BurmaNet News, Nov 8-10, 2003

[editor at burmanet.org]

Nov 8-10, 2003 Issue # 2365


INSIDE BURMA
AFP: UN envoy demands Myanmar release dissidents from prison "hell"
AFP: Myanmar's Suu Kyi refuses freedom, but political progress a priority
Kyodo News Service: NLD to take part in Myanmar National Convention: U.N.
envoy
VOA: Burma Releases 8 Supporters of Suu Kyi
BBC Monitor: Burma Rejects British Allegations Of Involvement In Religious
Unrest

ON THE BORDER
BP: Step By Step To Solutions
FT: Long-Necked Karens Prevented From Being Used As Tourism Show In Phuket
FT: 'Jesse Jackson' Visits Mae Hong Son Refugee Camp
Shan: Ceasefire groups will attend junta convention

MONEY
AP: Thai aid to neighbors to be focus of Southeast Asian mini-summit
FT: Thailand Provides 123 Million Baht Grant For Road Project In Myanmar
FT: PTTEP Plans To Invest Us $ 15.8 Million In Two Natural Gas Blocks In
Myanmar

REGIONAL
AFP: Thai PM heads to Myanmar to discuss ties ahead of regional mini-summit
AFP: Singapore says it has spoken repeatedly with Myanmar about Aung San
Suu Kyi
FT: Suu Kyi Issue Not On Agenda As Thai Prime Minister Visits Myanmar

INTERNATIONAL
Channel News Asia: US accuses Myanmar of filming, following its diplomats

OPINION / OTHER
FT: Stop Treating All Illegal Foreigners As Criminals.
IHT: Sanctions don't work
FT: Sanctions on Burma: Do not expect dramatic results from BAT's withdrawal
Newsweek: Lust and Democracy
BP: Mon Renaissance



__________________ INSIDE BURMA ___________________

AFP, Nov 10
UN envoy demands Myanmar release dissidents from prison "hell"
The UN's rights envoy to Myanmar on Monday demanded the junta release
hundreds of political prisoners from their prison "hell" and said he was
frustrated and embarrassed at the lack of progress on the issue.
Paulo Sergio Pinheiro said after his sixth mission to the military-run
state that since his appointment three years ago the regime had released
500 prisoners but that 1,300 remained behind bars.
"All the political prisoners must be released," he told a press conference
in Bangkok. "Prison is hell. It is unacceptable."
"I am so frustrated. And I am more embarrassed because I have to meet
those prisoners for the fifth or sixth time," he said, referring to his
repeated visits to the nation's notoriously brutal jails.
Pinheiro said that this year the releases had dropped to a trickle and at
the current rate it would take 10 years before all the dissidents were
freed.
Another 153 opposition figures had been taken into detention in the wake
of May 30 unrest which triggered the arrest of opposition leader Aung San
Suu Kyi, and 27 of them remained in jail after eight were released Sunday,
he said.

Among those still detained were senior leaders of the opposition National
League for Democracy (NLD) who were on average 80 years old.
"These old gentlemen, their place is not in prison," he said.
Pinheiro said the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) should
recognise that the dissidents were not a threat, and as in other
countries, dissidents could help effect peaceful change and political
transitions.
"I think it's time for the SPDC to consider a political amnesty," he said.
"I have told the authorities that political prisoners, if they are
released, they are not a nuisance, they are an asset. They will be the
agents for the transition, they will not be the troublemakers, they will
be troubleshooters."

Pinheiro, who was sharply criticised in the US Congress last week for
failing to achieve change in Myanmar, defended his non-confrontational
approach towards the regime which is famously resistant to criticism.
"Pressure is not a good thing only. You have to express, appeal, engage,
dialogue," he said.
The envoy said in Yangon Saturday that Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been in
detention since the May clashes in northern Myanmar, would refuse to be
freed from house arrest unless her party colleagues were also released.
After visiting her at her lakeside residence last week, he said she was in
high spirits but unwilling to accept any "privileges" from the junta.
On Monday he said that although the government denied she was under house
arrest, her telephone line remained severed, she was not allowed visitors,
and there was a security cordon around her home.
Pinheiro has called for an official investigation into the May 30 violence
which eyewitnesses said left dozens dead after a pro-junta gang ambushed
Aung San Suu Kyi's convoy which was on a political tour of the region.
He said that Aung San Suu Kyi backed that, which has been rebuffed by the
government, but that she did not want the issue to distract from efforts
for political reform in Myanmar.
"She said we can not be stuck with this," he said. "The people in Myanmar
will try not to repeat what has happened and move forward, to go on. She
is asking for justice, but she is not saying anything concerning revenge."
The unrest and subsequent detention of the entire NLD leadership brought
to a dead halt UN-brokered national reconciliation negotiations between
Aung San Suu Kyi and the generals that began in 2000.
Myanmar, which has been run by the military for four decades, has been in
a political deadlock since 1990 when the regime refused to recognise the
NLD's landslide victory in national elections.
___________________________________
Nov 9, AFP
Myanmar's Suu Kyi refuses freedom, but political progress a priority

Myanmar's political stalemate has heightened after Aung San Suu Kyi told a
UN envoy she would refuse her freedom unless colleagues were also
released, but the democracy icon remains committed to political dialogue,
diplomats and analysts said Sunday.
United Nations rights envoy Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, who met the opposition
leader during a six-day mission to Myanmar, said she was unwilling to
accept any "privileges" from the junta unless the nearly three dozen other
political prisoners arrested after deadly May 30 unrest were released.
A Western diplomat stressed, however, that while Aung San Suu Kyi is
demanding an independent investigation into the events, she is committed
to resuming political discourse with the generals in the ruling State
Peace and Development Council (SPDC).
"She wants to move forward with dialogue," the diplomat told AFP. "She's
actually trying to keep the temperature down, and she fully recognizes
that every step lays with the SPDC."
The 58-year-old Nobel peace laureate, whose National League for Democracy
(NLD) party swept 1990 elections but was never allowed to assume power by
the military junta, has spent more than seven years under three different
stints of house arrest, including the previous period which ended in May
2002.
She was arrested again this May when a junta-backed gang attacked her
supporters during a political tour of northern Myanmar.
The unrest and subsequent detention of the entire NLD leadership brought
to a dead halt the UN-brokered national reconciliation negotiations
between Aung San Suu Kyi and the generals that began in 2000.
One Yangon-based political analyst explained that the junta had engaged
Aung San Suu Kyi secretly before, particularly when it launched the talks
in 2000 just a month after she had been taken into custody, and that it
may be looking for a similar quiet negotiation while other NLD leaders are
out of contact.
"But I think Aung San Suu Kyi's (defiance) indicates she is not going to
be swayed. She doesn't want to have any secret contacts anymore, she wants
everybody to be accountable and transparent," the analyst said.
"Just making deals with her alone without the rest of the NLD is not going
to work. She wants everything to be open and above board."
Aung San Suu Kyi's announcement of solidarity with fellow NLD members and
other political prisoners is consistent with previous statements, said
Debbie Stothard, coordinator of advocacy group Altsean Burma
"She is aware that any premature release from house arrest would be used
to stave off international pressure, and she is not willing to do that
when she knows there are scores of colleagues still being held in harsh
conditions," Stothard said.
"It's very clear that Aung San Suu Kyi is determined there should be
dialogue. She is very keen to move on, beyond what happened," she added.
"But you can't have a dialogue with a party where all the key leaders are
detained."
Among those held are deputy NLD chair U Tin Oo, who is in his late
seventies and said to be jailed at a remote prison near the Indian border.
Other NLD leaders have been confined to strict house arrest.
Dozens of people are suspected to have been killed in the May 30 melee,
which Pinheiro had travelled to Myanmar in part to investigate but over
which he was rebuffed by the junta.
He also stressed that there had been "significant setbacks in the process
of political transition after the May 30 events," a sure sign that the
report he is to present next week to the United Nations will be sobering.
"It won't be positive," the diplomat predicted.
While the UN envoy said the junta had assured him that Aung San Suu Kyi
was no longer being detained under any legal prevision, the diplomat and
analysts stressed that nothing had changed and she remained under house
arrest.
"She is not being held under any security law but these guys still play
these games," the diplomat said. "About her movements, they have all the
power and nobody else does, least of all her."
___________________________________
Nov 10, Kyodo News Service
NLD to take part in Myanmar National Convention: U.N. envoy

