the Internet to
campaign against the military government.

The dissidents - working mainly out of India, Bangladesh and Thailand -
provide one of the few independent sources of news on Myanmar,
disseminating information through Web sites or e-mail, said several
pro-democracy writers at a workshop at Falta, a riverside resort 30 miles
south of Calcutta.

"Forty years of the junta have ensured the smothering of the independent
media, but we try to disseminate authentic news on the country," said Soe
Myint, editor of the New Delhi-based Mizzima Internet news site.

The workshop, ending Friday, was held to train amateur reporters and chart
a media policy for a democratic Myanmar, said Soe Myint.

Soe Myint arrived in India in 1990 after admittedly hijacking a Thai
Airways flight to Calcutta to protest the Myanmar military regime's
rejection of the May 1990 elections won overwhelmingly by pro-democracy
leader Aung Sung Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party. Despite
his confession, Soe Myint was acquitted of the hijacking charges by a
Calcutta court last week.

Internet use in Myanmar is limited. The country's three newspapers, its
radio and television channels are also strictly controlled by a
military-appointed press board.

"These online independent news groups have become the window for the
international community to peer inside this opaque country," said Aung
Naing, editor of the Dhaka, Bangladesh-based, Network Media Group.

Soe Myint accused the military regime of unleashing a "cyber war" on the
news sites.

"Our e-mail systems are always coming under virus attacks. The viruses
keep coming and we have to depute two or three people just to keep
cleaning our system," he said.

The four India-based news organizations that participated in the workshop
were Mizzima News, Narinjara News, Kaladan Press Network and Khonumthung
News.

They recently formed Burma News International, a news agency that will
sell information on Myanmar to subscribers. Myanmar is also known as
Burma.

"The BNI model, if successful, will be implemented by the news groups
functioning from Myanmar's eastern borders, mainly from Thailand," said
Gary Rozema of the Burma Relief Center on the Thailand-Myanmar border.

Myanmar's military government has recently come under intense
international criticism for its May 30 arrest of Suu Kyi following a
bloody clash between her supporters and backers of the junta. Suu Kyi, who
never has been convicted of a crime, won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991.

The country has gone without much bilateral aid and no new aid from the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund since 1988 when the
military brutally crushed a pro-democracy uprising. Washington banned new
investment by U.S. companies in 1997.
_________

Agence France Presse July 11 2003

Two Myanmar nationals detained in Malaysia for suspected drug trafficking

Two Myanmar nationals have been arrested in Malaysia for alleged
trafficking in heroin, police said Friday.

Kamaruddin Abdul Aziz, anti-narcotics director for the central state of
Pahang, said they were detained in two separate raids in the state capital
Kuantan.

The first suspect, who was arrested in a budget hotel, had 16 grams (0.56
ounces) of a substance which police believe is heroin, he said.

"The suspect in his 20s, is being investigated under the Dangerous Drug
Act," he said.

Kamaruddin said the second suspect was detained after police found 10
packets of heroin on him. He did not say how much heroin the packets
contained.

Police believed both were involved in drug trafficking activities, he
said, adding that neither had valid travel documents.

Malaysia's drug agency recorded 31,556 addicts in Malaysia in 2001, many
of them hooked on heroin.

Malaysia's tough drug laws prescribe death as the penalty for trafficking
in most types of narcotics.

INTERNATIONAL

Associated Press July 11 2003

Canada takes steps against Myanmar's military regime over Suu Kyi
imprisonment

Canada is denying visas for members of Myanmar's military regime to
protest the continued imprisonment and harassment of Nobel laureate Aung
San Suu Kyi and members of her party.

Foreign Affairs Minister Bill Graham said Thursday that other steps
against Myanmar, also known as Burma, include restricting the travel of
Burmese diplomats in Canada and recommending against new business
investment or dealings there.

"These new restrictions signal our condemnation of recent state-sponsored
attacks on Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters and their continued
detention," Graham said.

Suu Kyi has been detained since May 30 following a bloody clash between
her supporters and backers of the junta.

In January, Canada removed Myanmar from its Least Developed Country (LDC)
Market Access initiative, which eliminates most duties and quotas on
imports.

