BurmaNet News, Dec 18, 2003

[editor at burmanet.org]

Dec 18, 2003 Issue # 2390

INSIDE BURMA
BBC Monitor: Burma responds to US "erroneous remarks" on democracy moves
Irrawaddy: KNU Still Talking with Government

DRUGS
UN Wire: Officials, Critics Clash Over Myanmar Opium Questions
Xinhua: Yangon approves to expand crop-substitution project managed by
Thailand's fund

REGIONAL
AFP: Thailand deports 200 Myanmar migrants over labour row
FT: Army chief praises Thailand's stance on Myanmar

INTERNATIONAL
AFP: US takes new swipe at Myanmar -- on religion

OPINION / OTHER
Bangkok Post: Who knows Wa best?
Mizzima: Road Map: the last hope for a peaceful transition in Burma?
NCGUB: Reaction to U.S. Criticism of Democratic Reforms

STATEMENT
Forum-Asia: Burma Roadmap: Bangkok Process must induce concession on
democratic participation and political freedoms

Statement of the Third Forum of Burmese in Europe

Internews: Journalism Training Program: Now accepting applications.



INSIDE BURMA
___________________________________

Dec 18, BBC Monitor
Burma responds to US "erroneous remarks" on democracy moves

Source: Myanmar National Home Page web site, Rangoon, in English 17 Dec 03

Text of Information Sheet No C-2872 (I/L) issued by the "Myanmar Burmese
Information committee" in Rangoon on 17 December, entitled: " Government
of Myanmar rejects US criticism", as carried in English by Myanmar
National Home Page web site on 17 December

The government of Myanmar Burma noted with surprise the erroneous remarks
of US State Department Spokesman Richard Boucher on Tuesday 16 December ,
following the successful conclusion of Monday's conference in Thailand on
implementing democracy in Myanmar.

Speaking of the government of Myanmar, Mr Boucher said: "What we want to
see is the kind of action that would demonstrate that they're really going
to allow the political forces in Myanmar, and the ethnic minorities, to
participate in Myanmar's future; that they're going to release these
people from jail and allow political parties to become involved in the
future of their nation."

Mr Boucher appears unaware that there have been extremely positive
developments in all those areas in recent months. The road map towards
democracy announced by Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt in August is
moving forward at a steady pace, focusing on re-launching the National
Convention next year to write a national constitution. Hundreds of people
detained on national security grounds have been released, and political
parties are resuming their activities.

As Foreign Minister U Win Aung noted very clearly at Monday's conference,
eight groups including political parties and ethnic minority groups will
all be participating in the National convention, which is the first step
in the seven-step road map.

The government is also encouraging all other national groups and parties
to join in the National Convention and build our democratic future
together. The National Convention will be representative of the peoples of
Myanmar, and will lay the foundation for elections and a stable,
democratic, representative government. It will be a government of the
Myanmar people, by the Myanmar people, and for the Myanmar people.

Support for the National Convention is strong in Myanmar, in the region,
and even among groups which have long been opposed to the current
government. The Washington-based Free Burma Coalition recently expressed
its support for the Convention, saying: "We sincerely believe it is a
first step in the right direction for our country."

Therefore, the government encourages the United States to join with the
international community in helping Myanmar make the transition to
democracy. Mere criticism - especially criticism which ignores the facts -
is not very helpful.

As the United States is learning in Iraq and Afghanistan, making the
transition to democracy is not a simple, quick or easy task.

Despite its pledge to return power to the Iraqi people, the US still has
no concrete plan or timetable for convening a constitutional convention or
holding elections. Progress towards a constitutional convention in
Afghanistan appears to have stalled. Violence continues in both those
countries, terrorist attacks are common, and drug production has soared in
Afghanistan since the United States replaced the Taleban with the current
regime.

The government of Myanmar therefore urges the United States to adopt a
pragmatic and helpful approach to Myanmar, as we progress along our road
map to democracy.

_____________________________

Dec 17, Irrawaddy
KNU Still Talking with Government - By Kyaw Zwa Moe

Burma’s military junta and an armed ethnic Karen group met again in
Bangkok, after a Karen delegation concluded an initial exploratory trip to
Rangoon earlier this month to assess the junta’s political "road map," a
Karen leader said yesterday.

After the three-day meeting in the Thai capital ended on Monday, Deputy
Chairman of the Karen National Union (KNU) Gen Bo Mya said the two sides
have made headway toward building mutual confidence. The junta’s
representative at the meetings, government spokesman Col San Pwint, has
met with KNU leaders several times since November.

The KNU reached a verbal ceasefire agreement with the junta after the
Karen delegation met with Burma’s Prime Minister Gen Khin Nyunt in Rangoon
earlier this month.

Bo Mya, who is also commander in chief of the KNU’s army, sent a
delegation of five junior army officers to Rangoon to evaluate the
sincerity of the junta’s seven-step "road map" proposal for national
reconciliation. After the mission, he said the junta’s proposal could be
genuine.

"After more than 50 years of civil war, we have to gain peace for the
country," Bo Mya said. "War is no good. It is meaningless for whoever
dies—Burmese or Karen." He added that the military shares the idea that
building peace will benefit the people.

Bo Mya cautioned, however, that the KNU is still not fully convinced about
the junta’s honesty. If the junta breaks its promises or if the Karen are
unsatisfied with the junta’s sincerity, the insurgent group would fight
again, he said, adding that fighting has stopped since the verbal
ceasefire earlier this month. The KNU is the largest armed group still
fighting Burma’s central government.

