BurmaNet News: January 10-12, 2004

[editor at burmanet.org]

January 10-12, 2004, Issue #2403

INSIDE BURMA
DVB: SHAN PARTY URGES BURMESE GOVERNMENT TO HOLD TRIPARTITE TALKS BEFORE
CONVENTION

ON THE BORDER
PTI: Myanmar yet to take action against Indian insurgents
Irrawaddy: Karen Refugees Want an End to Fighting

MONEY
Xinhua: Myanmar, Thailand to build deep seaport
Xinhua: Myanmar int'l carrier postpones starting flight services
Xinhua: Myanmar to introduce e-procurement system
Xinhua: Special industrial zones to be established in Myanmar
Stockhouse: The Formal Signing of the Set Ga Done Gold Property in Myanmar

REGIONAL
Irrawaddy: Coup Plot at Kachin Headquarters

INTERNATIONAL
The Independent: FIFTY ADDED TO UNION'S BURMA HIT LIST
Irrawaddy: Activists Divided By FBC’s Choice
Mizzima: Burmese to take part in World Social Forum

OTHER
Le Nouvel Observateur: Burma: Total’s former security chief talks-Forced
Labor: Total Knew

OPINION
Mizzima: Burmese Thugs Have Become A Little Educated


INSIDE BURMA
___________________________________

Democratic Voice of Burma, January 11, 2004
SHAN PARTY URGES BURMESE GOVERNMENT TO HOLD TRIPARTITE TALKS BEFORE
CONVENTION

The Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) today urged the SPDC
(State Peace and Development Council) on the need to hold a tripartite
dialogue prior to convening the National Convention. The call was made in
a statement at the end of a two-day SNLD Central Executive Committee
Annual Meeting held in Rangoon. It also pointed out the need to solve the
political problems first before any discussion on the constitution takes
place.

The SNLD, which won the second highest number of elected representatives
with 29 seats, is an ally of the National League for Democracy (NLD) as
well as a leading political party of the UNA, United Nationalities
Alliance, formed with nine national race political parties. Furthermore,
it has also formed a joint committee with the ceasefire groups - the Shan
State Army-North and the Shan State National Army.

The SNLD attended the National Convention up to 1996 and was an
organization seeking the non-dominance of the military in the country's
political future and demanding full rights of the national races. It was
also constantly urging the National Convention to amend its procedures and
the 104 basic principles because of its unfairness.

Regarding the statement, SNLD Secretary U Sai Nyunt Lwin gave the
following brief report to DVB (Democratic Voice of Burma).

(U Sai Nyunt Lwin recording) What we currently need is national
reconciliation. If we are not united then we would be unable to do
anything that is beneficial to the country. The one and only method to
gain national reconciliation is to hold a dialogue and find solutions to
the political problems. Only the path obtained through a tripartite
dialogue, involving the present government, the NLD which won the majority
of seats in the elections, and the national races, is the best path and
demonstrates a real national road map. It would be considered appropriate
to solve Burma's political impasse first before any discussion on the
constitution takes place. It is also not proper to draw a constitution
before reaching any political settlement. Furthermore, it is more fitting
for all to participate and agree in drawing up a constitution rather than
an opinion of a person or a group. We would be able to achieve stability
only when everyone is satisfied. That is why we urge the SPDC and
recommend the need to hold a tripartite dialogue prior to convening the
National Convention.


ON THE BORDER
___________________________________

PTI, January 12, 2004
Myanmar yet to take action against Indian insurgents

MOREH, Manipur-Myanmar border: Myanmar is yet to launch any offensive
against insurgents from North East Region of India who have set up camps
in inaccessible terrains in the upper region of that country, an Indian
Army official said here on Sunday.

Myanmar Army had neither taken any action to flush out the insurgents nor
dismantle their camps in upper parts of that country, the official on
condition of anonymity said on Sunday.

He said it was difficult for the Myanmar Army personnel to destroy those
camps because they were located in most unfavourable and inaccessible
areas in the upper region of the country bordering Arunachal Pradesh,
Nagaland and Manipur.

Assam Rifles sources said the National Socialist Council of Nagaland
(Khaplang faction) and some Manipur-based separatist groups have set up
camps there for imparting training to insurgents of these groups. Efforts
were on to erect fencing along the Manipur-Myanmar International Border.

The Army official said security measures had been tightened at interior
areas of Moreh which falls under Chandel district because leaders of
various insurgent outfits were likely to hold a meeting on Monday at
Khongtal village in the district to discuss various issues including the
recent offensive launched by the Royal Bhutan Army against Indian
insurgents in that country.

As security forces could not reach Khongtal which is about three days
journey from Moreh on foot over hilly terrains, the forces would do its
best to prevent insurgents from reaching there at different entry points.

The Army official, however, said insurgent leaders of different
Manipur-based groups, now living in Bangladesh, Myanmar and other areas
had already arrived there (Khongtal) for Monday's meeting. Khongtal is
right on the Manipur-Myanmar border in the state's Chandel district.