"Immigration officials will deny visas for Canada to members of Burma's
past and present military juntas, senior government officials and members
of the military suspected of involvement in human rights violations," said
a statement issued by Graham's department.

Graham also said that travel to Myanmar supported the military regime that
profits from the tourism sector.

Canada has urged authorities in Myanmar to release all political prisoners
and work toward national reconciliation.

The United States is preparing to ban imports from Myanmar, which has come
under intense international criticism since Suu Kyi's arrest. Japan,
Myanmar's largest aid donor, has announced plans not to extend new
development assistance. Proposed European Union trade barriers also would
chip away at export earnings.

Suu Kyi, who never has been convicted of a crime, won the Nobel Peace
Prize in 1991.

ON THE BORDER

Kaladan Press July 11 2003

 Process of Forced Repatriation Continued in the Rohingya Refugee Camps

Ukhia, Cox’s Bazar,  July 11: The Bangladesh camp officials and the local
UNHCR staffs are continuously threatening the remaining Rohingya refugees
in Kutupalong and Nayapara  refugee camps to go back to Burma without any
protection, said a Rohingya refugee leader. The refugees have been forced
to put their signatures or thumb impressions on blank papers to be used
later stating voluntary repatriation, he further said.

The refugees, who refuse to do so, cannot live in the camps. If any one
disobeys such order of the camp officials, he is jailed under false and
fabricated charges (such as criminal charges under Bangladesh Penal Code)
or forcibly repatriated or deprived of all his entitlements and facilities
in the camp such as, food, ration, medical treatment and shelter etc., he
further added.

The UNHCR local staffs are silent on the present policies of the camp
officials, despite the fact that they have mandate to protect the
refugees’ rights and their voluntary repatriation, the source further said

The Refugees said that the last deadline of repatriation was fixed on 1st.
July 2003 from the side of Bangladesh Government. As per their schedule,
the last batch of Rohingya refugee was repatriated on 29th. June 2003.
Although the deadline is already over, the camp officials are still
continuing their plan of action on the remaining camp refugees while
trying to create a new deadline for repatriation, said another source from
the camp.

It may be mentioned here that back in 1991-1992 a total of 2,50,877
Rohingya refugees entered into Bangladesh to escape large-scale
persecution by the Burmese military. Of them 2,34,581 were repatriated by
29 th. June 2003 while some 20,892 registered refugees including newborn
babies are still remaining in the two camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh
according to camps officials and press reports.

While talking to the Kaladan Press, a refugee leader said that many
repatriated Rohingya refugees are again entering into Bangladesh as the
persecution is still continuing in Arakan.

Most of the newcomers are taking refuge in the rural areas of Cox’s Bazar
and Bandarban districts. These newcomers need help and succor from
international community and NGOs while all the refugees call for
protection from forced repatriation until congenial atmosphere is created
in Arakan for their safe return, another refugee leader said.

Fear looms large in the minds of the refugees over the possible closure of
refugee camps. It will bring them more miseries with an uncertain future.
It is also feared that the Rohingyas will ultimately lose their national
identity in their own homeland in Burma as well as in the host country of
Bangladesh, he further added.

OPINIONS/STATEMENTS

New Light of Myanmar July 11 2003

If the Desire for Peaceful Transition and National Reconciliation is Genuine
By  Kyaw Myint Naing

Recently in a radio interview between the BBC and one U Aye Thar Aung, the
latter stated that they desired a peaceful transition and national
reconciliation.

This corresponds with the desires of the entire Myanmar people and is
therefore a most welcome and gratifying statement.

But 14 years have passed but a peaceful transition and national
reconciliation between the National League for Democracy and the present
government has yet to be realized.

So the question is - has there been no opportunity for a peaceful
transition within this long period of time? Absolutely not! There have
been many such opportunities in the past as there are now new prospects at
present.

There have been many such opportunities to date. For example:

(1) "We are making plans to hold a nationwide people's referendum next
month. If the results show that the people desire a multi-party Democracy
then the Election Commission will supervise a general election that is
free and fair to the utmost. Subsequently a government will be formed by
the parliament that has emerged and State power accordingly transferred."