The KNU is undecided on whether to attend the junta’s National Convention,
which is the first step of the "road map" and is set to reconvene next
year. The convention adjourned in 1996 when the opposition National League
for Democracy withdrew in protest at the military’s restrictions.


DRUGS
____________________________________

Dec 18, UN Wire
Officials, Critics Clash Over Myanmar Opium Questions
By Steve Hirsch

YANGON, Myanmar — There may be no more hotly contested aspect of the
debate about Myanmar than the convoluted arguments over its opium
production and U.N. efforts to deal with that production.

Both the United Nations and United States say Myanmar has decreased its
opium production, but critics say the figures are misleading.

Meanwhile, the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime has a program that includes
efforts to help farmers deal with the impending ban of opium in the Wa
region, a remote area governed by the Wa people, one of the insurgent
groups that has signed a cease-fire with the government.  Critics of that
program, however, claim it distracts from Myanmar's real problems, which
stem from the country's continuing rule by a dictatorial junta.

Moreover, they say official claims that Myanmar is interested in ending
the drug trade are a smokescreen and that the government and some of the
ethnic groups are involved in the drug business.

UNODC, U.S. State Department Figures

Both the UNODC and the U.S. State Department cite decreases in Myanmar's
opium production.

The UNODC's June Myanmar Opium Survey 2003 reports "an encouraging decline
of illicit opium poppy cultivation since the mid-1990s," and a one-year
decline of 24 percent since 2002.  According to the U.N. report,
cultivation has dropped by more than 100,000 hectares since 1996 and is
now down to 62,200 hectares.  At the same time, though, it says that
cultivation increased by 21 percent in the Wa region.

U.S. State Department figures show an even larger drop, a 39 percent drop
in area under cultivation, down to 47,130 hectares, and a 23 percent drop
in opium production.  The department's International Narcotics Control
Strategy Report for 2002 said opium production was down 27 percent for
that year and that land area under poppy cultivation was 26 percent down
from 2001, citing "a sustained drought in opium-producing areas and
limited eradication efforts."

Western officials in the region say Myanmar is moving in the right
direction on opium and that, on balance, the news is good.  Moreover, they
say the UNODC efforts, aimed at ameliorating the loss of income to farmers
who are to be barred in coming years from growing opium, is generally
positive.  This program, financed by the United States, Germany, Japan and
Italy, includes health initiatives, humanitarian assistance,
infrastructure construction and education initiatives.

Controversy Over UNODC Program

Supporters of the UNODC program portray it as an effort that, among other
things, is aimed at helping the already poor village farmers at the bottom
rung of the drug business who will face starvation without the income from
opium sales.  Critics say outside officials have been duped and misled on
opium figures and that the U.N. program may be well-meaning, but, by
ignoring the real problem in this country — rule by a dictatorial military
junta — it does little to help solve that problem and serves to legitimize
the junta.

They also claim the program does little about what they see as a key
aspect of the drug business here — alleged official participation in the
drug business.

They raise concerns that a potential humanitarian crisis that might be
brought on by phasing out opium will be used by aid organizations to
justify new cooperation with the junta, further distracting the outside
world from what they believe is the most important goal, democratization
and political reform.

The UNODC program, headquartered in Mong Pawk, in the Wa region, is said
to be having some success, although alternative development takes a long
time.  UNODC Myanmar Representative Jean-Luc Lemahieu defended the UNODC
efforts in an interview appearing in today's U.N. Wire, saying they can
help eliminate the Golden Triangle as an opium source, increase regional
stability, further political reform in Myanmar and help people who have
been dependent on opium income and who now face a catastrophic loss of
income.

Nevertheless, Lemahieu said that although the program is not doing badly
given its limited resources, it does not cover the overall problem of
opium reduction in this country.

Many critics of Myanmar's government and U.N. efforts, however, say heroin
production has dropped because of a shift away from opiates toward
amphetamine-type stimulants and that movement of opium production to new
areas indicates that production may increase in coming years despite UNODC
efforts.

Critics Skeptical Of Figures

Moreover, these critics are skeptical about UNODC figures, citing the 21
percent increase in the Wa region as ominous.  They also say opium
plantations have been shifted to avoid satellite and aerial detection and
away from roads used by authorities and international observers.

One critic, interviewed in northern Thailand, said "no one" knows how much
opium is being grown in Myanmar and said the U.N. and U.S. surveys have no
validity.  In a comment that is frequently made by government critics,
another observer said the Myanmar government periodically burns opium for
visiting reporters, but it is all for show.

A new report by the Shan Herald Agency for News, Show Business:  Rangoon's
“War on Drugs” in Shan State
[http://www.shanland.org/Drugs/Show_Business/show_business.htm ] is
critical of Myanmar's "war on drugs," which it calls "a charade," and is
particularly critical of UNODC figures.

Data collected by SHAN, the report says, in part of the Shan state
bordering Laos indicates "that the actual amount of land under opium
cultivation in the township during the 2002-2003 growing season was at
least four times higher than that listed in the UNODC survey."

UNODC teams, the report said, "surveyed only along the main roads,
collecting data from villagers who were too intimidated to reveal the
truth about the extent of poppy growing in the area."

Lemahieu responded at some length to criticism of his agency in his
interview, saying that criticism is easy to make from outside, but that
UNODC is actually operating inside the country.  In addition, though, he
responded to SHAN report allegations in an email to U.N. Wire this week.