He said Indian and Myanmarese authorities had already reached an
understanding to flush out Indian insurgents based in that country but no
action had yet been taken
___________________________________

Irrawaddy, January 12, 2004
Karen Refugees Want an End to Fighting
By Shah Paung

The Karen people would like to see an end to the fighting between the
Karen National Union (KNU) and Burma’s ruling State Peace and Development
Council (SPDC) soon, said several Karen living in refugee camps along the
Thai-Burma border.

Camp residents said they are listening closely to news about a possible
ceasefire between the KNU and SPDC and hope one is brokered soon. The KNU
has been fighting successive Burmese regimes for over fifty years.

Because of the ongoing battles, many Karen are forced to live in refugee
camps or in the jungle in Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) areas inside
Burma. Sources in both places expressed a desire to see peace so they can
return to their villages in Karen State, Burma.

Saw May Oo, who lives in an IDP area controlled by the KNU’s Sixth
Brigade, said she hopes the talks between the KNU and SPDC bear fruit. "We
are happy to hear this news," she said. "If it [a ceasefire] becomes a
reality we would go back to our country to see our home and live in peace
in our own village."

Col San Pwint, a spokesman for Burma’s Ministry of Defense met with top
KNU leaders on Nov 22 in Mae Sot, Thailand, near the Burma border. In the
meeting Col San Pwint explained the SPDC’s road map for political
reconciliation which was proposed by Prime Minister Gen Khin Nyunt in late
August.

The KNU followed up by sending a delegation to Rangoon on Dec 3 to meet
with top SPDC leaders. KNU deputy chairman Gen Saw Bo Mya said the
delegates reported to him that the ruling generals’ overtures regarding a
ceasefire appeared to be sincere. He added that fighting between the two
sides had stopped. But KNU Gen-Sec Pa Doh Mahn Sha said fighting
continues.

The Karen National Defense Organization’s (KNDO) Vice Commander-In-Chief
Gen Mahn Kyaw Pe, said his group is open to talks to help end fighting
between Karen and Burma Army troops. The KNDO provides security inside KNU
controlled areas.

"We do not know if it [a ceasefire] will become real or not," he said. "We
started fighting in hopes that we would see peace, not because we love to
fight. If they [SPDC] will stand by their promises then our door is open
and we are willing to meet with them."

Karen refugees similarly said they want an end to the violence which has
claimed many lives, but worry that the ruling junta will not be true to
their word.


MONEY
___________________________________

Xinhua, January 12, 2004
Myanmar, Thailand to build deep seaport

Myanmar and Thailand will start building a deep seaport at Dawei, southern
Myanmar's Tanintharyi division, later this month under an economic
cooperation strategy (ECS) of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Thailand, the
local Business Tank reported in a latest issue.

The agreement on the move was reached at an ECS summit meeting of the four
countries held in Myanmar's ancient city of Bagan November, last year.

The seaport project and a Dawei-Kachanaburi road link are to be carried
out in one package together with a 1,360-kilometer trilateral highway
project between India, Myanmar and Thailand.

That trilateral highway project, which extends from Moreh ( India) to
Maesot(Thailand) through Bagan (Myanmar), is expected to take at least two
years to complete.

The building of the deep seaport is to link with the transport integration
of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations which has formulated 54
projects under a six-year work plan ending in 2007 for the move, giving
priority to infrastructural development, human resources development,
information and communication technology, and regional economic
integration in terms of trade, investment and customs.

___________________________________

Xinhua, January 12, 2004
Myanmar int'l carrier postpones starting flight services

The United Myanmar Airlines (UMA), the second Myanmar international
carrier, has postponed the launch of its international flight services
until the end of January, which was originally planned for last December,
the local Myanmar Times reported Monday.

The airline's services to Bangkok, Hong Kong, Kuala Lumpur and Singapore
had to be put off on account of financial difficulties, aviation industry
sources was quoted as saying.

There remains one aircraft to be brought in for services out of two leased
Boeing 737-400 aircraft with 130 seats each, it said.

The UMA, with an initial investment of 15 million US dollars, was set up
last July under a joint venture between the state-run domestic Myanma
Airways and a Hong-Kong-based Sunshine Strategic Investments Holding
Company and its two local partners, the Fortune International and Myanmar
Smooth Travels Service Company.

Myanmar launched 11 years ago its first international carrier, the Myanmar
Airways International (MAI), which is a joint venture between the Myanmar
Transport Ministry and the Region Air, a Singapore-based carrier.

Foreign airlines that fly Yangon regularly include Thai Airways
International, Biman, Royal Brunei Airline, Air China, Malaysian Airline
System and Silk Air.
___________________________________

Xinhua, January 11, 2004
Myanmar to introduce e-procurement system

Myanmar is planning to introduce an online  e(electronic)-procurement
system in tender sales and procurement starting April this year, the local
Business Tank reported in its latest issue.

The system, which will be quick and effective in accessing suppliers on
line, will involve 46 departments of four ministries of defense, industry,
mines and energy.

Along with the e-procurement project, there are also six other
e-government projects having been or being introduced. They are e-
passport, e-visa, e-certification authority, smart card, smart school and
trade e-data interchange.