U.N. human rights envoy Paulo Sergio Pinheiro said Monday the Myanmar
opposition party led by pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi will be
allowed to take part in a revived National Convention aimed at producing a
democratic Constitution.
Pinheiro, who has just concluded a six-day visit to Myanmar, told a press
conference in Bangkok that the Myanmar junta told him the National League
for Democracy (NLD) will be one of eight groups included in the
convention.
As part of the 'roadmap to democracy,' Myanmar Prime Minister Khin Nyunt
earlier announced an attempt to reconvene the National Convention to draft
a new Constitution, but he gave no specific timeframe for the process.
The National Convention was suspended in 1996 following the withdrawal of
the NLD.
Pinheiro also called on the junta to free Suu Kyi and other political
prisoners, saying Suu Kyi has refused to accept freedom until all others
detained with her in May are first released.
'What she shared with me is that she will not accept any privilege to have
free movement before every person that is detained is released,' he said.
The junta moved Suu Kyi from an unidentified detention location to house
arrest Sept. 26 after she underwent gynecological surgery.

_________________________________
Nov 10, Voice of America
Burma Releases 8 Supporters of Suu Kyi

Paulo Sergio Pinheiro says Burma's military leaders told him Aung San Suu
Kyi is not being held under any security law. But he says this statement
does not conform to what he saw when he visited the leader of the National
League for Democracy party at her home in Rangoon last week.

"She's inside her house without freedom of movement or freedom of access,"
says Mr. Pinheiro. "Her colleagues of the committee of the (NLD) party are
in house arrest. One is in detention. And even if they have released eight
of the 35, there are some that continue in detention."

The United Nations human rights envoy says Aung San Suu Kyi told him she
would decline any liberties until all those detained five months ago were
released. He says eight members of the NLD executive committee are under
house arrest and a ninth, Chairman U Tin Oo is in prison.

Mr. Pinheiro says an estimated 150 NLD members were detained after May
30th and all party offices were closed. The government says the detainees
are in protective custody after their backers clashed with government
supporters. Western diplomats quote witnesses as saying government
supporters staged an unprovoked attack on an NLD convoy, killing dozens of
people.

Mr. Pinheiro urged the military leaders to declare a general amnesty and
release all of the country's estimated 1,300 political prisoners. He says
a transition to democracy cannot begin with political prisoners still in
jail.

He called the May 30 incident a significant setback in the efforts to
bring democratic reforms in Burma because it ended the confidence-building
talks between the government and the NLD. The pro-democracy party won
national elections 13 years ago but was not allowed to govern.

"The contacts, even if they were not substantial, were interrupted. And
you have all the offices of the NLD closed. This is a big regression," he
says. "I would not say, not yet, [that] there is progress. I think there
are some opportunities that we could have in the future some progress, but
not now, this week."

The Brazilian human rights expert said these opportunities include a plan
for national reconciliation announced by the Burmese government. But he
noted that the government has not granted his request to investigate the
May 30th incident and reported abuses against ethnic minorities in the
rebellious north.

Mr. Pinheiro is to present his findings to the U.N. General Assembly later
this week.
___________________________

Nov 9, BBC Monitor
Burma Rejects British Allegations Of Involvement In Religious Unrest

Text of press release from "Information Sheet No C-2828(I)" issued by the
"Myanmar Information Committee" in Rangoon on 8 November in English
carried by Myanmar Information Committee web site on 8 November

The British Foreign and Commonwealth Office recently made a statement
regarding the so-called incident involving Muslims in Yangon (Rangoon).
The allegations are completely groundless. It is well known that the
Myanmar (Burmese) government has constantly worked for religious harmony
in the nation. Moreover, it has always provided protection to the
religious minorities. Therefore, to make assertions that the government is
involved in the abovementioned incident is totally baseless. The
allegations are utterly malicious. They are uncalled for, particularly
when the government is working conscientiously to promote peace and
harmony in the entire country.

It is most regrettable that the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office
has made such irresponsible remarks. The statement clearly represents an
attempt to sow seeds of discord in the country and discredit Myanmar in
the international community. As such the Myanmar government categorically
rejects the allegations as false and politically motivated.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Source: Myanmar Information Committee web site, Rangoon, in English 8 Nov 03

_________ ON THE BORDER ______________

Nov 10, Bangkok Post
Step By Step To Solutions

Her clinic for sick and poor Burmese is under threat, but if Dr Cynthia
Maung is worried, she doesn't show it.

Wherever there are problems, there are solutions,'' the Karen-born doctor
said in in her soft, calm voice. We just have to try solving them step by
step.''

Despite the uncertainties surrounding her Mae Tao Clinic in the border
town of Mae Sot, Dr Cynthia's serenity and determination make her a tower
of strength and an oasis of relief for her people.

The authorities recently informed her many of her medical staff and
volunteers did not have proper work permits and may therefore be deported.

If that happened, the free medical clinic for dirt-poor war and economic
refugees along the Thai-Burmese border risks being shut down. So does a
school she founded for stateless children in Mae Sot.

No stranger to obstacles, Dr Cynthia _ often dubbed the Mother Teresa of
Burma _ handles her latest emergency without losing her cool.

Whenever we face problems, we tend to think they are all big and
important,'' said the 44-year-old doctor. But my experience tells me if we
try to find information and build partnerships with others, things will
soon work out.''

Her patient optimism seems to be working. Local health authorities have
expressed support, saying the free facility served the community well so
there should be room to accommodate Dr Cynthia's clinic which cannot turn
away poor patients.

Despite receiving international honours, Dr Cynthia remains a woman of
humble manners. Her modest smile and matter-of-fact serenity, however,
cloak the iron will which gave birth to the Mae Tao Clinic 15 years ago.

When she fled the military crackdown into Mae Sot along with other
refugees in 1988, she had only an electric rice cooker to sterilise the
simple medical instruments she used to treat the sick and wounded.