He said he did not want to get into the details of the allegations, but
suggested that, following the report's logic, the margin of error in the
U.S. figures would have to be worse and asked why the new report
criticized the U.N. figures claiming a 24 percent reduction but not the
U.S. claim of a 39 percent reduction.

"If the obvious answer is because of politics, then I stop there," he wrote.

"We are working for the people, directly with the people, at the same time
trying to be as objective as feasible within a complex framework," he
wrote.

Farmers Report Myanmar Army Involvement

Interviews with four Myanmar farmers who crossed into northern Thailand in
recent months would seem to verify, at least to some extent, allegations
that local Myanmar army units are involved in the opium trade.

The farmers claimed in interviews with U.N. Wire that Myanmar army units
encourage locals to grow opium and tax it, and, in fact, the taxation
forces locals to comply and grow opium.

The army, according to some of those interviews, has bought the opium at
bargain prices, presumably to sell it at a profit.

These farmers, all interviewed through the same translator, came from
within Myanmar's Shan state, which borders Thailand, Laos and China.  They
were interviewed in Thailand, not far from the Myanmar border.  They
describe the encouragement of opium as part of army "taxation" of local
farmers, whether they grow rice or opium.

Some observers subsequently questioned the validity of these accounts. 
The specifics of the interviews could not be independently confirmed, but
a well-informed source said the accounts were plausible given their level
of detail and because the farmers claimed to be from parts of the Shan
state far enough from the Thai border to be under Myanmar government, not
insurgent, control.

All of the farmers interviewed said the military had encouraged them to
grow opium, with one saying that although the higher authorities at the
army garrison told farmers not to grow opium, the local patrols encouraged
farmers to do so.

Not only have army officers encouraged farmers to grow opium, but they
have encouraged them to do it in such a way that it will escape detection,
according to a second farmer.  He described how his village headman had
said an army officer had told local officials that farmers were to grow
poppies this year not "on the forehead" but on the "nape" of the neck —
which he said was an admonition to grow poppies where outsiders would not
see them.

The army told village officials that if villagers refused to grow opium,
to be sold to buyers sent by the army and at a low price set by the army,
the army would not be able to protect them, according to this farmer.

In addition, he said, the army sent an order saying that a tax would be
levied on farmers' land, whether they grew opium or rice, which brings in
less money.  The result of the order, this farmer said, would be to
increase opium cultivation.

He said that in the past, buyers were ethnic Burmans in civilian clothes. 
He said that in his experience, buyers would come to the village headman,
who arranged the purchase, and then transport would be provided by Myanmar
army members in uniform.  This farmer added that villagers would not have
dared to grow the opium without army permission.

This farmer and others interviewed suspected the army sold the opium at a
profit — the army is not smoking it all, one said.

One of the farmers said he left Myanmar several months ago because of the
army's orders that farmers grow opium and pay a tax.  He said he was
concerned that he might be hit by bad weather and, with a poor opium crop,
he might not be able to afford the tax.

This farmer said he witnessed a military officer purchasing opium and said
he sold his 2000 opium crop to an artillery unit and to Chinese buyers.

This farmer also said he and other villagers were told to grow poppies
away from roads and seemed to confirm the suggestion that opium
destruction is conducted to impress foreigners.  He said that the military
brought television crews in as it slashed the fields, but only did so
after harvesting was completed.  He said he also saw a field destroyed for
television cameras, but that was a poor field, producing no opium sap.  He
said he had heard about similar instances from others.

A fourth farmer told a similar story, saying he had arrived in Thailand
about two weeks before he was interviewed because authorities had told
villagers to grow opium and pay taxes, but that he was afraid that if the
harvest was bad he would not be able to grow enough opium to pay the
taxes.

This farmer said that during the 2001-02 crop year, he sold opium at his
village headman's house to buyers that included Wa people, an infantry
battalion and ethnic Chinese.

Charges Not New

Charges of lower-level army involvement in the drug business are not new,
however.  The U.S. State Department report says that although there is "no
direct evidence that senior officials" in the government are directly
involved in the drug business, "lower-level officials, particularly army
and police personnel posted in outlying areas, have been prosecuted for
drug abuse and/or narcotics-related corruption."

Myanmar, the State Department said, has said that more than 200 police
officials and 48 army personnel were punished for drug-related corruption
or drug abuse from 1995 through May 2002, but the State Department said
that to its knowledge, "no Burma army officer over the rank of full
colonel has ever been prosecuted for drug offenses in Burma."

"This fact, the prominent role in Burma of the family of notorious
narcotics traffickers ... and the continuance of large-scale narcotics
trafficking over years of intrusive military rule have given rise to
speculation that some senior military leaders protect or are otherwise
involved with narcotics traffickers," the report said.

Show Business, the SHAN report, claims to offer evidence the drug industry
is "integral to the regime's political strategy to pacify and control Shan
State."  Only political reform, the report says, can solve this country's
drug problems.

The report claims that the government has avoided targeting areas under
control of its cease-fire group and militia allies.  Opium is being grown
in almost all townships in the Shan state, the report says, "with Burmese
military personnel involved at all levels of opium production and
trafficking, from providing loans to farmers to grow opium, taxation of
opium, providing security for refineries, to storage and transportation of
heroin."

Diversification by syndicates into methamphetamines has also been with
collusion by Myanmar's military units, the report says.

UNODC's Lemahieu conceded by email this week that "rotten apples exist"
within the army, ethnic armies, in Thailand and China.