This was the pledge made to the nation on 24 August. It was further said
at 8 pm on 1 September 1988:

"This is not a pledge that I am making personally, in my own behalf. It is
a pledge made unanimously by my colleagues and me with sincere and genuine
good will." (This was broadcast to the nation by the then President of the
Union of Myanmar Dr Maung Maung during the 1988 unrest)

(2) In 1990 the Government of the State Law and Order Restoration Council
conducted general elections and on 27 July it issued Announcement No 1/90
to inform the nation that arrangements would be made to enable the elected
representative to draw up a new State Constitution.

(3) The fact that in 1993 the government convened the National Convention
to draw up a draft Constitution is evidence of the endeavours made for a
peaceful transition of power.

Then after laying down the Four National Objectives as a political task
required for bringing about a national reconciliation:

The National Convention was assembled for the purpose of drawing up a
State Constitution and thus laid the groundwork for a peaceful transition;
it also provided the best opportunity to hold round-table discussions for
national reconciliation at the highest level. Then in 1995 the restraints
imposed on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were lifted and regional branches of the
National League for Democracy party, which had been declared null and void
were legally reinstated. In addition political detainees who were not
considered a threat to peace in the nation were set free periodically.
Peace accords were also reached with 17 armed national race groups and in
cooperation with the government they are now engaged in narcotic drug
eradication and regional development programmes. This provides irrefutable
evidence of the endeavours of the present government to rebuild national
unity, bring about national reconciliation and close the divisive gaps
among the national races of the Union.

The question now arises as to why national reconciliation and harmony
between the present government and the National League for Democracy has
not yet been realized. What obstacles have stood in the way in spite of
the many opportunities and positive conditions?

This is in fact due to the misconception that only when an authoritarian
system has been eliminated can democracy prevail. In other words this is
an interpretation of democracy stipulated by extreme rightists who are
also opportunists. Such dogmatic people refuse to understand that
democracy and unity can only be gained with patience, determination and
fortitude. Erroneously persist in the view that since " Independence must
be fought for '' and that ''Democracy also cannot be obtained without a
fight," they have drawn a false analogy concluded that the two are
identical.

Therefore although those who maintain that democracy can be obtained only
with the fall of an authoritarian system may give lip service and call for
a peaceful transition of power and national reconciliation and harmony
their actions are to the contrary. For in reality they attack the present
government militarily and perpetrate terrorist acts, commit mayhem by
murdering innocent people, explode bombs, hijack airplanes and attempt to
seize embassies. Some participate in these acts of violence while others
give moral support in the name of democracy. They call for international
economic sanctions against the country to create an economic downturn in
the hope that it would instigate people to rise up and protest. They
demand that all international aid and assistance be stopped. So these
people form dissident organizations under a variety of names and aliases
and they fling all kinds of allegations against the government so that the
international community will ostracize it. They accuse the government of
violating human rights and suppressing democracy and makes the government
appears to be a dictatorship. And then they try to convince others that
they are fighting for democracy.

Consequently, no matter the numbers of UN Envoys who come to discuss and
mediate ways and means for a peaceful transition and national
reconciliation and harmony, these goals still remain far away beyond
reach. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's countrywide party organizational campaign
trail, which led to direct confrontation with anti-Suu Kyi protestors
resulting in violence, death and injury constitutes evidence of their real
motives.

What was the cause that led to these developments? Who is real culprit
that started this violent conflict causing death and injury? That is not
the main issue. The real problem is their distorted outlook that democracy
will be obtained only with the downfall of authoritarianism. This is the
real cause - a cause that shuns and rejects all attempts for a peaceful
solution. So their goal is to bring down the present government or bring
about its downfall for only if their party can grab power will there be
democracy according to their theory. It is a theory that does not advocate
peace only antagonism and conflict.

To put it bluntly, the real aim of the political campaign of Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi and supporters of the National League for Democracy is to bring
down the present government in a show of force. But the people who support
the present government and are opposed to the NLD responded with protests
and demonstrations. So there is now antagonism and conflict among the
people. This state of affairs is due to the fact that the principle
subscribed to by the dissidents wholly ignores the desires of the people.

If one studies the history of the development of world democracy, it will
show that democracy arose not in accordance with the desires of the people
but due to development of productive forces.

In the history of mankind production relations that are composed of
systems of governance, political systems, laws, education, health and
cultural systems are the resulting effects of productive forces at each of
stage of development, (i.e. the existing level of the political and
cultural intellect of particular forces of production). Hence, "although
man can create productive forces, production relations cannot be brought
about through man's will and desire."