Her dedication has attracted volunteers and funding from abroad, enabling
the make-shift clinic to grow into a small hospital which, despite its
spartan facility, can offer comprehensive health services to thirty
thousand patients a year.  Her healing mission is not restricted to
medical matters. As months turn into years of seeing no hope of returning
home, Dr Cynthia has witnessed an acceleration of social problems stemming
from migration and uprootedness among the Burmese migrants.

To counter the rise of HIV and Aids, extramarital pregnancies, abortion
and domestic violence among the patients, Dr Cynthia fosters women and
youth groups so they can protect themselves.

The key to these social problems is empowerment,'' she said.

Her father, a health officer in rural Burma, would have been proud.  He is
my role model,'' she said. There were no doctors in the area. My father
had to travel long, difficult journeys, taking boats and walking long
distances to remote villages for his vaccination and malaria programmes.

I often accompanied him and so developed an interest in health care.''

The fourth of eight children in a Karen family, she would have been one of
the drop-outs in Moulmein backwater had it not for her parents' belief in
education.

They may be from rural areas but they had ambition for us children to be
educated,'' she said.

Young Cynthia made them proud when she succeeded in entering the medical
school with its professional promise of money and prestige.

Harsh working conditions and the lure of wealth have forced many doctors
to quit, however. Dr Cynthia followed her father's footsteps by serving
state hospitals and later moved back to Moulmein to work in a Karen
village in order to be near her family.

Her political consciousness was in full bloom by then.

I saw problems,'' she said. When I worked in hospitals, I saw the problems
of not having enough beds or medicines. The hospitals are under-resourced
and the people don't have access to health care. They have to help
themselves by using herbs and there are a lot of fake medicines.

When I worked in a Karen village, I also saw how people's health was
inter-related to other issues. I saw the use of forced labour, forced
porters.

I saw these problems and came to realise we cannot solve them by
continuing treating the villagers. We had to change the system.''

Protests against the military junta by the pro-democracy movement were at
their height then, and Dr Cynthia readily joined in, fully optimistic for
change. Her leadership was already evident.

Many families were afraid, so I decided to join the protests because I
wanted to help,'' she recalled. I didn't really know how, but because of
my position in the village as a doctor they gave me respect. If I joined,
they would feel confident to do the same.''

She was about 27 _ and my parents didn't know what I was doing''.

Even when the military crackdown forced her to join the refugee exodus
into Mae Sot, she was still confident the democratic force would soon
prevail.

I believed I could return home within three months,'' she said with a
tinge of sadness.

Then I thought it would be next year, then the next year ...''

The wait has protracted into 15 years while democratic Burma is still out
sight. It finally dawned on her she had to think differently in order to
help her people cope with the problems of long-term exile.

High in her priority list is education for a growing number of migrant
Burmese children who cannot study in Thai schools. Most of them are
stateless because they were born without receiving birth certificates to
prove their nationality.

As a mother of three, she understood the urgency. A nursery she set up has
grown into a small primary school for some 200 pupils, including her
children.

But her work never seems to catch up with the needs as economic refugees
who continue to swamp Mae Sot, fleeing the hardships of a repressive
regime.

Until last year, Dr Cynthia said she felt quite isolated from the local
community in her efforts to help migrants from Burma, but all that changed
when she received the Ramon Magsaysay Award in 2002 for her humanitarian
work in Mae Sot.

Feeling she had brought recognition to the country and to their town, the
Mae Sot community became more open and co-operative with her work.

That, she said with thankfulness, had helped her see her work in a new
light.  I realised wherever I was, I had to work the same way,'' she said.
The place may be different, but the problems are the same. This encourages
me to continue.''

She shrugged off the idea of leaving Mae Sot to work in the West.

The whole world is the same,'' she said matter-of-factly. Wherever you
are, you have to work with people ... with problems. Your work is the same
_ to help them, to learn from each other, to share your experiences.

How despite the odds could she keep up her energy and optimism?

I never quit,'' she said with a shy smile. I don't stop until I achieve
the goal.''

Which means she constantly has to tell herself to be patient ... not only
with myself, but also with others''.

People can be lazy, but you must find a way to understand, to motivate
them to achieve the goal.''

A leader by necessity, Dr Cynthia has found her own way to cope with
problems which never seem to go away.

We just need to identify the resources, the people,'' she said. We have to
motivate them, helping them to build their capacity. A lot of people also
want to help, so we have to find them and form partnership. From there,
things can happen.''

Patience was necessary, she said, when the goal was social change. It took
time.  There are solutions to problems, but we must be patient. Everyone
we can empower is a way to help them continue learning. If that happens,
there will be change.''

Being a religious person helped, and she accepted what God prepares for us
may be different from what we understand''.

But believing in His love and power, and His teaching to love our
neighbours as ourself, we can achieve.''

She saw in herself a different person from when she began in medical
school.  From her intention to be just a medical doctor she ended up
choosing to become an agent of social change.  What happened gave me an
opportunity to work with many different people, and as a leader, you have
to find a way to achieve your goals,'' she said.

So you learn to be patient, to listen, to share, to motivate, teach and
counsel.  It's been a learning, enriching experience for me.''
___________________________________

Nov 10, Financial Times
Long-Necked Karens Prevented From Being Used As Tourism Show In Phuket

Long-necked Karen immigrants have been prohibited from leaving their
provided shelter in Mae Hong Son province.

The police and defence volunteers have been instructed to see to it that
none of the long-necked Karens will be led out of the shelter area, in the
northernmost province, said Mae Hong Son governor Suphot Laowansiri .

The prohibition imposed on the Karen immigrants, who had fled from
fighting inside Myanmar, followed attempts of businesspersons to buy the
long-necked villagers in a tourism gimmickry for Phuket , according to the
provincial governor.

3 to 5 families of long-necked Karens had been reportedly offered 5 to 10
million Baht to leave for Phuket and remain there for a 10-year period, as
a tourist attraction to be seen by foreign tourists.

It had been proposed that each of the tourists would be charged 200 Baht
or more just to see them.
______________________________

Nov 10, Financial Times
'Jesse Jackson' Visits Mae Hong Son Refugee Camp

The Rev. Jesse L. Jackson - a renowned US senator and human rights leader
- yesterday called on the Thai government to ensure the safety of Myanmar
refugees living in refugee camps in this northern province of Mae Hong
Son.

The comments were made during a visit by a delegation of six United States
Democrat Party senators and congressmen to the Baan Pang Tractor Refugee
Centre, where they were welcomed by Deputy Governor Sithichai Prasertsri.

While thanking the Thai government for its excellent care of refugees
fleeing fighting in Myanmar, and for ensuring good hygiene in the refugee
camps, the Rev. Jackson urged the Thai government to supervise the safety
of the refugees, noting that the refugee camp was only five kilometres
from the Thai-Myanmar border.

Nonetheless, he said that assurances by the deputy provincial governor
that troops and volunteers were taking stringent measures to ensure border
security had left him feeling more positive.

At the same time, he noted that the good relationship currently enjoyed
between the governments of Thailand and Myanmar should mean better safety
for the refugees.

But he professed concern for the education of the refugees, stressing that
the refugees would only be able to develop themselves upon their return to
Myanmar if the Thai government organized teaching for them while in
Thailand.

He also called on the Thai government to supervise birth control in
refugee camps, noting that any increase in the refugee population posed a
burden to organizations looking after them.