"Without this," he said, "the drug business would not happen."

What is important, he said, is the political will to confront these
criminal groups and how it is translated in concrete action.

"Declarations and statements, even reports tell only so much and cannot be
considered evidence.  Hard data collected by an objective agency, within
scientifically accepted parameters and margins of error, are the best
measuring stick," he said.

Lemahieu said that if the UNODC figure of a 24 percent reduction or the
U.S. figure of a 39 percent reduction is accepted, "then the theory of
large-scale collusion and demonizing weakens dramatically."

UNODC, he said, "will accept constructive technical criticism" and
incorporate it as "no methodology is perfect, and no human application of
a technology is perfect."

"Nevertheless, within the scientific parameters and margins of error, we
stick to our nationwide 2003 figures of 24 percent reduction in opium
surface," he said.

http://www.unwire.org/News/328_426_11457.asp
_____________________________

Dec 18, Xinhua
Yangon approves to expand crop-substitution project managed by Thailand's
fund

Myanmar Prime Minister Gen Khin Nyunt had given a green light for
Thailand's Doi Tung Development Project to manage more crop-substitution
schemes in the country, the Bangkok Post reported Thursday.

Project director M.R. Disnadda Diskul was quoted as saying that Khin Nyunt
had requested crop-substitution projects to be established across Myanmar,
especially in the towns of Mong Yawn and Baan Hong, which were regarded as
drug produce centers.

Local authorities would cooperate and the project would work with deputy
Myanmar military intelligence director San Pwint, he said.

The decision of the Myanmar government followed the success of a project
in the village of Yong Kha controlled by United Wa State Army (UWSA), or
Red Wa, a 20,000-strong ethnic armed group.

Disnadda said the projects would promote the growth of agricultural
produce, especially macadamia nuts, to several other areas in Myanmar, on
condition that Yangon cooperates.

Khin Nyunt planned that 400,000 macadamia trees would be planted across
Myanmar, bringing in an estimated 5,000 baht (125 US dollars) extra for
each villager per year, he revealed. There are already 100,000 macadamia
trees planted in Myanmar.

Disnadda also hailed the Doi Tung project for increasing the average
income of farmers in Thailand's Chiang Rai province, 900 kilometers north
of Bangkok.

However, he said the yields of macadamia nuts and coffee beans from the
project were still insufficient to meet domestic demand of Thailand.

The project would later be extended to Baan Nong Ju, in Mandalay state of
Myanmar, and Pok town, where opium poppies were widely grown, he said,
adding that soya beans grown in these towns would be exported into
Thailand.

He said in five years, Baan Yong Kha would become the second Doi Tung
project opposite Chiang Rai. The villagers there would earn incomes from
farming and tourism, with no need to depend on drugs, while Mong Yawn
would be the same shortly after that.


REGIONAL
____________________________

Dec 18, AFP
Thailand deports 200 Myanmar migrants over labour row

More than 200 striking Myanmar migrant workers were deported from western
Thailand after police and labour authorities stormed a temple where they
had sought refuge, aid workers and factory owners said Thursday.

The migrants were sacked from Nasawat Apparel Company in Mae Sot along
Thailand's western border with Myanmar after confronting their employer
for breaking a contract, refusing to pay the minimum wage and withholding
two years of back pay.

Dozens of police, border patrol and labour officials swarmed into Wat
Chumpol Khiri, where the workers had taken shelter and rounded them up
before they could file letters of complaint, said Pranom Somwong, a
project coordinator for MAP Foundation, a Thai non-governmental
organization (NGO).

"About 200 legally registered workers were deported Wednesday, and 60
others with no work permit were taken to Mae Sot police station," said
Pranom.

The case highlighted deteriorating conditions for the mainly female
migrants who often work and live in squalor in dozens of factories along
the border, according to the NGO Action Network for Migrants.

Nasawat Apparel Company employees earned just 50 baht (1.26 dollars) per
day, before forced deductions for rent, electricity, water, food and work
permits. The minimum wage in Tak province is 133 baht per day.

"What we see there is that when migrant employees try to improve their
labour conditions, they are immediately sent back to Burma," Pranom told
AFP.

Police in Mae Sot acknowledged over 60 migrant workers were being held but
said nothing of the 200 deportations.

Suchart Witsuwan, chairman of the Federation of Thai Industries in Tak,
the employer association which supports Tak's many factories, confirmed
the deportation.

He said Nasawat's migrant workers were paid minimum wage and were "treated
well" but warned that factories would brook little dissent.

"If we accept one worker group's conditions, we have to accept another
group's and eventually all factories must accept anything Myanmar workers
want, and in the end it will affect production," Suchart said.

NGOs and Thailand's human rights commission have argued for years for
improved working conditions for the kingdom's 1.2 to two million migrant
workers, the vast majority of whom are from Myanmar.

MAP Foundation and the International Organization for Migration said the
Thai government has stifled the rights of migrants in recent months,
including scrapping the right allowing migrants seven days to find new
work if they are sacked.
_____________________________

Dec 18, Financial Times

Thailand gave itself another pat on the back today for the success of
Monday's Myanmar roadmap meeting when Army Commander in Chief Gen.
Chaiyasit Shinawatra said that Thailand had done the best that it was able
to bring about national reconciliation in its troubled neighbour.

Noting that the Royal Thai Army had played a part in the reconciliation
initiative, Gen. Chaiyasit said that Thailand had performed to the best of
its ability in its role as a fellow Asian country and as a close neighbour
of Myanmar.