Thus the reason why, in the history of mankind although a parliamentary
democracy republic could be set up under certain circumstances, but if the
material base, suitable the productive forces of a parliamentary democracy
has not yet developed, that parliamentary democracy republic will surely
develop into a dictatorship or a military government. Such developments
have occurred in the world and are still occurring today. There is ample
evidence that Myanmar has also had the same experience.

So, in accordance with this principle, if there is a genuine desire to
establish a strong and permanent parliamentary democracy through a
peaceful period of transition and if we truly want national reconciliation
and national harmony then we must enhance the nation's economy in order to
develop our forces of production. When the nation's economy has thus made
progress, then to meet the demands of the day, we must endeavour to
establish peace and stability in the country and develop a market economy.

If a country is behind times and the standard of its economy is low, there
is bound to be great disparity among the various classes and class
antagonisms will become more intense. This will mean a weakening in
national unity and in the efforts to bring about national reconciliation.
Since 1948 we have witnessed disintegration of unity in political parties.
There was conflict of interests between " those with power and those
without'', between parties deemed " legal and illegal. By 1988 when the
formation of parties was permitted under a system of multi-party democracy
over 200 political parties emerged for registration. Today also, there are
a horde of political organizations under different names both at home and
abroad and all of them pulling in different directions.

Therefore now, is the time to analyze and give up the dogmatic view that
"only with the downfall of an authoritarian system will democracy be
obtained" and in accordance with the people's desire establish a market
economy (that is the emergence of a new and developed nation) that will
pave the way to a peaceful transition of power and national unity, which
at present is solely needed. So whatever the system of the present
government it is necessary to acknowledge it is an ally 


And work hand in hand for the good of the country. It is also required
that they acknowledge and accept the fact that the Armed Forces must of
necessity play a role in the national leadership; and that together they
must strive for the "emergence of a new constitution; that they must give
their cooperation in the reconstruction efforts of the present government,
and try to mend the difference that exist with patience and forbearance.''
There is no other choice, for this the only path open for a peaceful
transition of power and national reconciliation.
_________

Dictator Watch July 11 2003

BURMA RELIEF MISSION, AND ANALYSIS OF PRIME MINISTER THAKSIN OF THAILAND

Contact: Roland Watson, roland at dictatorwatch.org
Please see www.dictatorwatch.org for links to the report and photography
described below.

If you cannot speak the truth, there is no freedom.

Dictator Watch has posted a report of a June Free Burma Rangers mission to
bring relief to internally displaced persons in the Eastern Shan State.
This report describes: five cases of rape; forced prostitution; murdered
children; forced labor; a new program, begun in June, to press gang 4,000
villagers to join the Wa Army; the expropriation and sale of village
houses and land near the Thai border, for USD 2 million, by Lt. Gen. Khin
Nyunt to the Wa, to facilitate the latter’s drug operations; and the names
and village addresses of involved Wa drug kingpins.

We also have four new photo essays. The first, Life on the Run in the
Karen State of Burma, provides additional evidence of the ongoing
humanitarian crisis in Tenasserim Division. The rest, from FBR, include
very strong images of burned villages, wounded children, and murder
victims, from a number of locations in Eastern Burma. These images
illustrate the scorched earth policy of the SPDC, which policy demands the
strongest of international responses. The United States, the European
Union and the United Nations must put an end, once and for all, to the
SPDC and its reign of terror.

If the situations in Liberia, and the Congo and the Solomon Islands,
justify foreign intervention, Burma certainly does as well.

Lastly, we feel compelled to ask the question: is Prime Minister Thaksin
Shinawatra of Thailand actively conspiring with the generals of the
Burmese junta to help perpetuate their rule? After all, he is first and
foremost a telecommunications tycoon (how, exactly, did he establish his
fortune?), and Senior General Than Shwe and Lt. General Khin Nyunt are
only a phone call away.