_____________ MONEY ______________

Nov 10, AP
Thai aid to neighbors to be focus of Southeast Asian mini-summit

he leaders of four Southeast Asian nations are meeting this week in
Myanmar to discuss how Thailand can help its less prosperous neighbors
increase trade and improve their tourism, communications and other
industries.

Myanmar, also known as Burma, will host the leaders of Thailand, Laos and
Cambodia on Wednesday in Bagan, 510 kilometers (315 miles) northwest of
the Myanmar capital Yangon.

Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra said Saturday that Thailand would
discuss ways of helping neighboring countries develop, which in turn would
curb the flow of economic migrants into the country and discourage the
production of illegal drugs.

"Economics is the main issue that will dominate the discussions,"
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen said Monday before departing Phnom Penh
for Myanmar. "All agreements will also be about economic cooperation and
development between the four countries."

Preliminary meetings were being held Monday in Yangon to work out details
of a declaration on economic cooperation in such areas as trade,
agriculture, industry, tourism, communications and transport, Myanmar and
Thai officials said.

However, discussions with Myanmar on easing the crackdown against the
country's pro-democracy movement and its leader Aung San Suu Kyi, are not
on the agenda, Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai said last week.

Suu Kyi was detained in May following a clash between her followers and
government supporters.

Myanmar's military government has long been under fire for its poor human
rights record and its failure to hand over power to a democratically
elected government. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party won 1990
elections by a landslide but was prevented from taking power when the
junta nullified the result.

Western nations, including the United States, have sought to pressure the
junta with economic and political sanctions.

Thaksin said Thai aid would help ease political tensions in Myanmar,
leading eventually to the restoration of democracy.
___________________________________

Nov 10, Financial Times
Thailand Provides 123 Million Baht Grant For Road Project In Myanmar

The Thai government will provide a 123 million Baht grant for the Myanmar
government to build a road linking Mae Sot with Myawaddy Deputy Prime
Minister Korn Dabbaransi disclosed on November 3rd that the Thai
government had agreed to grant 123 million baht for free. This is coupled
with a 1.7 billion Baht loan which carries a 1.5% interest, a 30-year
repayment term and a 10-year grace period.

The grant is for the construction of the road between Mae Sot, Tak and
Myawaddy Township inside Myanmar while the loan is for an extension of
that road deeper inside the neighbouring country, according to the Deputy
Prime Minister.

Thailand will also promote the farming of maize, tapioca, black matpe
beans, potatoes and bamboo shoots in Myawaddy. Thai agro-industry
companies will buy the farm produce from Myanmar, he said.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra is scheduled to visit Yangon
November 10th to attend an Indochinese summit with Laos, Cambodia and
Myanmar.

___________________________________

Nov 10, Financial Times
PTTEP Plans To Invest Us $ 15.8 Million In Two Natural Gas Blocks In Myanmar
PTT Exploration & Production PCL (PTTEP) plans to invest approximately US
$ 15.8 million for the first four years in two natural gas blocks in
Myanmar, the company said in a filing to the SET.

The investment involves geological and geophysical studies, seismic
surveys and drilling of two exploration wells.

Myanmar has agreed to grant PTTEP with the exploration rights to Blocks
M-7 and M-9, located in the Gulf of Martaban, nearly 250-300 kilometers
south of Yangon, covering an area of 27,000 sq. km.

The signing ceremony for the agreement is tentatively set for November 12,
while exploration should begin next year.


_____________ REGIONAL ______________

Nov 10, AFP
Thai PM heads to Myanmar to discuss ties ahead of regional mini-summit

Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra will press Myanmar's ruling
generals to speed up the resettlement of thousands of migrants returning
home from Thailand, he said Monday before flying to Yangon.
The resettlement issue and broader labour concerns including illegal
migration will be among the topics on the table when Thaksin meetings
officials of the junta Tuesday including top leader Senior General Than
Shwe.
"We will talk about the foreign labour problem and the illegal immigrant
problem," Thaksin said, adding that he will ask Myanmar to smooth re-entry
procedures including setting aside areas for them to resettle.
Many Myanmar nationals have escaped the dire economic conditions in their
homeland, which has been crippled by decades of financial mismanagement
and a Western sanctions imposed after the ruling military junta refused to
release pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
About a million Myanmar nationals are thought to be working in Thailand,
around half illegally. The two countries have long had a prickly
relationship and Thailand is careful not to antagonise its military-run
neighbour.
In recent months since Suu Kyi's May 30 arrest it has pursued its policy
of constructive engagement with Yangon, with Thaksin stressing a softer
approach with Myanmar rather than the "yelling" employed by some Western
nations.
Thaksin also said the junta has assured him it would be able to achieve
its oft-stated goal of national reconciliation among the country's varied
ethnic groups, and that Thailand was ready to lend a hand in the process.
"Myanmar agree that they should speed up to achive national reconciliation
which will lead to solving foreign labour and illegal immigrant issues,"
he said.
"We will help them, based on humanitarian reasons and not politics," he
said, explaining that Thailand would offer Myanmar financial assistance
this week at a mini-summit.
Thaksin joins leaders from Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar for the summit
Wednesday in the ancient capital of Bagan.
The billionaire tycoon turned politician initiated the meeting aimed at
increasing competitiveness, generating economic growth in border areas,
creating jobs and reducing regional income disparities.
___________________________________
Nov 10, AFP
Singapore says it has spoken repeatedly with Myanmar about Aung San Suu Kyi

Singapore has privately raised its concerns over detained democracy leader
Aung San Suu Kyi with the Myanmar junta on many occasions, the
city-state's foreign minister said Monday.
S. Jayakumar told parliament the government had issued a number of public
statements expressing its opinion on Aung San Suu Kyi's fate.
"We have also spoken to the Myanmar authorities in private on many
occasions," Jayakumar said.
In the most recent of such contacts, Singapore Prime Minister Goh Chok
Tong raised the issue with his Myanmar counterpart Khin Nyunt at the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations annual leaders' summit in Bali on
October 6, he said.
"While it will not be useful to reveal the details of such private
exchanges let me say that we have made known our concerns," he said.
Jayakumar repeated Singapore's position that economic sanctions on Myanmar
would not succeed in helping Aung San Suu Kyi's long campaign for
democracy.
"Given the limited integration of Myanmar into the world economy the
effect of sanctions will be only limited," he said.
While the United States and other nations have imposed sanctions on
Myanmar, Singapore has maintained steady business ties with the isolated
nation and is one of its biggest foreign investors.
"The situation in Myanmar is very complicated. Other countries may have
their own views and their own way of approaching the issue. They may also
have their own motives," Jayakumar said.
"Singapore must be guided by our own national interests. Singapore will
continue to do whatever we can in our own way."
Aung San Suu Kyi is currently under house arrest in the Myanmar capital
Yangon after a pro-junta mob attacked her entourage on May 30 while she
was on a political tour in the north of the country.
The Nobel peace laureate was kept in secret detention for more than three
months after the incident and was shifted to house arrest in September.
Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party won a
landslide victory in 1990 elections but the junta refused to recognise the
results.
It instead continued to rule the country with an iron fist, forcing Aung
San Suu Kyi to spend more than seven years under house arrest.
Aung San Suu Kyi said last week she would refuse freedom until the junta
released dozens of her colleagues who were jailed following the May 30
unrest.
___________________________________

Nov 10, Financial Times
Suu Kyi Issue Not On Agenda As Thai Prime Minister Visits Myanmar

The release of Myanmar Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi will not be on
the agenda of the upcoming 4-nation leadership meeting in the former
Myanmar capital of Pagan, Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai has
announced.