Stressing that Thailand could not simply run away from the situation in
Myanmar, he praised the Thai government for its constructive engagement.

The international roadmap meeting, initiated by Prime Minister Thaksin
Shinawatra, was held on 15 December in Bangkok in a bid to kick-start the
process of national reconciliation and democracy in Myanmar.

The army commander-in-chief said that in the future Myanmar's minority
groups would undoubtedly be allowed a role in the reconciliation process,
noting that while in the past minority groups had continually set
conditions for reconciliation, these conditions were now being removed.

At the same time, he noted that Myanmar had been extremely receptive of
Thailand's proposals, and had understood Thailand's stance. Myanmar was
now opening up to the possibility of internal changes, he said.

He also praised the Thai government for its role in supporting crop
substitution programmes in the border village of Yaungkha due to be
visited by Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra on 26 December.

"According to the reports I have received, a large amount of progress has
been made. Myanmar is satisfied, as we have given employment to its
people. If these people do not have work, they will turn to selling drugs.
The Thai government is doing the right thing. Myanmar agrees with our
sustainable approach to development. Involvement with drugs leads only to
death", he said.


INTERNATIONAL
____________________________

Dec 18, AFP
US takes new swipe at Myanmar -- on religion

The United States on Thursday took what is becoming an almost daily swipe
at Myanmar, this time savaging the military-ruled state's record on
religious freedom.

It accused the Yangon junta's intelligence services of infiltrating or
spying on almost all religious organisations in the predominantly Buddhist
country.

The State Department's annual report on International Religious Freedom
grouped Myanmar, using its former name Burma which infuriates Yangon, with
four other Asian states and Cuba judged guilty of mounting totalitarian
purges against religions.

In a damning critique, the report found that Buddhists, Christians and
Muslims faced varying levels of discrimination.

"Through its pervasive internal security apparatus, the Government
generally infiltrated or monitored the meetings and activities of
virtually all organizations, including religious organizations," the
report said.

Myanmar's military rulers "systematically restricted" efforts by Buddhist
clergy to promote human rights and political freedom, it added.

"Christian groups continued to experience increasing difficulties in
obtaining permission to build new churches in most regions, while Muslims
reported that they essentially are banned from constructing any new
mosques," the report said.

Concerns were also raised over outbreaks of anti-Muslim violence and
increasing restrictions on travel by Muslims.

Myanmar is already one of six states, along with China, Iran, Iraq, North
Korea, and Sudan designated by Secretary of State Colin Powell as a
"country of particular concern" to the United States in terms of religious
freedom.

Thursday's report was the third time in four days that the State
Department had issued pointed criticism of Myanmar's political and human
rights record.

The United States told Myanmar on Wednesday there was no room for debate
about injecting democratic voices into its political reform plans.

Spokesman Richard Boucher's comments were in response to Myanmar's
rejection of previous US scepticism of its plans for democratic reforms
stated on Monday, but he said he did not want to get drawn into a "daily
back and forth" with Yangon.

The United States also frequently criticises Myanmar's record on human
rights, drugs production and accuses it of repressing the opposition
National League for Democracy (NLD) and its leader Aung San Suu Kyi who
remains under house arrest.


OPINION / OTHER
_____________________________________

Dec 18, Bangkok Post
Who knows Wa best?

The United Wa State Army, a group of men and women quietly tending their
flower and vegetable plots or murderous drug producers and traffickers? It
depends on who you talk to Senior army officers in the upper north are not
comfortable with the way M.R. Disnadda Diskul, chief executive of the Doi
Tung Development Project, is painting the United Wa State Army as
something other than the major drug producer and trafficker in the Golden
Triangle region.

Security officers with the Pha Muang Task Force are still vexed a month
after a press tour of Mong Yawn, a Burmese township controlled by the
UWSA, organised by M.R. Disnadda.

The task force handles security where Burma bumps up against Thailand's
Chiang Rai and Chiang Mai provinces and is in charge of drug suppression
operations along the border.

M.R. Disnadda is known for a straightforward working style and has made it
clear to Lt-Gen Picharnmek Muangmani, commander of the 3rd Army, that the
area around Doi Tung, a major environmental and socio-economic development
project initiated by the late Her Royal Highness the Princess Mother in
Chiang Rai's Mae Fa Luang district, is off-limits to any military
activities.

"We need permission for our troops to conduct any operations inside the
area since Khun Chai [M.R. Disnadda] does not want to see any soldiers
there," a member of the force said in frustration.

M.R. Disnadda told the press tour in November that Mong Yawn was now drug
free, and the UWSA was no longer involved in the drug trade.

"The assertion by Khun Chai was in sharp contrast to what is really going
on. Everyone knows full well that the drug trade is still the main source
of income for the UWSA and the Burmese border troops," a senior drug
officer said.

"The UWSA's military bases along the border are known to store millions of
amphetamine pills waiting for delivery across the border," a senior Pha
Muang officer added.

Wei Hsueh-kang, the senior UWSA commander widely regarded as a key drugs
boss with close connections with Rangoon's miliary junta, is still at
large. Some observers said he receives the covert support of the junta.

During the trip to Mong Yawn, Thai journalists were invited to interview
Col Pao Yu-i, a senior UWSA commander who claimed that the town had been
clean of drugs since last year following the arrest of Wei Sai-tang,
another UWSA senior commander.