Unfortunately, all the available evidence suggests that such a conspiracy
is already well underway. This evidence includes the ongoing crackdown,
now in its second year, of activists in the Burma democracy movement who
reside in Thailand (Burmese activists who have been given UNHCR Person of
Concern status are now effectively under house arrest, and plans are being
prepared to move them to internment camps – what irony – these individuals
who faced prison in Burma will instead be imprisoned in Thailand); a
campaign to pressure and discredit the UNHCR itself; a bar on new
admissions to refugee camps (or the establishment of new refugee camps,
particularly for Shan refugees); and tacit approval of the enslavement and
murder of Burmese migrant workers.

Burmese individuals in Thailand, in all such situations, are locked up and
denied their basic human rights of freedom of expression and association.
Indeed, this extends even to the witnesses of great crimes (e.g., of Black
Friday – May 30, when the SPDC murdered dozens of members and supporters
of the National League for Democracy). Thaksin is trying to silence these
witnesses, to prevent the people of the world from learning about the
crimes.

The overall effect is one of institutionalized persecution, of an entire
people. It is frighteningly reminiscent of the early stages of Nazi
persecution of the Jews.

The question remains, though, why would he act this way, when it is in
direct opposition to Thailand’s real interests: to strengthen its own
democracy; to help Burma become a democracy; and then to establish
friendly relations between the two nations?

Through his business deal with the son of Khin Nyunt, Thaksin has a
foothold in Burma’s telecommunications and media industries, which though
presently small have great potential when the nation, with the
twenty-seventh largest population in the world, modernizes. There will be
billions of dollars to be made in satellite services, mobile phones,
television stations and cable, and the Internet.

However, if Burma – when Burma – becomes democratic, his prospective gains
will disappear. Burmese democrats are hardly likely to favor bids from a
former oppressor. Thaksin’s solution, therefore, is simple. The Burmese
dictators must be given all aid necessary to ensure that democracy never
takes hold. After all, if he can shove gas pipelines; dams; a political
takeover of the military; “legal” extrajudicial execution (during the
“war” on drugs); an excise tax break for his companies; the transfer of
temple land (the Alpine land scandal); and a corrupted Constitutional
Court (which reportedly succumbed to pressure to find him not guilty of
making a false assets declaration), down the throats of the Thai people,
why not help shove dictatorship down the throats of the Burmese.

And he has the audacity to call this “non-interference.”

If Thaksin wants to identify the number one source of dark influence in
Thailand, he need only look in the mirror.

The Burma democracy movement has to-date refused to confront him. Partly
this is due to disbelief, that Thai policy could change so quickly and
dramatically, and partly due to fear, that it would be inviting an even
greater crackdown. But once again the movement has engaged in false hopes:
the repression came anyway. When will we learn that you cannot hide from
problems, that if you do not stand up to them they will only get worse?

We must resist him. Just as Thaksin has the right to say and do as he
pleases, so we have the right, the legal right, to oppose him.

One potential means to influence Thaksin is through the United States.
Thailand’s has a long-standing alliance with the US, and we must highlight
this issue. The US must choose. Does it support Burma democracy, or its
key Southeast Asian ally? To resolve this, it will be necessary for the US
to make a distinction, between Thaksin and Thailand. Thaksin is not
Thailand! The US must oppose this man who is an egomaniac and who
seemingly has a lust for money and power so great that it can never be
satisfied; who rules through a gang of sycophants; who will return
Thailand to its dark old days; and who clearly wants to be East Asia’s
next Big Man.

Were the US to do this, it would demonstrate that it truly is an ally to
Thailand, to the people of Thailand, and it will ensure a strong, positive
relationship with the nation at the meeting point of South and Southeast
Asia, Burma, for the foreseeable future.

As is occurring now with Australia and the Solomon Islands, the US should
form a “coalition of the willing” and take control of the troubled former
British colony. (The Solomons, like Burma, are also a former British
colony.) All organizations and elected individuals that represent publics
inside Burma, including the NLD (members who are not imprisoned), other
elected Members of Parliament, the NCGUB, NCUB, DAB and NDF should vote on
and then officially request such intervention.