Instead, he said, the meeting - an initiative of Prime Minister Thaksin
Shinawatra - would focus on broad economic issues and the generation of
additional income for the sub-regional population.

Stressing that the November 12th meeting would focus on affairs that
concerned all 4 nations - Thailand, Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia - he said
that the discussions were not aimed at talking with Myanmar's leaders on
the issue of Suu Kyi.

Mr. Surakiart stressed that Thailand would surely like to see the release
of Aung San Suu Kyi, saying that as far as the issue of Mrs. Suu Kyi is
concerned, Thailand's stance is already very clear.

Myanmar officials have told Prime Minister Thaksin that they had already
allowed Mrs Suu Kyi to return home and she was now no longer in
confinement, and that Myanmar would proceed with the national
reconciliation plan or what the world calls it's 'Roadmap' The meeting is
due to take place on November 12th in Pagan, following a meeting between
the foreign ministers of all 4 nations in the Myanmar capital of Yangon on
November 10th.

Asked if discussions on the issue of Mrs Suu Kyi would take place away
from the main discussion table, Mr. Surakiart conceded that the matter
might be raised during a dinner among the four leaders, depending on
whether or not the atmosphere seemed appropriate.

Mr Surakiart noted that in the past several meetings had already taken
place at a senior official level, with various frameworks already drawn
up. The upcoming meeting was in order to determine whether these
frameworks agreed upon by the four foreign ministers would also find
acceptance with the four national leaders, he said.

The Pagan meeting will see the launch of the Pagan Declaration on economic
cooperation strategies, detailing the areas in which the four countries
will pledge future cooperation. These will include the facilitation of
border trade and the elimination of obstacles to the cross-border
transportation of goods.

Other key areas will include agriculture, industry, tourism,
communications links and assistance in the development of human resources.

Mr Surakiart noted that the broad framework for such cooperation had
already been agreed upon during a ministerial meeting last August.
___________________________________

Nov 10, Shan
Ceasefire groups will attend junta convention

After weeks of backstage politicking and haggling following the surprise
announcement of their 5 preconditions on 15 October, the ceasefire groups
in Shan State finally agreed last week to send representatives to the
Rangoon sponsored National Convention, according to sources from the
border.

The Shan State Peace Council, a joint setup of the Shan State Army "North"
and Shan State National Army, had already presented a list of 8
participants to the military intelligence in Lashio on 5 November:

Shan State Army "North"

1. Col Gaifah Vice President
2. Col Sai Du Secretary General
3. Lt-Col Harnseuk member
4. Lt-Col Kawngtai member
5. Lt-Col Sarm Moontom member

Shan State National Army

1. Lt-Col Hsengzoom Chief of Staff
2. Lt-Col Oom Khurh member
3. Sai Hsengharn member

A highly-placed source explained the reasons: "Friendly junta officers
said our refusal would only serve to toughen hardliners' stand and prolong
the dictatorship. They then counselled us to fight it out instead in the
Convention, where a number of sympathetic listeners were said to have
already been appointed to the Convening Commission. We later conferred
with the SNLD (Shan Nationalities League for Democracy) leaders, who left
it to us to make our own decision. Accordingly we met again and agreed to
send delegates who would be withdrawn once it became clear the generals
are not ready to mend their ways."

The Wa and other groups had also decided to attend the NC, he said.
"However, Rangoon has yet to inform us when it will begin."

On 6 November, representatives from six-groups: Kachin Independence
Organization, Kayan New Land Prty, Karenni Nationalities People Liberation
Front, New Mon State Party, Palaung State Liberation Army and the Shan
State Peace Council issued another statement demanding Rangoon to sponsor
a conference among ethnic groups, both ceasefire and non-ceasefire, in
order to define a common platform. "We have yet to hear any response from
the generals," he told S.H.A.N..

It is not known how much China's involvement there was in order to force
the Wa to revise its stand.

Sao Sengsuk, spokesman for exile Shan Democratic Union, said, "It is no
big deal whether or not the ceasefire groups take part in the NC, as they
are not elected parties. But it will be if they really are out to make it
a battlefield."

Both the NLD and SNLD have already declared their opposition to the
National Convention.

__________________ INTERNATIONAL ____________________

Nov 10, Channel News Asia
US accuses Myanmar of filming, following its diplomats

The United States is accusing Myanmar's feared military intelligence
service of eavesdropping on, filming and tapping the phones of its
diplomats, frustrating their work to improve human rights.

The allegations are contained in a new State Department report on US
activities designed to support democracy activists in the Myanmar, the
former Burma.

"Surveillance and eavesdropping on foreign diplomats" hamper efforts of
the US embassy in Yangon to engage with the opposition of Aung San Suu
Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) other political groups and even
members of the government, the report says.

"The movements and conversations of US and other diplomats in Burma are
assumed to be heavily monitored at all times by Burmese Military
Intelligence," the report said.

"Telephones and unclassified e-mail lines are tapped, Burmese mail is
read, diplomats are physically followed on a frequent basis."

The report also claims that military intelligence is "known to have filmed
US persons in hotel rooms."

It says that government officials must have meetings with US diplomats
prior approved and private Myanmar citizens who meet American diplomats
are normally interrogated by Military Intelligence.

"Household staff and foreign national employees of the Mission are
pressured by Military Intelligence to report on the activities of US
diplomats," the report added.

The findings will not come as a surprise to close observers of Myanmar, as
the Yangon government makes little effort to hide its surveillance
activities from visiting journalists or diplomats.

But the claims are likely to further sour the already poisoned
relationship between the United States and Myanmar.

Washington delivers almost weekly criticisms of the military regime in
Yangon, over its human rights record and treatment of Aung San Suu Kyi, a
Nobel laureate currently under house arrest.

Late last month the State Department warned in another new report that it
was considering how to stiffen its sanctions against Myanmar -- even after
significantly bolstering them earlier this year.

In its biannual report on the situation in Myanmar (Burma), the department
said Washington would continue to lobby other governments to impose
similar sanctions on Yangon in a bid to force the junta to release Aung
San Suu Kyi and restore democracy.

President George W. Bush and Secretary of State Colin Powell both had
Myanmar high on their list of priorities at last month's Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation forum in Bangkok.

United Nations human rights envoy Paulo Sergio Pinheiro on Saturday said
that Aung San Suu Kyi would refuse to be released from house arrest unless
the ruling generals release dozens of her jailed colleagues.

The envoy spent six days in the military-ruled state looking into alleged
rights abuses, including a May 30 attack on Aung San Suu Kyi's entourage
by a pro-junta mob during her political tour of northern Myanmar.

Back in the United States, there are signs that frustration at the junta's
iron grip on Myanmar may be boiling over.

In Congress last week, a line of representatives queued up to express a
lack of confidence in Pinheiro's performance.