If the reporters were convinced, others with more experience along the
border remain doubtful. One seasoned border watcher said he did not even
believe Wei Sai-tang had been arrested. He said he had been taken out of
circulation with the help of Rangoon because he had been planning to
defect from the UWSA.

M.R. Disnadda admitted he is not the favourite pin-up of some security
officers. "Some have accused me of being directly involved in the drug
trade in the Doi Tung area and of trying to launder the Wa's drug-stained
image. This is ridiculous," he said.

M.R. Disnadda said he was not worried by the allegations though as the
leading members of the government were well appraised of what he is doing.
 "What I do is not in my own interest but for the sake of the country."

M.R. Disnadda did say however that he should be credited for his role in
bringing sustainable alternative development to Burma's Yong Kha border
village, as part of the government's initiative to fight drug trafficking.
____________________________

Dec 18, Mizzima

Now, nearly after 10 years since the first national convention of 1992,
the SPDC, the successor of SLORC, announced a road map in August 2003
purported to lead the country to democracy. The core issue in this road
map is reconvening the national convention and finalizing the draft of the
new constitution. A landmark international meeting of representatives from
thirteen countries to discuss the SPDC's seven-point road map toward
national reconciliation was held at Bangkok on December 15 at the
initiative of Thailand's Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Bangkok called
the meeting of like-minded countries - now called the Bangkok Process - to
assist the junta in reaching a solution to the political statement.
Participants included UN Special envoy to Burma, Indonesia, Australia,
Japan, China, India, Singapore, Italy, Austria, France and Germany.

From this meeting, the following outcomes have emerged:

The forum participants did not demand any commitment from the junta to
move toward democracy

It was recognized that channel of communication in the form of a
confidence building process towards national reconciliation has been
established between Burma's Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt and
opposition leader Suu Kyi

Three steps of the road map are to be implemented in 2004, including the
setting up a National Convention to draft a new constitution.

Eight strata of Burmese society will participate in the national
convention; political parties including the NLD, ethnic minorities,
farmers, military, civil servants and workers

The next round of talks with international parties would be held early in
2004 to discuss various elements of the reconciliation process

Discussions about international assistance to Burma if the junta made
tangible progress along the road to political transition.

Some analysts have assessed the meeting as positive; that there has been a
movement toward breaking the deadlock. There has been a shift, however
ineffective that may be. In the past, the junta has always maintained that
the deadlock with the political opposition is an internal affair;
outsiders have nothing to say or do in these matters. That the junta has
come out in this international forum to defend itself is something
noteworthy.  Thailand's Foreign minister Sukakiart said, "Burma had sent
its foreign minister to give 'testimony' before the international
community for the first time and has demonstrated its commitment to the
process. The international community is the jury and Burma is in the
dock."

The silver lining in the otherwise dark cloud on Burma's political horizon
is that the key issue - Burma's democratic transition - has been
internationalized. International assistance is linked with progress in
Burma's reconciliation process. Otherwise, there has been no substantive
result from this 15 December meeting. The release of Suu Kyi and her
colleges has been ignored in this forum and until this crucial issue is
addressed, the road map will remain shifting on the sands of time.

Is the junta's road map sincere?

The central question at this point is why, when talks between Suu Kyi and
the SPDC have taken place over the last two years, the junta has taken
this sudden step of announcing is road map unilaterally? As there has been
no official announcement of the talks being terminated or suspended, it is
reasonable to conclude that the subject matter of the junta-Suu Kyi talks
had centered round a national convention talks and have failed. Thus, the
only option for the military leaders was to go ahead without her. Hence,
the development of the junta's road map and its unilateral announcement.

The 'reality check' on the state of the talks and the chronology of the
setbacks in Burma's process to draft a new national constitution through a
national convention since 1992 are hard evidence of insincerity of the
junta to embark on processes of genuine change. After several sessions the
national convention abruptly came to a halt in 1996 as the NLD members
walked out. This insincerity is further reinforced by the fact that the
Dabayin event in May 2003, a well-organized attempt to eliminate Suu Kyi
and her party colleagues, has not yet been investigated. If the SPDC had
come clean about its involvement in this tragedy, it would have been a
great contribution towards reconciliation. More demoralizing is the fact
that it took place when the parties were in the midst of reconciliation
talks - something like a political cease-fire. And thereafter it was
followed up
with arrests of Suu Kyi and the entire central committee members of the
NLD. All NLD offices have since been closed down although the NLD remains
a legally registered party and a party that has the mandate of the people.
Finally, the credibility of the Prime Minister from the position of the
opposition has fully eroded as, without engaging with the leader of the
winning party, he is secretly sending envoys to meet ethnic leaders. His
only purpose is to split the ranks of opposition and get the national
convention underway in a well-orchestrated way to serve its own interests.

Legitimacy and the national convention

The SPDC has no legitimacy to convene the national convention. First, the
mandate given in the1990 election was a mandate to end the military rule;
not to initiate further policy activities. In the eye of law, the moment
it declared the list of winners, it became functus officio. Second, if the
objective of the election outcome was not the transfer of power but for
the drafting a new constitution as contended by SPDC, the military also
has very little role here. Assuming that the elected members constituted a
Constituent assembly and not a Parliament, then it is only for them to
sit, debate and formulate the future constitution. The military, under no
law or democratic principles can have any status in the constituent
assembly. Giving accommodation to the military in the forum of the
constituent assembly would be a betrayal of the mandate, which the people
have given.