Lastly, for Prime Minister Thaksin, we call upon you to demonstrate that
the above conclusions are not true. Please reverse your course on Burma.
It is not too late to do the right thing, and if you do, the people of
Burma will remember that in the end you did come to their aid. And in
Thailand, please listen to the public. Democracy does not mean that you
have the right to decide everything. Consensus is essential. Democracy
actually means self-rule, or rule by the people. If the public says that
they want the Pak Moon dam gates permanently opened, or that they do not
want the Thai/Malaysian gas pipeline, do not oppose them. Your historical
legacy will be determined by what you do now. Also, democracy does not
mean “One Party.” And, it requires separation of powers. Even though it
may appear to be inconvenient for you, you actually should want a vibrant
opposition, an independent Parliament and judiciary, and a professional,
non-political military.
_________

Far Eastern Economic Review July 3 2003

Asia Must Support Suu Kyi
By Jody Williams

The writer is the 1997 Nobel Peace Laureate, and ambassador for the
International Campaign to Ban Landmines

Breaking with its policy of noninterference, Asean recently urged the
government of Burma to free Aung San Suu Kyi, detained since May 30 along
with several other members of the National League for Democracy following
an attack on her motorcade while on tour in the north of the country.
While Asean's statement was a very welcome step, more needs to be done to
secure liberty for Suu Kyi and her fellow Burmese.

On February 18, I met Suu Kyi at her home in Rangoon. It was the first
successful meeting of another Nobel Peace Laureate with Suu Kyi since she
was awarded the peace prize in 1991. We talked about the situation in
Burma since she was freed from house arrest last year.

Our discussions are borne out by recent events. Last year, it was hoped
that her release would signal steps towards a democratic government in
Burma. But in our meeting, Suu Kyi talked about the fact that there had
been no dialogue between her party and the State Peace and Development
Council, the military junta. Suu Kyi was clear that "there is no way for
the SPDC to escape dialogue" if there is to be a peaceful transition to
democracy. Unfortunately, not only did the stalemate continue, but now
violence also has been visited on Suu Kyi and her party.

Even before the May 30 attack, the junta had been increasing its
harassment of Suu Kyi and the NLD. In the first 10 months after her last
release, there were detentions of about 60 new political prisoners, some
of whom subsequently received long sentences. An estimated 1,400 political
prisoners remain behind bars. And even when we spoke in February, Suu Kyi
had noted that the regime had stepped up its propaganda attacks against
the NLD and had launched a "pamphlet campaign" slandering her. Then on May
30, during her ill-fated trip north to mark the anniversary of her last
release, the SPDC decided to remove her from the public eye. The
anti-democracy crackdown that followed included the arrest of several more
NLD leaders.

Calls have been made all over the world for the immediate release of Suu
Kyi and the others detained along with her. The addition of the very
important voice of Asean is most welcome. But this is a bare minimum.
International pressure must be increased on the SPDC to release Suu Kyi
and her fellow detainees, and then engage her and the NLD in a full and
open dialogue for the purpose of a transition to democracy in the shortest
possible term. It has been 13 years since the NLD won overwhelmingly in
national elections and it still has not been allowed to form the
government the people of Burma called upon it to do.

In our meeting, Suu Kyi was clear that her party was unflinching in its
call for the strengthening of economic sanctions against the military
junta, that all outside investment should cease and tourists should not
give their money to the dictatorship by visiting Burma. For indeed, the
international community must do more to support democracy in Burma. It is
not enough that the United States and the European Union are increasing
sanctions against the regime. Too many of Burma's neighbours have argued
that the best route to change is through constructive engagement. But the
people living and struggling daily to bring democracy to Burma--Suu Kyi
and the democracy movement--express no doubt about the need for continued
and stepped-up internal and international pressure. Burma's neighbours,
instead of increasingly engaging the SPDC, should firmly support the
domestic democracy movement by both word and action.

Aung San Suu Kyi's birthday was on June 19. When we met, we discussed the
hope that if the stalemate with the SPDC were soon broken and there was
meaningful movement towards political change, it would be possible for me
to freely bring a group of women to Burma to help her celebrate her
birthday. But that day has come and gone, and the situation in Burma has
turned from bad to worse. Words in support of political change in Burma
are important, but concrete action to bring the words to fruition is even
more important.