Myanmar attaches importance to developing human resources to computerize
government activities. Besides having some trained IT experts to work in
e-government projects, the country is also receiving assistance under
e-ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) programs.

Being one of the signatories to the e-ASEAN Framework Agreement initiated
at the ASEAN Summit held in Singapore in 2000, Myanmar has formed the
e-National Task Force to support the IT development.

With the aim of boosting the country's software industry, the first ever
Myanmar ICT Park in Yangon was established in January 2002, followed by
the setting up of the second one in the second largest city of Mandalay in
August 2003.

Meanwhile, Myanmar signed a series of memorandums of understanding last
year with companies from Malaysia and Thailand and an ASEAN organization
on ICT development.
___________________________________

Xinhua, January 11, 2004
Special industrial zones to be established in Myanmar

Three special industrial zones will be set up in three border areas in
Myanmar under the economic cooperation strategy (ECS) of Cambodia, Laos,
Myanmar and Thailand beginning early this year.

According to a report of the Business Tank, the three special industrial
zones at Myawaddy and Pha Ann in Kayin state and Mawlamyine in Mon state
are to be set up under the bilateral cooperation between Myanmar and
Thailand involving in the four country's ECS.

The Thai side will take the responsibility for building factories and
marketing the products from there, it said.

Arrangements are also being made to establish economic development zones
at Tachilek, Kyaing Tong, Dawei, Myeik and Kawthaung, it added.

The four countries held an ECS summit in Myanmar's ancient city of Bagan
in November last year, aiming to fully harness their huge economic
potential to promote spontaneous and sustainable economic development by
transforming the border areas of the four countries into zones of durable
peace and stability as well as economic growth.

Myanmar has established its own 18 industrial zones.
___________________________________

Stockhouse, January 12, 2004
The Formal Signing of the Set Ga Done Gold Property in Myanmar

James W. Davis, President of Leeward, is pleased to announce that formal
signing of the Set Ga Done Concession been completed with the Department
of Geological Survey and Mineral Exploration (DGSE), and have advised our
joint venture partners, Jet Gold Corp.

The Set Ga Done Concession agreement was approved on December 10, 2003 by
the government of the Union of Myanmar and consists of 700 square
kilometres (70,000 hectares) in northern Shan State. The concession is
located 200 kilometres northeast of Mandalay and 90 kilometres from the
border of Yunnan Province in China.

Local miners have been exploiting gold from the Set Ga Done property since
1989 from surface and shallow underground workings. This steeply dipping
gold zone, which trends toward the northwest can be traced for over 600
metres along strike before disappearing beneath a limestone ridge.
Previous drilling utilizing a lightweight Winkie diamond drill rig was
attempted on two occasions; however, these holes were abandoned due to
poor ground conditions without fully testing this gold zone. One partial
intersection of 9.80 g/t over 4.7 m was cored before encountering an open
stope over the following 2.44 metres.

Gold mineralization in the area is hosted by Triassic volcanic rock units,
which are overlain by a Lower Cretaceous carbonate formation. This
geological setting bears some resemblance to the prolific Carlin Gold
Trend in Nevada. In this context, the Set Ga Done Gold Zone can be
interpreted as a possible feeder system into the overlying limestone.

The companies plan a two-phased exploration program commencing this month.
The initial phase will consist of 1000 m of diamond drilling utilizing a
larger drill rig along with property-scale exploration and follow-up of
the previously delineated Nga Mu Gyi gold zone and a number of gold
anomalies on the concession. The budget for the initial phase of
exploration is US$230,000. Contingent upon exploration success, an
additional 4000 metres of drilling are planned in the second phase of
exploration prior to the end of May. Estimated expenditures for phase two
are US$650,000.

The drilling program will be supervised by an experienced Canadian
geologist resident in Myanmar. We have received a comprehensive 43-101
report on the property which will be available on SEDAR and the company's
website shortly.
REGIONAL
___________________________________

Irrawaddy, January 10, 2004
Coup Plot at Kachin Headquarters
By Naw Seng

An alleged coup attempt at the Kachin rebels’ headquarters in northern
Burma was averted earlier this week and its suspected mastermind has fled
into hiding.

Last Wednesday, officials from the armed ethnic group the Kachin
Independence Organization (KIO) arrested an undisclosed number of alleged
mutineers, just days after Col Lasang Aung, intelligence chief of the the
KIO’s armed wing, told another officer that a group of officers loyal to
him had taken control of the group’s mountain headquarters in Kachin State
at Liaison Bum.

About 200 intelligence officers serve under Lasang Aung and some have been
detained since Wednesday for questioning.

At the time, KIO Chief of Staff Gen N’ban La was receiving treatment for
an ailing kidney at a hospital in southern China, and returned to Liaison
Bum after hearing news of the revolt.

N’ban La told The Irrawaddy via telephone from the KIO headquarters that
the situation has returned to normal: "We asked Col Lasang Aung to come
back and solve problems peacefully. We don’t know what they want."