The UN in its General Assembly has also given recognition to the mandate
of 1990 election. Many leading countries, including the USA and the EU,
have imposed sanctions. The ILO registered its disapproval of the regime's
violation of human rights. Even the ASEAN has passed a resolution asking
the junta to enter into political negotiation with Suu Kyi. The ruling
Junta also accepted the legitimacy of the winning party in the election
and entered into talks with it in respect of transition.

It is surprising, then, how the junta has successfully fooled the people
and the international community about its imperative role in joining the
process of drafting the future constitution. The least that can be said
about the principles designed to draft a constitution is that it is a
fraud on the people. Without going into the merits, one can in all
sincerity reject them on a preliminary point of the rule of law.

In the light of pragmatism

Regardless of respect for the principles of Law, the game plan is that the
National convention is to be reconvened. The central question of military
participation cannot be reopened. The presidential system in abrogation of
the autonomy of the states is also a closed chapter. This means that the
104 detailed principles and 6 guidelines announced by the junta in its
road map
are deemed to have been accepted by some important actors in the
international community.

In the context of a background of mistrust and marginalization, the
question arises as to whether it is pragmatic thinking that the road map
will have any impact on the politics of the country. The road map, if it
can be so called, needs the coming together of two main players plus other
players. To script an ending to the 50 years' conflict requires, as a
precondition, domestic political consensus. Equally important is the
support of the international and regional players.

A Way Forward

To begin with there has to be agreement by the two sides and both must
adhere to in letter and spirit of the agreement. As mentioned above, the
history of agreements in between these two sides are grim reminders of
mistakes that should not be repeated if this latest "road map " can be
categorized as peace effort. If they are to be meaningful, they need a
demonstrated move away from the status quo.

First, there must be the withdrawal of all restrictions condemning Suu Kyi
to house arrest. That is, free her to move about, talk and carry on her
legitimate activities as the leader of the Party having the peoples'
mandate. Releasing of all political prisoners unconditionally must follow
this. Failure do act on these minimum steps has created a continued
skepticism on all counts. Second, over three years of talks should have by
now moved to dialogue on issues and greater inclusiveness in the conflict
resolution process. Yet with Khin Nyunt's desire that the conflict should
be resolved on the basis of his road map, the much; prerequisite dialogue
between political forces remains distant. Thus, the country is going
through a phase of a war without blood shed.  Whether the regime will
genuinely negotiate in the backdrop of Dabayin episode and continued
detention of Suu Kyi and other political leaders is a pertinent question.
The talks have been unilaterally suspended and a road map has been given.
The attitude of the Junta is that the opposition either
accepts it or the situation remains as it is. Strategically, the
pro-democracy activists have to seize the initiative. Simply negative
responses to the regime's strategy are not sufficient. This is the time to
throw the ball back in the junta's court. Minimum demands for a level
playing field have to be placed before the country asking the Junta to
concede forthwith.

Thereafter a proposal for power sharing has to be given.

There may not be optimism about possibilities for conflict management
offered by power sharing. But in the given situation where the military
has ruled for decades, power sharing can have a role in political
socialization and help facilitate an eventual transition from one
political system to another. In order to preempt extreme hardening of fear
and hatred toward an adversary that comes out of frustration or political
tensions leading to a cycle of violence, efforts toward reconciliation
need to start early To this end the international community cannot afford
to remain on the side lines under the misconception that only a domestic
agreement can serve as the only
method of conflict management.

Conclusion

It is elementary in political science, that the military must remain
subservient to constitutional law. The intriguing features of this road
map concern the political process to date whereby its principles and their
ambiguity and vagueness violate the basic principles of Law. On these
issues
we must be unambiguous, clear and definite. The road map spells "hidden
agenda" that will result to eventual nullification of 1990 election
results. On the pretext that time has run out or that the mandate has
become outdated, the military have to declare the election result of 1990
- as
inoperative in order to legitimize the election it has charted in its new
road map. The road map is a clever device to achieve that goal.

It was reported that the junta expressed reservations about a
Thai-sponsored international meeting to discuss prospects for reform in
Burma and wanted to know the motive behind the forum. If there was going
to be criticism, it demanded, it would not attend. In turn, the juntas
participation would signal it has agreed to international facilitation. It
would also mean the
junta must immediately release Suu Kyi and her party colleagues. These
dimensions of the meeting may lead to unforeseen events that the junta may
not be able to manage. Thaksin’s attempt to legitimize the military rule
in Burma may boomerang. Thailand cannot match China on the issue of
influence in Burma and the revered Monarch of the Kingdom has advised
Thaksin not to be over confident. However, if Thaksin succeeds where every
one else has failed, he will go down in history as an outstanding man of
Asia.

B.K.Sen. Senior Advocate
____________________________

Dec 18, NCGUB
Reaction to U.S. Criticism of Democratic Reforms
U.S. Department of State, Daily Press Briefing, Richard Boucher, Spokesman

Excerpt:

QUESTION: Reaction to the Burmese Government's rejection of U.S. criticism
of their democratic reforms?

MR. BOUCHER: They're reacting to something I said yesterday about
something they said the day before, so rather than getting into a daily
back and forth, I think our position on Burma has been pretty well said
and pretty well known. The issue is involvement of all the people who
represent democracy, who represent the ethnic groups in Burma and who
represent the people of Burma and, in fact, received the votes of the
people in Burma.