It was the international isolation and economic sanctions against
apartheid South Africa that helped the internal forces of that country
push for change and bring democracy to that nation. The international
community--and particularly Burma's neighbours--must unite in applying
effective political and economic pressure on the Burmese dictatorship
until it cedes power to those who earned it legitimately at the ballot
box.
________

Mizzima July 11 2003

Will Burma be the Pivot of the New Cold War?
By Kanbawza Win

July 11, 2003: “Like it or not Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will not be released.”
is what I think. My Burmese compatriots would surely comment “Pa Sat Poke
Hnin Ma Pyaw Ne” meaning “Shut up, you bustard with a foul mouth.” This is
exactly what I want to be. But obsession and pragmatism has not coincided
for the people of Burma in the last half a century. With the castration of
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD followed by the Junta’s diplomatic
offensive by the Burmese thugs, the internal affairs of Burma have
becoming fast an international affair.

In the Depaeyin tragedy, the past and the existing dictatorial regimes of
the world have either keep mum or give perfunctory comment, while some
merely interpreted as the internal affairs. In the international arena a
major shift since the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime, Moscow that did not
utter a word about Black Friday may feel a necessity to offset
repercussions of its flawed policies on Iraq. It was no accident that a
nuclear reactor was constructed in Burma with the possibility of making a
dirty bomb and the Russian embassy was the still the KGB Asian
headquarters. China is well known for its policy of supporting the Junta
and India because of its pragmatic approach are surely on the side of the
Junta. Subsequently, there have been renewed calls for a
Moscow-Beijing-New Delhi triangle, a potential alliance of three
nuclear-armed countries of some 2.5 billion people that theoretically
would be able to balance US power in coming years. Lamentably all these
three major countries have in one way or other have given support or
tactical support to the Junta.

“Russia will continue interaction with its partners in the
Moscow-Beijing-New Delhi triangle. This interaction is important for the
international stability in general," said Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov.
The dialogue between Moscow, Beijing and New Delhi will continue as the
three nations have shared interest in “mult-ipolar and just world". Also
at the ASEAN meeting Russia, China and India have reportedly given
"signals" that they would sign up to the grouping's Treaty of Amity and
Cooperation (TAC), a sort of non-aggression pact with the 10 ASEAN member
states.

In the wake of Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's visit to
China, the Chinese Foreign Ministry denied that there was any move to form
a China-India-Russia strategic alliance, only conceding that the three
countries have been sharing similar views on some international issues but
the Igor Ivanov has praised the visit as a significant for global
stability. There is a growing arms-sale relationship between Russia and
the two countries providing Moscow with billions of much-needed foreign
exchange while Beijing and New Delhi get sophisticated armaments ranging
from combat aircraft to submarines

Russia and India recently held their first joint naval exercises in the
Indian Ocean, when a large task force of Russian surface ships and nuclear
attack submarines simulated attacks on aircraft-carrier groups. The naval
exercise was coordinated with a mission by long-range bombers to simulate
an attack by long-range cruise missiles. Last year in December, Russian
President Vladimir Putin traveled to China and India, and high-level
rhetoric about the need for greater cooperation also included thinly
veiled anti-Western pronouncements and calls for a "multi-polar world",
Moscow's mantra for counterbalancing America's global dominance. Hence
speculation resurfaced about the three countries ganging up to form the
"axis" due to a perceived sense among all three that US power must somehow
or other be checked.

All three were disturbed by the Iraq war and protested against what they
viewed as a rejection of the rules of the international game. They still
back the primacy of the United Nations Security Council in solving crises,
and support the principle of non-intervention in internal affairs of
sovereign states and Burma is one of that.

On the other hand the idea that now the Eastern axis may be the only
answer to US arrogance has gained strength. Russia and China have already
solved their border disputes, while China and India are still divided by a
mere chunk of barren terrain and grant of asylum to the Dalai Lama and a
few thousand followers. Meanwhile, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
(SCO) had provided a convenient forum for the trilateral axis. Now the SCO
includes China, Russia, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan,
and India has been touted as a potential candidate. India's joining in
could raise the SCO's significance.

Late last month, China and Russia struck an unprecedented deal jointly to
survey oil and natural-gas resources in their border areas. In May,
Chinese President Hu Jintao, not only put his signature on a strategic
energy pact with Putin, but also attended the SCO summit. The SCO
presidents gathered in the Kremlin and agreed to have a secretariat in
Beijing and a Regional Anti-Terrorist Force in the Kyrgyz capital Bishkek
from 2004 on. One sign of the SCO's transformation is a plan to hold joint
anti-terrorism exercises this year in Kazakhstan involving the armed
forces of all six members. Thus, there is a motivation in all three
capitals to cooperate on strategic, security and economic issues.