Lasang Aung, chief of KIO intelligence units and its National Security
Council, fled the headquarters and is believed to be hiding in an
undisclosed location near neighboring China. He is accused of plotting a
coup with other KIO leaders and the Thailand-based Kachin National
Organization.

The arrests took place during a meeting among leaders from the KIO, Kachin
civic groups, churches and youth groups. The meeting was held to discuss
the future of Kachin State and to review the KIO’s policy towards Burma’s
National Convention, which may convene soon to draft a new constitution.

Lasang Aung’s close associate in Laiza, a border town close to the Kachin
headquarters, said that KIO leaders plotted the coup themselves to frame
and discredit Lasang Aung and his supporters.

KIO army commanders called an emergency meeting to discuss the failed coup
plan. A warrant to arrest Lasang Aung will be issued soon, said a senior
Kachin leader.

Gen N’ban La also requested the Burma Army unit based in Kachin State to
hand over Lasang Aung to the KIO if he is found hiding in Burma Army
controlled area.

In February 2001, N’ban La and Lasang Aung peacefully ousted then KIO
leader Gen Zau Mai, who is now under house arrest in KIO controlled area.

The KIO was the first organization to support Burma’s Prime Minister Gen
Khin Nyunt’s National Convention plan and seven-step road map for
political progress. The KIO already appointed five delegates including its
general secretary Dr Tu Ja and some junior leaders.


INTERNATIONAL
___________________________________

The Independent, January 11, 2004
FIFTY ADDED TO UNION'S BURMA HIT LIST
By Abigail Townsend

A top trade union organisation has added almost 50 companies to a hit list
of businesses still operating under Burma's military dictatorship,
including the American industrial giant Ingersoll-Rand.

The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, which represents 158
million workers in 231 affiliated organisations, said 48 companies have
been added, including Ingersoll-Rand, which has a market value of almost $
12bn (pounds 6.5bn). The number of businesses on the list is 375.

Burma has one of the worst human rights records in the world, and various
governments, including those of the United States and UK, have called on
Western companies to quit the country. Sanctions have been imposed.

Ingersoll-Rand operates in Burma through a wholly- owned subsidiary in
Singapore, providing services ranging from manufacturing to sales and
marketing, for distributors across South-East Asia.

A spokesman for the parent company in the US said Ingersoll-Rand obeyed
sanctions and operated in Burma only through distributors. He was unable
to discuss the company's position on the country further but added: "Our
policy has always been that we're in favour of engagement, not
disengagement, to effect social change.

"When we first went back to China in the mid-1980s, any company that
proceeded in that direction was subject to attention, but if you want to
enact social change it's better to be there and engage."

Many businesses have been called on to quit Burma. One of the last UK
companies to pull out was British American Tobacco, which quit last
November after mounting governmental pressure.

___________________________________

Irrawaddy, January 10, 2004
Activists Divided By FBC’s Choice
By Min Zin
When the Free Burma Coalition (FBC), a Washington-based Burmese dissident
group and long-time opponent of the current military junta, cautiously
welcomed the National Convention proposed by Rangoon, the move surprised
many and started a row among Burmese democracy activists inside Burma and
abroad.

While the group considers their move a savvy attempt to carve out some
space within the junta’s plans for democratic transition, most democracy
groups have responded to the FBC’s announcement furiously. Some are so
suspicious of the move that they accuse the coalition of conspiring with
the generals in Rangoon. Others are using the issue to further ongoing
attacks against the FBC.

"Motivated solely by our common desire for solving Burma’s decades-long
political problems in a peaceful manner, we welcome, in principle, Prime
Minister Khin Nyunt’s proposal to convene a National Convention," says the
FBC’s Dec 9 press release.

PM General Khin Nyunt unveiled the junta’s seven-point road map in late
August. The first step is reconvening the National Convention, which is
entrusted with drafting a constitution. The road map culminates with "free
and fair elections." The coalition’s statement acknowledges that the
proposed convention is "a first step in the right direction," if it
fosters a climate of openness and fairness.

The military adjourned the previous National Convention in 1996. The
National League for Democracy (NLD), as well as ethnic participants,
disagreed over the six guidelines and 104 principles set by the junta that
would have allowed the military to perpetuate their rule under the guise
of a civilian government and even stage a coup if they felt the country
was in danger. The NLD boycotted the convention in November 1995 because
the generals rejected the party’s request to repeal orders which censored
debate and allowed for criminal punishment of those who spoke against the
military during the convention.

Dr Zarni, the founder of the FBC, sees the recently proposed National
Convention as very different from its predecessor.

"There are some within the military’s leadership that want to work
together with the democrats in nation building," says Zarni. "We need to
recognize the situation they are in. Many seem to be aware that they are
riding on a tiger and they don’t know how to get off the monster, the
creation of which they are partially responsible."

Tin Maung Than, a well-respected Burmese writer in exile, questions
whether Zarni’s analysis is based on assumptions or concrete information.

"If the proposed convention is different from the previous one, why can’t
the regime say this to Aung San Suu Kyi and even Shan ethnic leader Hkun
Htun Oo and political groups inside Burma?" asks Tin Maung Than. "To my
best knowledge, since key inside players have not so far agreed to join
the proposed convention we can say this indicates that the convention
remains the same."