And that's what we want to see and that's what we're watching for. That's
a position we've held all along, and it's not a debate that has to be
held. The facts of the matter are very, very clear to the whole world,
that the voices of the Burmese people have not been allowed to participate
in the political process and that the voices of the Burmese people need to
be included in any process of change that's undertaken in Burma.
____________________________________

STATEMENT

Dec 18, FORUM-ASIA
Burma Roadmap: Bangkok Process must induce concession on democratic
participation and
political freedoms

The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) today said
there could be no genuine initiation of democratization and reconciliation
in Burma while the military government continues to keep political
prisoners and suppress basic freedoms.

The regional human rights network welcomed initiatives of the Thai
government to host the forum of likeminded countries on 15 December, and
the decision of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) to agree
with the engagement of the international community in political
transformation and national reconciliation process in Burma.

However FORUM-ASIA feared that effort of the Thai government to ensure a
high comfort level among the participating countries would prevent the
Bangkok Process from being constructive, frank and candid. By making the
inaugural meeting a “governmental forum” and excluding representatives of
pro-democracy groups and ethnic nationalities, the Bangkok Process has a
tendency to be directed by agendas set to allow the SPDC to fend off
criticism and to provide an impression of international endorsement on
Prime Minister Khin Nyunt’s seven-point roadmap.

FORUM-ASIA pointed out that the SPDC’s road map has yet to be manifested
by real and tangible changes on the ground towards a genuinely free,
transparent, and inclusive process involving all political parties, ethnic
nationalities and elements of civil society.

The implementation of the roadmap has been focused primarily on the
National Convention and constitution-drafting process although it remains
unclear what role the National League for Democracy (NLD) and political
parties of all ethnic nationalities that won the 1990 general
elections would be allowed to play. It is therefore a major challenge for
Thailand and all the participating countries in the Bangkok Process to
collaborate with Razali Ismail, the United Nation Secretary General’s
Special Envoy for Burma, to bring all components of the society in Burma
together in a spirit of mutual respect, cooperation and equity.

FORUM-ASIA urged the next forum on international support for national
reconciliation in Burma to discuss and explore measures to solve major
impediments to a successful transition toward democracy and peace.

As mentioned by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in
Burma, Sergio Paolo Pinheiro, a process of political consultation and
reconciliation is impossible while the military government still put Aung
San Suu Kyi and members of other political parties in detention. A genuine
democratic transition would also require an environment that tolerate and
encourage political participation and discussion on the basis of equality
and trust. That, however, is impossible when the SPDC continues to
restrict basic freedoms of both political parties and the people of Burma.
Progress in solving these issues should be fundamental in the assessment
of success of the Bangkok Process, and should as well be the basis for
international trust and confidence in the SPDC’s commitment to political
process toward democratic transition and reconciliation.

Hosted by the Thai government on 15 December, the first forum on
international support for national reconciliation in Burma was attended by
special envoys or deputy foreign ministers from Singapore, Indonesia,
Australia, Italy, China, Austria, France, Germany, India and Japan, as
well as Razali Ismail, the United Nation Secretary General’s Special Envoy
for Burma.

For Further information or comments, contact:
Somchai Homalor, FORUM-ASIA Secretary General on +66 (0) 1 8995476
____________________________________

Dec 18
Statement of the Third Forum of Burmese in Europe

The democratic Burmese community in Europe, including ethnic
representatives met together on Dec. 13/14, 2003 at the School of Oriental
and African Studies (S O A S) University London to call on the
international community to increase the concerted efforts in helping the
people of Burma to restore their fundamental rights, human dignity and
democratic political freedom.
The Forum of Burmese in Europe reaffirmed its commitment to fight against
the Burma's despotic military regime that is systematically continuing its
arbitrary arrests with long-term and harsh imprisonment, summary
executions, torture, harassment, license to rape,...and other grave human
rights violations all over the country.

During the 2-day conference the Forum of Burmese in Europe has reached the
following decisions:

Fully support and appreciate the tireless struggle of the entire Burmese
people for democracy, freedom, regime change and peace in Burma Recognize
and endorse the leadership of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the legitimate
National League for Democracy (N L D) party and Committee Representing
People's Parliament (C R P P) of Burma

Strongly condemn and reject Khin Nyunt's roadmap (mad-road) / national
convention due to its non-mandatory and illegitimacy

Firmly believe that so-called Khin Nyunt's roadmap has no meaning so long
as - Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners are not set free
unconditionally, - there is no permanent nationwide cease-fire, - there is
no political freedom all over the country and - there is no substantive
national reconciliation process (tripartite dialogue)

Call on the United Nations and European Union to initiate forming an
independent and neutral Commission to investigate the 2003 May 30 Depayin
massacre in Burma and to submit the Commission's report with
recommendations to the UN Security Council

Profoundly urge the UN Security Council to refer and commend the
International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague/NL for further actions on
crimes against humanity in Burma

Request the EU countries and other friendly nations to urge the United
Nations to impose targeted sanctions and arm embargo on Burma

Welcome and urge to implement the recent UN Secretary General's statement
(June 2, 2003), noting ' The people of Myanmar are overwhelmingly in
favour of change and deserve to experience the same economic, social and
political benefits as the peoples in the rest of South-East Asia.'

Synpathize and lend helping hand within the legal frame to the asylum
seekers in Europe for their basic rights in light of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights

Approved and endorsed by the coordinating sub-committee of the Forum of
Burmese in Europe.

London, December 15  2003. For more information, contact Dr. Win Naing: Email
walaynaing at aol.com
____________________________________

Dec 18, Internews
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