 But aside from calls for a "multi-polar world", the idea of an axis
seemingly is yet to evolve into a clear-cut strategy. The would-be
"strategic triangle" is still short of an implementation system,
prerequisite to ensuring future success of any stratagem. In this aspect
Burma came into the picture, a testing ground where the pro democratic
and nationalities with the support of the West will faced the dictatorial
Junta supported by these troika, a fearful scenario.

The ASEAN countries whose Constructive Engagement policy have let the
Burmese jean out of the bottle will also be reaping the benefit of either
staying neutral or aligning with the West. Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia
and the rest of the Indo China countries will continue to support the
Junta but Philippines and Indonesia may have second thought. If they have
acted decisively and supported the democratic forces in 1988 there would
be no dictatorship in Burma and the region would have been a much happier
place to live in.

In any case it will be the people of Burma that will suffer miserably and
the pro democracy forces led by NLD including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will
continue to linger in jail at least for the moment. Now the international
community has come to know the craftiness and the cunning of the Burmese
Generals. But there is still time to act if the West acts decisively.
__________

Irrawaddy July 11 2003

U Ba Kaung Passes Away (Obituary)

July 11, 2003—U Ba Kaung, a former student leader and educationist of
Burma, died in Rangoon on July 8, 2003 at age 82.

U Ba Kaung was born in a rural village in Shwe Bo province in Upper Burma
in 1921. In 1946, he entered university where he became a prominent
student union leader.

 U Ba Kaung is one of the most influential student activists of
post-independent Burma.
—a former colleague in Rangoon

"U Ba Kaung is one of the most influential student activists of
post-independent Burma," says one of his former colleagues living in
Rangoon. "He masterminded semi-underground activities as well as conducted
official functions of the student union."

In 1957, U Ba Kaung and other student activists established the
Progressive Student Force, which became a rival union of the
government-backed Democratic Student Organization.

U Ba Kaung was believed to had become a cell leader of the Communist Party
of Burma (CPB) in the student union in the late 1940s. After his death, a
CPB spokesperson admitted to The Irrawaddy that U Ba Kaung remained a
senior underground leader until the early 1960s.

When the military took power in 1962 and banned student unions, many of U
Ba Kaung’s colleagues joined the CPB. U Ba Kaung, however, ostensibly
relinquished his political activities but he did not join Gen Ne Win’s
ruling socialist party. "He laid low after the 1962 military coup", says U
Hla Pe, one of U Ba Kaung’s colleagues who now lives in Bangkok.

 He is a man of integrity. He only thinks of serving people, not his
personal gain. —Tin Moe, Burmese poet in exile


U Ba Kaung joined the civil service as a public high school teacher in the
1960s. At the request of Dr Nyi Nyi, who was then Minister of Education
and a close political colleague during the student union period, U Ba
Kaung became head of the Art Department of the Basic Education Textbook
Committee. Many believe this close relationship helped U Ba Kaung deflect
the regime’s suspicions that he was a Communist sympathizer.

Still, his career was not trouble free. Since entering politics in 1946,
"he was detained at least six times," says U Hla Pe. Most recently, U Ba
Kaung was helping a new generation of students to produce a written
history of Burmese student movements when the military brought him in for
interrogation in 1998.

"U Ba Kaung is a great researcher and he has deep knowledge of history and
literature," says Ludu U Sein Win, a veteran journalist in Rangoon.

U Ba Kaung was also an editor of the "semi-government-run" Pyin Nyar Tang
Saung magazine in the 1990s.

U Ba Kaung’s favorite hobby was to watch football. "Every afternoon, no
one could stop him from going to Aung San Stadium to watch football
matches, no matter how poor the quality of the tournament was," says Tin
Moe, a poet who worked with U Ba Kaung on the textbook committee.

U Ba Kaung also covered sports for journals and magazines in Burma.

U Ba Kaung has been described by friends as humble, honest and always
willing to lend a helping hand. "He is a man of integrity," says Tin Moe.
"He only thinks of serving people, not his personal gain."