Several activists inside Burma and abroad dismiss the possibility of any
regime-initiated political process, including Gen Khin Nyunt’s road-map.

"The so-called road map is designed to aim for a new election, says Dr
Sein Win, an MP-elect and prime minister of the National Coalition
Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB). "Since the existing [1990]
election results have been dishonored by the junta, why on the earth
should we trust a new one?" he asks.

According to opposition sources, many democracy activists living in Burma
were stunned when they heard of the FBC’s announcement.

Aung Din, a former policy director of the FBC who quit the group last year
and founded the US Campaign for Burma, shares their concern.

"We should not make any political move that makes our leaders inside Burma
more uncomfortable and cornered and benefits the military," he says. "That
would be either stupid or a betrayal or both."

Most exiled groups have intensified their criticism of the FBC, saying it
has stepped beyond its supportive role and taken the position of what one
activist called a "self-styled strategic player."

Zarni recognizes the mandate of the National League for Democracy (NLD)
and elected MPs from both NLD and other parties but he does not see their
election as granting them exclusive rights to speak for 50 million Burmese
of numerous ethnic backgrounds and classes.

"Obviously the democratic mission they [elected MPs] have been charged
with is far from being accomplished, 13 long years after the 1990
elections," he says.

By getting behind the National Convention, he and his associates are
trying to explore practical ways to push Burma closer towards democracy,
so that the people’s representatives can accomplish their mission, Zarni
adds. He notes that the convention, if meaningful, can be result in
genuine political dialogue, something largely absent from recent Burmese
history.

Moe Thee Zun, a former student leader now living in exile, dismisses
equating the convention with dialogue. "The regime always refutes the
opposition’s calls for dialogue and claims that the National Convention is
a dialogue," he says.

Dr Sein Win makes a similar point. "Dialogue can not be substituted with
the National Convention. The consensus has to be first reached via
tripartite dialogue, and then the convention is supposed to follow the
agreed upon principles," says the exiled MP. Ethnic Shan leader Hkun Htun
Oo, who was reached in Rangoon, agreed that it would be better if the road
map resulted from talks between the military, ethnic and democratic
leaders.

One activist-turned-journalist in Rangoon is blunter, saying: "I wonder if
the FBC suggests that Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD leaders sit and discuss
with the regime’s hand-picked delegates at the convention, while none of
the top generals bother to attend."

In contrast to the FBC, many key players—including NLD leaders and members
of elected ethnic political parties—have not yet supported the National
Convention. They question whether the junta will change the six guidelines
and 104 detailed principles, which place the military above the law. If
not scrapped, the convention—no matter how inclusive—will end up in
serving the perpetuation of military rule, say the convention’s
detractors.

Meanwhile, the junta swiftly exploited the FBC’s announcement. In a Dec 17
press statement, the junta specifically mentioned the coalition’s support
in order to allay the harsh US criticism of the National Convention and to
encourage the Americans to join with the international community in
helping Burma make the transition to democracy. The Myanmar Times, a
Rangoon-based semi-government publication, also counted FBC’s support as
significant.

Zarni says that the FBC is supporting more than a home-grown recipe.
According to him, Burma’s neighbors, particularly Thailand and China, see
the current political and economic situation in Burma as impeding their
national and regional interests, so they have tacitly embraced the
National Convention.

The FBC also sees the advantage of making Burma a regional issue. Thus,
the coalition statement acknowledged administration of Thai Prime Minister
Thaksin Shinawatra for hosting the International Conference on Burma in
Bangkok in mid-December. The meeting has since become known as the Bangkok
Process.

But critics doubt that the regionalization of Burma’s political deadlock
will yield a positive outcome.

"I do not trust the political commitment and intentions of regional
countries, particularly Thailand," says Moe Thee Zun, an activist who was
based on the Thai-Burma border for more than a decade. "Moreover, I do not
see any practical enforcement mechanism in regional groups that can make
the junta comply with their promises."

Several activists worry that regional powers will allow the junta to use
the Bangkok Process as a shield and to circumvent or even foil ongoing UN
efforts at tripartite dialogue. Many critics point out that the Bangkok
forum ignored the issues of Aung San Suu Kyi’s house arrest and the
closure of her party offices.

Writer in exile Tin Maung Than says the regional involvement may be
connected to efforts at ensuring the political survival of Khin Nyunt.
"The regional countries want to rescue Khin Nyunt, who they think of as a
moderate, and his National Convention ploy because Than Shwe may dismiss
the Prime Minister if the convention attempt fails," he says.

He also thinks Khin Nyunt may try his best to get Suu Kyi on the
convention bandwagon. Even if his attempt does not work, the PM will
proceed with his plans since his survival hinges on the success of the
convention, Tin Maung Than says. He suggests that the opposition should
refuse to support the convention unless its guidelines and principles are
altered.

"If you put it [the convention] in terms of power, you will have to be
worried that you are missing the train, as the junta hints that they are
determined to continue their route," says Tin Maung Than. "If the regime
does so without changing the basic principles, there will be more
struggles. The real battle has not yet come."