One of them, Congressman Joseph Crowley of New York recalled how for the
past three years the United States had supported the UN bid to spur talks
between the NLD and the junta.

"Let me be blunt -- that effort and the effort of UN envoy Paulo Sergio
Pinheiro has failed," he said.

But the State Department endorsed Pinheiro's strategy and that of the UN
Myanmar envoy Razali Ismail.

"We remain supportive of his efforts and continue to call for the
immediate and unconditional release of all those held for freely
expressing their political beliefs," said Adam Ereli, the department's
deputy spokesman.

The NLD won a crushing election victory in 1990, but has never been
allowed to take up power.

__________________ OPINION / OTHER ____________________

Nov 10, Financial Times
Stop Treating All Illegal Foreigners As Criminals.

Breaking up a family If certain standards are met, these people should be
granted proper visa status

We are drawn to heartbreaking circumstances involving a family that is not
Japanese living in Tokyo's low-lying district. At the end of October, the
Tokyo Immigration Bureau took Khin Maung Latt into custody for overstaying
his visa. Maung Latt is a father and family man who is a citizen of
Myanmar (Burma) who worked diligently the past 11 years for a small
delivery service company

Maung Latt first came to Japan in 1988. In 1998, he was served with a
notice of forcible deportation. Since he had been active in the democracy
movement in Myanmar and opposed the military junta, he sought refugee
status here to avoid the strong probability he would be further persecuted
or jailed if he was sent back. His petition was refused His wife is from
the Philippines. She first entered Japan with a forged passport. The
couple have two daughters, both born here and brought up speaking only
Japanese. One is in kindergarten and the other in fourth grade

Under detention, it is quite likely Maung Latt will be sent back to
Myanmar. A deportation order has also been issued to send his wife and
daughters to the Philippines, tearing the family apart

Gainfully employed and surrounded by Japanese friends and acquaintances,
the family made a decent life for themselves here. They were enrolled in
the employee pension system and paid their local inhabitant taxes. It
seems brutal that the government would deport such people solely on the
grounds of their visa status

Khin Maung Latt is a critical part of my company, and I am also deeply
concerned with future of the children,'' said the president of the company
that employs Maung Latt. As a Japanese, I am totally ashamed at the
approach taken by the immigration authorities.'' Maung Latt's employer has
also put his words into action, leading a signature-collection drive for a
petition to Daizo Nozawa, the minister of justice, demanding the
deportation order be rescinded and that the family be granted a proper
visa status

We fully endorse the petition and express our concern about the timing of
the deportation action. The family had previously gone to court over the
immigration process to have the deportation notice against Maung Latt
reversed. We note Maung Latt was taken into custody immediately after the
court rejected his appeal in high court

Japan is beset by an increase in crime attributed to foreigners. Many
critics have said one reason for this is that there are more people from
other countries staying here illegally. We naturally support firm steps to
deal with circumstances that foster any illegal behavior

But the immigration authorities seem to have seized upon the public's fear
for crime by foreigners. The immigration bureau seems willing to lump
together all visa overstayers in Japan, though they are naturally involved
in a wide variety of circumstances. The court rulings, effectively
supporting this view, are equally pathetic

It is ridiculous, for instance, to treat this Myanmar-Philippine family,
having lived in Japan for years without causing any problems at all, the
same as foreigners with suspected links to crime syndicates. There is an
urgent need for case-by-case consideration of how people live and conduct
themselves in Japan, defining the interests of individuals and
families-especially children. If certain standards are met, these people
should be granted proper visa status

In a similar situation, a citizen of South Korea sued to have a
deportation order overturned. The Tokyo District Court ruling said: The
establishment of a lifestyle base, as an upstanding citizen and over an
extended period of time, is a factor that deserves positive consideration
in the decision to grant special residential status.'' We heartily agree

Our society will be marked by an increasing proportion of old people in a
declining population. In more areas, we will depend upon non-Japanese to
get by. The fate of this particular family and the disposition of their
case directly affect us all. The outcome will surely reflect the will and
attitude of Japanese society to the rest of the world

--The Asahi Shimbun, Nov. 9
___________________________________

Nov 10, International Herald Tribune
Sanctions Don’t Work

It would take some chutzpah for me to accuse President George W. Bush,
Democrats in the U.S. Congress and a courageous Nobel Peace Prize-winning
dissident of bolstering some of the world's most odious dictators.

But here goes.

The Bush administration has variously backed, threatened, acquiesced in or
hinted at tough new sanctions against Cuba, Syria, North Korea and Burma.
Democrats helped lead the fight for a new ban on imports from Burma. And
the gutsy Nobel laureate from Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi, backs sanctions
that help impoverish her own people. The United States imposed 85 new
unilateral economic sanctions on foreign nations from 1996 to 2001. But
sanctions, which cost U.S. companies up to $19 billion in 1995 alone,
aren't a policy; they're a feel-good substitute for one. Usually they hurt
just the people they are meant to help.

Fortunately, the U.S. Senate joined the House of Representatives last
month in voting to ease restrictions on travel to Cuba. There is now some
hope that the United States will dismantle the Cuba sanctions, which have
hurt ordinary Cubans while helping Fidel Castro, giving him a scapegoat
for his economic failures.

Take Burma (or Myanmar, as its thuggish generals have tried to rename it).
Republicans and Democrats alike voted to approve tough new sanctions
against Burma this year.

The reality is that Western sanctions have already been failing in Burma
for the last 14 years, as they have for more than 40 years in Cuba, as
they did for a dozen years in Iraq. We should have learned from Iraq that
arms embargoes and United Nations inspections can do some good, while
economic sanctions kill children. The claim that sanctions killed 500,000
Iraqi children, a figure that originated in a UN Children's Fund report,
was probably exaggerated, but no one doubts that UN sanctions contributed
to child malnutrition and mortality in Iraq.

The State Department says in a new report that the July ban on Burmese
imports has already led to 30,000 to 40,000 layoffs in the garment
industry and that ultimately 100,000 Burmese will lose jobs. Most of these
are young women who have no other way of earning a living, and the State
Department says that some are being forced, or duped, into prostitution
(where many will be killed by AIDS).

"We do believe that some of those young women have gone into the sex
trade," said Richard Boucher, the State Department spokesman, although he
defended sanctions and said that they would eventually make life better in
Burma. So in the best-case scenario, the U.S. sanctions are ousting
100,000 people from their jobs -- while the generals keep theirs.

Burmese are already living on the margins: In Burma, one child in 10 dies
before his or her fifth birthday, 44 percent of children are malnourished
and 58 percent of pregnant women are so poorly fed that they have anemia.
Fewer births are attended by a trained nurse now than back in 1982.

So the sanctions will cause babies to die, young women to succumb to AIDS
and families to go hungry. Aung San Suu Kyi has shown exceptional courage
in standing up to Burma's generals and the harm they cause. She should
also be brave enough to back down and call for ending sanctions that hurt
her people.

If we knew that sanctions would lead to a better Burma, I could understand
sacrificing helpless young women. But when sanctions, especially
unilateral ones, are mostly ineffective -- one major study found that they
worked to some degree one-third of the time -- why is the United States so
eager to adopt measures that impose such suffering on innocent Burmese, or
Cubans or Syrians?