Zarni, however, has made it clear that FBC’s welcome statement was not his
decision alone. He insists that The Burma Strategy Group, which devises
the policy strategies for the FBC, had a hand in the decision. Exiled Shan
ethnic figure Chao Tzang Yawngwe, chief editor of Mizzima News Soe Myint,
Harvard graduate Aung Naing Oo and others included in The Burma Strategy
Group agreed with the statement, says Zarni.

When The Irrawaddy contacted the group members, many of them echoed the
founder’s statements. Others complained that they were not informed about
the decision, and a few have tried to disassociate themselves from the
FBC.

Nyunt Than, a San Francisco-based grassroots activist who resigned from
the FBC because of the welcome statement, says the statement was immoral.

"Though the group claims that they are very much realists, their thinking
in this regard does not have practical ground. It is so bookish," says
Nyunt Than. "Of course, it has left the exile movement divided."

Moe Thee Zun, a dissenting FBC member who refuses to resign, does not
think the statement has divided or damaged the exiled movement. Others
within the FBC point to the debate as evidence of a healthy diversity of
opinion within the exile community. Their detractors disagree, saying that
failing to reach a consensus on a strategic issue as important as the
National Convention does not bode well for Burma’s exiled democracy
movement.

At least one exile group, the Democratic Party for a New Society (DPNS),
has already been divided over the issue. Aung Moe Zaw, the chairperson of
DPNS, strongly opposes the National Convention. But his deputy, Aung Thu
Nyein, who also serves as a member of the FBC’s strategy group, is an
advocate of the group’s statement.

On the other hand, the move to publicly welcome the National Convention
appears to be paying dividends for the FBC’s Zarni. David Steinberg,
Director of the Asian Studies School of Foreign Service at Georgetown
University in Washington DC, is proposing that Zarni join a Georgetown
Leadership Seminar to be held in March 2004, according to a well-informed
source in Washington. If involved, the FBC founder will have the
opportunity to meet top US policy makers, adds the source.
___________________________________

Mizzima, January 12, 2004
Burmese to take part in World Social Forum

Burmese opposition will take part in the fourth World Social Forum, which
will be held in Mumbai, India from January 16 to 21.  More than 80 000
delegates from around the world are expected to attend the 2004 Forum.

The World Social Forum has ben held annually since 2001, when it was
"created to provide an open platform to discuss strategies of resistance
to the model for globalisation formulated ... by large multinational
corporations, national governments, IMF, the World Bank and the WTO".

About 35 participants from Burma, including political leaders, trade union
activists, women activists, students activists and media representatives,
will participate at the World Social Forum.

One of the highlights planned by Burmese pro-democracy activists
participating at the Forum will be a workshop on "Democracy in Burma" to
be held on January 17.  This workshop has been organised with help from
the Social Democratic Students of Sweden.

Burmese representatives from various organizations based in India and
Thailand are hoping to draw attention to the deteriorating situation in
their homeland.  The groups wish to spread awareness that Burma is still
controlled by a repressive military regime.  This regime has placed Nobel
Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest for the third time and
is responsible for the 1500 political prisoners currently languishing in
Burma's prison system.

The All Burma Students League will organize a workshop entitled
"Democratization in Burma" on January 18th, and one day later a seminar
organised by Cisl Italy called "Burma: a forgotten dictatorship, the road
to democracy" will be held.

Mizzima News, in conjunction with the Burma Relief Center and Women's
League of Burma, will organize a Solidarity Tent for Burma that will
accomodate up to 400 people. The intention is to extend and strengthen
networks of Burma's democratic forces and ethnic nationalities with
international civil society movements.

This will be the first time that the various representatives from Burma 
democratic groups will participate in the World Social Forum since it
began in Porto Alegre, Brazil, in 2001.


OTHER
___________________________________

Le Nouvel Observateur, December 18 to 23, 2003
Burma: Total’s former security chief talks-Forced Labor: Total Knew
By Cyril Payen

[An interview by Cyril Payen (Le Nouvel Observateur) of Total’s former
security chief (1995-2002) Jean-Michel Kouchner. After a 27-year career
with the  Foreign Legion, J.-M. K was appointed in charge of security for
the Yadana gas pipeline. He testified last September in the Los Angeles
court-case against UNOCAL for “Human rights violation” in the context of
the Yadana pipeline.]
The interview
N. O.
What was your role on the site of the Total pipeline?
J.-M.K.
I was responsible for the safety of the pipeline and its staff. It was
also my duty to co-ordinate with some ten Burmese battalions present on
the pipeline site, which included requesting them to dress up as civilians
when we had visitors


N. O.
Tell us of the behaviour of the Burmese soldiers with whom you worked?
J.-M.K.
Early on in my mission I witnessed barbaric acts against the local
population. For example the soldiers forced civilians to walk ahead of
them to clear anti-personnel landmines from the pipeline corridor. I have
personally seen five farmers blown on these mines


N. O.
Did this happen in the Total plant site?
J.-M.K.
Yes. Besides, I personally informed my superior Herve Madeo (in charge of
operations for Total in Burma from 1992 to 2000). I also told him how the
army took forced labour and diverted workers’ salaries. From 1995 he was
well aware of this. But it is only from the start of the production phase,
in 1998, that the situation finally improved.