In fairness, I was also skeptical of sanctions against South Africa, and
in retrospect I was wrong: Partly because they were multilateral, they
were one of many factors that led to peaceful change there. But in the
more typical cases of Iraq, Haiti, Cuba and North Korea, sanctions seemed
only to empower dictators.

Sanctions are ill suited to a complex world where a senator can nobly
stand before the cameras to denounce Burmese tyrants and the effect is
that a child on the other side of the world dies of hunger. *

Nicholas D. Kristof  Source: The New York Times
E-mail: nicholas at nytimes.com
___________________________________

Nov 10, Financial Times
Sanctions on Burma: Do not expect dramatic results from BAT's withdrawal

The BAT tobacco group's decision to pull out of Burma looks at first
glance like a conspicuous success for campaigners who want economic
sanctions imposed on the most brutal regime in south-east Asia.

As a UK multinational, BAT said it was hard to ignore the formal request
it had received from the British government to withdraw. BAT, the last big
UK company remaining in Burma, will sell its 60 per cent stake in Rothmans
of Pall Mall Myanmar to a Singapore-based investment group within a year.
The other 40 per cent is owned by the holding company of Burma's military
junta.

Pressure groups campaigning for disinvestment from Burma were jubilant,
and will now doubtless turn their attention to Total of France and Unocal
of the US, the two most prominent western corporations still operating in
Burma. The two companies have stakes in the Yadana offshore gas field.

Unfortunately BAT's decision does not really tell us much about the state
of ethics in western boardrooms or the effectiveness of sanctions. Burma
is an easy sacrifice for a company eager to show it is on the side of the
angels.

The junta's generals are serial human rights abusers notorious for
persecuting Aung San Suu Kyi, an eloquent democrat and winner of the Nobel
Peace Prize. For a company such as BAT, the penalties of staying -
including a poor image among consumers and shareholders - far outweigh the
financial benefits of remaining in such a modest market.

But there is little reason for human rights groups to rejoice. Neither
China nor Burma's south-east Asian neighbours show any inclination to
impose sanctions. As Total executives argue, multinationals with
reputations to protect pay much more attention to environmental and social
issues in Burma than the Asian investors likely to replace them. If Total
and Unocal pulled out, Burma's oil and gas revenues would be unaffected.

Worse, there is already evidence that sanctions are harming ordinary
Burmese without in any way changing government policy. Thousands of
textile workers have lost their jobs since the US banned Burmese imports,
and the ruling generals make up for lost income by chopping down forests
and selling them to timber-hungry China.

BAT's withdrawal from Burma is therefore not as significant as human
rights campaigners would like it to be. Sanctions have little chance of
working unless they are applied by all of Burma's economic partners.

It is also naive to argue that the BAT move is a milestone in the
application of ethical investment principles.

If BAT, western governments or oil multinationals had genuine concerns
about democracy, they would presumably start looking closely at their
investments in Russia, China, and the oil-rich states of central Asia and
west Africa. Do not hold your breath: unlike Burma, these nations have big
economies, or large reserves of energy.
___________________________________

Nov 10, Newsweek
Lust and Democracy

The title of Christopher G. Moore's clever new novel, "Waiting for the
Lady" (342 pages. Heaven Lake Press), refers to Burmese pro-democracy
leader Aung San Suu Kyi. And though Suu Kyi herself barely makes an
appearance, this rich, languorous tale of love and suffering keeps her
quest for democracy in the spotlight. Moore, a Canadian who's lived in
Bangkok for 14 years, has written more than a dozen novels based in the
region, mostly grimy detective stories. His latest manages to offer a
sharp picture of life under Burma's military junta while preserving his
trademark themes of lust and decadence among expatriate men in Asia. His
narrator, Sloan Walcott, is a cynical, 53-year-old American photographer
who smokes pot, drinks beer and cheats on his wife. He also becomes
obsessed, for complicated reasons, with meeting Suu Kyi.

One of Moore's greatest strengths as a writer is his knowledge of
Southeast Asian history. "Waiting for the Lady" brings the reader along on
Sloan's quest through the beautifully tragic Burmese state, craftily
weaving together an account of the country's colonial history with its
current political problems. Moore captures Sloan's banal philosophical
musings with great relish: "Much of life is like reading a bad translation
of a great work of literature," he notes. "We can never know the
original."

The book follows several compelling story lines--including a love affair
between a Japanese officer and a Burmese comfort woman--that come together
in a gripping climax. It takes so long to reach, however, that some
readers may tire of Sloan's boorish behavior. The dialogue also reverts to
silliness at times, like when Sloan has to stop himself from asking Suu
Kyi (yes, he finally does meet her) the color of her panties. Still, in
"Waiting for the Lady," Moore paints a memorable picture of a country
woefully underrepresented in fiction.

___________________________________

Nov 8, Bangkok Post

(By Suwanna Asavaroengchai /Bangkok Post Outlook: November 8, 2003)

The establishment of the Mon Study Centre aims to help bring one of
Southeast Asia's most ancient civilisations back to life

Meng Nger La-ow _ the Mon greeting echoed through the cavernous National
Theatre where more than 2,000 people had gathered for performances and a
panel discussion on Mon culture, led by well known historian Charnvit
Kasetsiri.

Meng Nger La-ow.

Charnvit was teaching the audience this basic Mon phrase, and as they
repeated it, the pride of one of the oldest civilisations in Southeast
Asia once again flared to life.

Among the audience were many direct descendants of the Mon ethnic
minority, whose forefathers migrated into Thailand over successive
generations. Also in the audience were those who believe that Mon blood
most likely runs through their veins, suggested by historical
circumstances (see box story).

The sense of Mon pride was heightened as Thailand's renowned historians
and scholars took to the stage to plead their full support for the
promotion of Mon culture by announcing the establishment of the Mon Study
Centre.

The largest and currently the only one in the world, the Mon Study Centre
is expected to shine a historical spotlight on the race and its ancient
civilisation, which prospered in the lower Chao Phraya basin some 2,000
years ago.

A week after the event at the National Theatre, some of these leading
historians, together with a group of enthusiasts, made a pilgrimage to the
Wat Muang temple in Tambon Ban Muang, Bang Pong district of Ratchaburi
Province, to perform a ``krathin'' ceremony to help raise funds for the
Mon Study Centre.

At the temple stands a humble building housing the Wat Muang Folk Museum,
established in 1992, where Mon artefacts, as well as documents, are on
display for the public. One corner of this museum has been set aside for
the new Mon Study Centre.
``Thailand has a good chance to establish a Mon Study Centre,'' said Dr
Nithi Iosriwong, a renowned historian in his address to the audience at
the National Theatre. ``It's here where the sources of information on the
Mon are abundant, judging from the wide range of documents, artefacts and
human resources in the many Mon communities across the country.''

The largest Mon community is, in fact, in southern Burma, yet the
political situation in that country leaves little opportunity for the Mons
to set up a Mon study centre in their country, he said.

 This, however, was not the first Mon study centre, according to centre's
coordinator, Ekarin Pungpracha. The first was set up in the UK in the
early 20th century by a British missionary, Robert Halliday, which became
inactive after his death.