N. O.
In your opinion was there collusion between the Burmese army and Total?
J.-M.K.
Officially, the plant bonus of 2000 kyats (equivalent to half their
monthly salary) for soldiers securing the pipeline zone was paid by the
MOGE (Total’s Burmese partner). But these amounts were charged to Total,
as shown by documents signed by Total.

N. O.
Why did you leave Total?
J.-M.K.
When I started to inform the company of the Burmese army’s actions I
became a hindrance. My contract was not renewed.”


[Background to this interview:The report by Bernard Kouchner, concluding
his recent study of the Yadana pipeline, now posted in both French and
English on the Total/Burma website,
http://burma.total.com/en/publications/bk_report.pdf

Numerous critical reactions following the publication of this report
appear in a broad political spectrum of the French national press.

Le Nouvel Observateur, Paris, (issue n 2041, 18 – 24 December 2003) points
out that, in his investigation, Kouchner ignored the voice of many :
victims, crucial witnesses, organisations such as the FIDH (International
federation for Human rights), parliamentarians involved in the 1999 French
parliamentary mission of information, the French lawyer representing the
Burmese plaintiffs in the French court-case against Total. Having himself
conducted his investigation during 5 days in Burma, Kouchner also accuses
journalists and NGOs of criticising Total without sufficient information.]


OPINION
___________________________________

Mizzima, January 12, 2004
Burmese Thugs Have Become A Little Educated
By Kanbawza Win

Witnessing the success of the Junta, some describe it that it has become
sophisticated but a thorough research will reveal that they have become a
little educated. Even though their hearts still harbours evil always
intending to use brute force wherever opportunity favours them, the
Depayin blunder has instilled them a little second thought and instead
wearing a lan qute te (a Burmese for short underwear) brandishing a
cudgel, is now wearing suits and ties and appeared smiling in public.

However, it is a fact that it had succeeded in bringing the Karen, which
is the backbone of the armed resistance movement to a de facto ceasefire
and neutralized the biggest lobbyist organization, the Free Burma
Coalition. Judging from these two factors alone, the Burmese pro democracy
movement cum the autonomy fighters and the international community should
be very, very careful about the Junta’s move and could not be taken
anything for granted.

One must not underestimate its strength now that ASEAN countries (the
leadership by Harry Lee and Dr. Mahirthir was now taken over by Thaksin
Shinawatra) together with China and India are endeavouring to legitimize
the Burmese thugs backed by the opium warlord and multilateral
corporations. We should take note that each sector of players on the Junta
side is successfully implementing their own duty as expected. In the say
for Burma the neighbouring countries have successfully ousted the US and
EU as can be seen in the Bali and Bangkok Conferences. The UN has come out
strongly for Khin Nyunt’s road map. At the advise of the Junta, the drug
war lords have shifted their routes and instead of pure heroine has become
more sophisticated by switching to Ya Ba (ecstasy pills) pills and the
laundering of narco-dollars has become less transparent.

But it was the multilateral corporations, its agents and the Junta
sympathizers that tackle the grass root level people of Burma residing in
overseas and won them one by one with economic and other incentives.

In microcosm let me show a classic example of Vancouver where thousands of
overseas Burmese reside. There are two categories of Burmese residing
here, the ones who came here for greener Pasteur usually work hands in
glove with the multilateral corporations doing business with the Junta and
the other usually composed of grass root level people belong to the pro
democracy groups and ethnic nationalities. The former wants to maintain a
status quo for their economic gains while the latter composed of
dissidents and even though against the Junta is very much segmented and
hopelessly divided. Seeing this situation the former take the lead in
social and religious work of the Burmese with the resources impute from
the multilateral corporations and slowly won the dissidents by giving visa
to visit Burma, provided they promised not to indulge in politics, helping
them to start small business with Burma and discouraging them to
participate in pro democracy movement events and so on. Even in the last
Independence Day ceremony they could successfully prevented a Buddhist
abbot and a Christian pastor from chanting myitta (praying) for those who
have been killed in Depayin massacre. This indicates that the Junta is not
only successful in the battlefields but also in the diplomatic field
winning the hearts and soul of its former dissidents.

Knowing full well that the ethnic nationalities are simple honest people
and not sophisticated as the Diaspora the Junta approach in another way.
Sensing that they judge things by the battle field result and is not in a
position to realise that the Burmese army is far more advance politically
they craftily hoodwink them e.g. the KNU is unable to draw the lessons of
cease fire when Bishop Ah Mya initiated a ceasefire between the Karen and
the U Nu government way back in the 50s? The younger leaders know very
little how the central government had exploited the situation?

When KNU was controlling Insein, Taungoo, Loikaw and most of upper
Burma, how the Burmese army organize the Kachin and Chin by labeling the
Karen as racist, separatist and so on? Last but not the least is how did
the Junta manage to widen the wedge between the Christians and the
Buddhist and exploited the situation that lead to the downfall of
Manaeplaw? This all indicates that Burmese military is more politically
sophisticated than the ethnic forces. And now the Karen has initiated the
cease-fire (between Burmese army and KNLA, army to army) leaving the
political scenario behind, when it was the Burmese army that orchestrated
the national convention which itself is a political ploy.
The sweet words “In the Burmese army that there were the hawks and the
doves and if the KNU did not respond positively to the call of the dove
then it will lost the golden chance,” seems to play the trick when Khin
Nyunt himself is part and parcel of the ruling Junta (hawks). This wrong
judgement of puts politics on hold, and gives the Junta as a line of
defence vis-à-vis the international community and the upper hand. In the
meantime the Junta is going ahead with a very political process in a
straightjacket mode.

In geo politics it has successfully used the neighbouring countries like
Thailand and China to pressure on the liberation fighters. Now it is
turning on India to squeeze out the Chin and the Arakanese by cooperating
with the Indian army. We cannot blamed these neighbouring countries for
not helping to our cause, the point is that the Junta with the backing of
the Office of the Strategic Studies is far more advance and sophisticated
than us (e.g. we have TAN and no body would come for advice or discussion
on strategies, neither would they reach out to them as it is usually
engrossed in economic related sphere).

The context of Khin Nyunt’s version of the road map is that life in
Burma will maintain the status quo, no freedom of movement, no freedom of
association or expression and will not recognize any election result that
is detrimental to them. In their mental map there is no connection with
the routes to freedom desired by the people of Burma. In other words want
to maintain the military hegemony over the entire people of Burma in
perpetuity. Since most of the people in Burma are scrape by in a daily
struggle for survival to find food, lodging, dignity, and a place free
from violent acts by the military rulers will be in a position to respond
appropriately to their call and worst will not antagonize them. It was a
meticulously plan move to exploit the situation. The military feel strong
now, but an irritating resistance still remains and Khin Nyunt wishes to
drive their opposition off the road under the guise of planning democracy
and with this sly approach had won both the Karen and the FBC.

On the other hand Daw Aung Suu Kyi remains ready to work for peaceful
political change for all people of Burma. She is ready to forgive
Depayin massacre (but will not forget and wish to bring out the truth) if
it leads to democracy. She does not view herself as the only spokes person
for the people, but repeatedly states that she and other leaders need to
work together and arrive at a common stance through consultation with all
people of Burma. No doubt she needs the help of fellow democrats, leaders,
members of her party, citizens, leaders of ethnic nationalities groups who
have been silenced and unable to freely communicate with her except under
extreme conditions. As long as she is isolated and separated from her
party and from people this could not be achieved and that is why she is in
custody up to this day. This is the game plan for the Junta.

So if this is the scenario what should be our strategy for the moment? We
must be in a position to see things clearly. Our dreamboat to democracy
and an obsession to witness our promised land flowed with milk and honey
has been hijacked by the Junta in cooperation with Thaksin. This is partly
due to the inept leadership of the pro democracy groups including Daw Suu
and now the best we can do is damage control. Remember the Junta knows
politics and they also know the game of how to be seen apolitical. In
spite of the continued atrocious human rights violations and burning
alive, passing long prison sentences and more arrests, the majority of the
dissidents have chosen to talk with them as it stands now.

We have to show that we know that they know and are willing to talk at the
same level. Obviously they will take the upper hand partly because of
inferiority complex (it is galling to label them as thugs and uncivilized)
but will soon t melt down as soon as we show them the science of logic. No
doubt we will have to accommodate them to a certain extent, but will have
to insist that Democracy is a process that involves constant open
consultation and that their road map was continuation of military rule and
seeking international legitimacy. Surely they could not have the cake and
eat it. It must be either or. Perhaps this is the only way currently
available.

But Dr.Chao Tzang has rightly point out, “ We don’t know what is the
follow up of ENSCC, NCGUB and the latest KNU” not to mention Dr Zar Ni’s
secret correspondence with Dr Win Naing (who defected from Japan and is
now working for the Junta). The sad fact is that at such a crucial time,
we are sort of split – owing to mucky, murky personal and petty
politicking, all very meaningless but totally destructive. We will have to
stop it now. It seems that previous coordinating arrangements have broken
down. An important point to ponder is, who will represent us concerning
whatever we say about the National Convention and its flaws.

Lamentably we have become auxiliaries where we can say what we want
without anybody paying attention. The mood of the Western countries and
the international community is just “Wait-and-See, and
Don’t-Rock-the-Boat” for the Junta may be somewhat going in the right
direction and this itself gives the Junta a benefit of the doubt.

In our hearts of hearts we know that the Burmese military is never sincere
and can never be trusted. The National Convention will never be genuine
and would not be a success. Unless we act now it will be too late because
time is not on our side. Let us be broad-minded and not forget the past
and draw valuable lessons for Milan Kundera said, “The struggle against
power is the struggle of memory over forgetting.”

Paris, France.