 A perfect site for Mon Study Centre, Wat Muang in the village of Ban
Muang was chosen for an obvious reason: It is situated right in the
middle of the vast Mon community that extends along the Mae Klong river.
Their predecessors were the last batch of Mon immigrants escaping war in
their homeland some 200 years ago.

Blessed by its remote, rustic location, far from modern influences, the
Mon community has maintained much of its culture, using the Mon mother
tongue
and dressing in traditional attire every Friday.  They, and the other Mon
communities, are living testimony to the existing Mon culture that came
from Burma.

As a start, the working group for the Mon Study Centre has gathered
documents and references, which are abundant. ``So far, we have more than
300 academic references and documents from educational institutions across
the country,'' said Ekarin, himself a university lecturer at Silpakorn
University's Faculty of Archaeology.

At the same time, the working group will take to the field to search for
ancient documents and materials passed on by earlier generations of Mon
immigrants. Most of these materials, Ekarin said, are kept in various Mon
temples scattered across central and northern Thailand.

``Some are quite fragile and not properly stored in the temples where
abbots have given little priority to these treasures.''

Once tracked down, these materials will be photocopied and archived at the
centre.

The most challenging task, though, is not digging up recorded materials,
but uncovering the human side of the Mon culture. ``Most official records
were the reflection of those in power, lacking a human dimension _ the
human stories behind them would help to unveil other facets of the Mons,''
said Ekarin.

This part of the task will take the working group to various Mon
communities to search for elders who can still recall the Mon folk tales,
fables and stories that were passed down to them.

The human dimension, Ekarin pointed out, will broaden their perspective of
the Mons with regards to their local wisdom, identity and their beliefs.

``These stories were once abundant and varied, but without proper records,
have vanished with the times. We have to be quick if we want to gather
this information,'' he said.

While the centre will serve as an academic hub, international researchers
will be able to witness real-life Mon culture in the Ban Muang community
and beyond, along the Mae Klong river, in the various Mon villages and
settlements.

`They can search the archive and at the same time see for themselves the
Mon community and its activities, religious rituals and culture, and how
that culture has changed with time,'' Ekarin explained.

Unlike other study centres at academic institutes, this centre aims to
empower the community and nurture their sense of participation. ``The Mon
community will team up with the scholars. While the academics act as the
brain, the people will take charge of running the centre,'' Ekarin said.

The response to this initiative has been overwhelming, he added. Many in
the 30-to 40-year-old generation have made a u-turn, learning to
appreciate their own roots. Attempts to revive the Mon language among
youngsters have been made, and the Mon tongue is now being taught at the
temple.

Meanwhile, on the academic front, the effort to understand the Mon
language is challenging _ most ancient documents were written in Mon.
``Right now, we are working on a Mon-Thai dictionary project with a
leading Mon historian, who has successfully published a Mon-English
dictionary.''

If completed, the dictionary will help broaden knowledge on the Mon tongue
as well as benefit both Mons and their Thai enthusiasts.

``I am so delighted that the Mon Study Centre has been set up here,'' said
Chatlamoon Santhong, a villager at Ban Muang.

``This move will save our language and culture from extinction.'' Previous
efforts to pass on their culture and language to youngsters were not well
received _ the younger Mon generation is inclined to modern culture.

``But now we have our children learn the language for at least an hour a
day,'' said Kamnan Boontham Kruekrua, the Ban Muang village headman. ``And
we revive our traditional dress by asking the villagers to wear folk
attire every Friday.''

And it's not just the villagers of Ban Muang who are enthusiastic about
the centre.  Ekarin said Mons in other communities wanted to jump onto the
cultural bandwagon and have their own Mon study centres.  While the centre
will play a role in promoting Mon culture, it will not take any political
stands, Ekarin said, referring to the political movement to free the Mon
state from Burma.

 ``Our effort is to try to enhance cultural understanding in order to
narrow the political conflict,'' he said.  Junta is enduring the economic
hardship by getting aid and loans from neighbours keen to protect
strategic interests.

______________________________________________

WHY STUDY THE MONS?

Why is understanding Mon culture significant for Thais? The answer is
simple: To understand Mon culture is to understand part of our own past. 
According to leading historian Dr Nithi Eowsriwong, most Thais, as a
multiracial population, have Mon blood in their background.

The estimated Mon population around the world is four million. Two million
live in Burma. Mon leaders in Thailand estimate that roughly two million
live in Thailand, Dr Nithi said.

The earliest traces of Mon civilisation can be found in the Chao Phraya
basin during the Dvaradi period. Later, the Mons moved and prospered in
the Irrawaddy and Salawin basins, where the Mon state was eventually
founded before it lost its independence to Burma in 2301 BE (1858 CE).

While some historians believe that the population of the Dvaradi period
was Mon, Dr Nithi stands on the theory that the population was
multiracial. It is undeniable, however, that Mon culture was one of the
most prominent during this period, and the Mon language was considered
prestigious.

Dr Nithi believes that the Mons during this period must have assimilated
with other races and eventually lost their identity. Meanwhile, Mon
culture emerged rather prominently in the Irrawaddy and lower Salawin
basin in Burma.

From this perspective, Dr Nithi said the local population in the lower
Chao Phraya basin which eventually became Thai must contain some Mon
blood.

Apart from the early assimilation of the Mon with other races from the
Dvaradi period, there were successive population assimilations following a
series of migrations of the Mons in the Ayuthaya and Rattanakosin periods
between 2082 and 2357 BE (1539-1814 CE).

Dr Nithi said the records show that between those periods, there were nine
major influxes of Mons as they escaped a series of wars with Burmese
invaders.

Together with inter-racial marriages among trade travellers from the Mon
state, it is believed that a large numbers of Mons settled into various
communities across Thailand.

Many of the artistocratic Mon immigrants would eventually serve in the
Ayutthaya royal court, he said. Others were allowed to settle in the
border cities in the west and the north.

It was the migration in 2316 BE (1773 CE) during the King Taksin period
which saw the Mon settlement of the present day communities across the
central region.

Nevertheless, the migration during the Ayutthaya period saw a significant
increase in the Mon population, which became a major population segment in
the ancient capital.

There was a report in 2376 BE that most of the population in Ratchaburi at
that time was Mon.

Dr Nithi cited the political policy in Ayutthaya and Rattakosin periods
that gave authority to Mon leaders to be in charge of their own immigrant
people by rewarding them with artistocratic titles for serving the
country.  Through this political tactic, descendants of the Mon leaders
followed the tradition to earn titles and serve the country.

Some families had their daughters serve as royal concubines. The most well
known example was the Mon concubine of King Rama III, whose son married an
aristocratic Mon woman. Their daughter married King Rama IV and became the
mother of King Rama V.

The Mons brought with them their cultural heritage as well as artefacts
and treasures that have made Thailand the richest source of Mon cultural
heritage outside Burma, said Nithi.

A huge collection of palm-leaf Buddhist scriptures could be found in the
some 200 Mon Buddhist temples across central Thailand, Dr Nithi said.

Unfortunately, more than half do not have monks who speak the language.

As the Mons blended into Thai society, their language, too, was absorbed.

Apparently, there are at least 700 Thai words that have traces of Mon
roots, he said.  Not only language, but Mon literature, thinking as well
as music have all left their mark on Thai society.
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