BurmaNet News, March 5 - 8, 2004

[Editor]

March 5-8, 2004 Issue # 2434

INSIDE BURMA
Irrawaddy: Karen Officials Likely to be Demoted Over Attack
Mizzima: Arakans in Diaspora reject SPDC Road Map
NMG: Suu Kyi to consider attending NC if 4 demands met
BBC Monitor: UN envoy: Suu Kyi willing to seek "harmonized" relations with
Burma's leaders
Irrawaddy: NLD, Ethnics, Leery of Razali’s Optimism

BUSINESS / MONEY
Xinhua: Myanmar forecasts richer monsoon paddy harvest in 2003-04
National Post: Ivanhoe may sell mines to fund Mongolia: Turquoise hill
deposit: Company considers sale of Burmese, Australian projects
Mizzima: India and Burma agreed to create task force for more trade
Shan: Wa grab gem mountain

INTERNATIONAL
FT: UN envoy hails Burmese changes Human Rights

OPINION / OTHER
Mizzima: Politics Becomes Zero-sum Game without Freedom of Expression
Mizzima: Burma’s Convention Process Lacks Public Participation
FT: On the margins The work of an illegal immigrant doctor in Thailand has
earned the wrath of Burma



INSIDE BURMA
___________________________________

March 8, Irrawaddy
Karen Officials Likely to be Demoted Over Attack - Kyaw Zwa Moe

At least two military officers of the rebel Karen National Union, or KNU,
are likely to be demoted, as they have been held responsible for an attack
on a Burma Army outpost, said a KNU official today.

The soldiers attacked the Burma Army position on February 23 as a KNU
delegation was in Moulmein having peace talks with government
representatives. A tentative ceasefire had been in place since December.

An arsenal was destroyed and three Burma Army soldiers were injured in the
skirmish, according to David Taw, chief of the KNU foreign affairs
committee. He said the attack occurred near Donzayit village, Pegu
Division, about 85 miles from Rangoon. Earlier reports had placed the
incident at Duyinseik, Mon State.

KNU headquarters has summoned an operations commander and an intelligence
officer from the army’s Third Brigade to investigate about the attack.

"They are the responsible officials for any attack in their area even if
they don't order it," said David Taw.

The KNU, which has fought the losing end of a 55-year war of attrition
with Rangoon, was one of the last armed groups to agree to a ceasefire
with the government. Details of a formal peace agreement are yet to be
hammered out.

Soon after the attack, vice chairman of the KNU Gen Bo Mya said he would
punish any troops that disobeyed his order not to attack the Burma Army.

David Taw said that the KNU is now prepared to return guns and radio
communication equipment seized in the scuffle with the Burma Army. The KNU
troops seized about 40 guns and 4 radio transceivers in the attack, he
said.

Apart from the Donzayit attack, there have been more than 100 skirmishes
between KNU and government troops since the ceasefire was agreed in early
December, according to David Taw, but they have happened accidentally, not
intentionally.

Peace talks between the two sides will continue. The next round is due
either at the end of March or in early April, said David Taw.
__________________________

March 7, Mizzima
Arakans in Diaspora reject SPDC Road Map

The Conference of Arakans in Diaspora, concluded in New Delhi yesterday,
decided to establish an Arakan National Council as the only unified Arakan
Organization to lead the Arakan people. It also rejected the Burmese
regime's seven-points Road Map, according to a statement released today by
the participants.

"The Arakan National Council (ANC) is given political leadership role to
represent the Arakan people and national interests until it holds national
convention again", said the statement of Coordination Committee for
Preconvention of Arakan National Convention (CCPCANC).

The Conference held from March 1 to 6, 2004 was participated by the
representatives of four main Arakan organizations such as Arakan League
for Democracy (ALD-Exile), Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), Democratic Party
of Arakan (DPA) and National United Party of Arakan (NUPA) along with
representatives from Arakan Buddhist monks associations, social welfare
organizations, women, students and youth organizations, and intellectuals
in exile.

The Arakan National Council (ANC) is formed with 18 members including two
representatives each from the four major Arakan organizations and the rest
are drawn from other strata of Arakans living outside Arakan State of
Burma.

The Arakan State is situated in the western part of Burma and borders with
Bangladesh. It has the majority Buddhists as well as minority Muslims
living together for centuries.

However, with the human rights violations committed by the Burmese
military regime, several thousands, including Muslims from Arakan State
have fled to Bangladesh as refugees.

According to New Delhi-based Rakhapura News, the seven-day Arakan
Conference also unanimously decided not to recognize the term "Rohingya"
but to accept the term "Arakan Bengalis" as the "Bengalis in Arakan
State".  Moreover, the participants viewed that the 7-points road map plan
of Burmese Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt will not lead to any
democratic changes in Burma but it is aimed to prolong power for the
military junta in future.

"The ANC calls for tripartite dialogue, the National League for Democracy
(NLD), the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), and the ethnic
democratic forces and this is the only practical way to solve the
political situation in Burma, and beginning with it, these three forces
will establish trust and genuine national reconciliation that will lead
the Burma emerging in decentralized federal state. "

"I can say that it was a 100 percent success for the conference in terms
of being able to unify Arakan nationals with the outcome of forming the
unified Arakan National Council (ANC). We were able to decide on the date
for Arakan National Day, Arakan Flag, etc. We were also able to form a
drafting committee for the future Arakan State Constitution," said U
Khaing Myo Min, General Secretary of Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) who
participated in the Conference.

President U Kyaw Han from AASYC and the leader of Arakan Gas Pipeline
Campaign Committee (AGPCC) said, "The largest gas well founded in the
Arakan State is our national treasure and we have rights to get benefits
from it for our people, but the SPDC just forces us in concession of the
gas and the benefits to Korea based Daewoo and the India state owned gas
and oil companies Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Ltd. (ONGC) Videsh and
Gas Authority of India Limited (GAIL)."

"With the support of National Reconciliation Program (NRP), the four major
political organizations of Arakan have started a process for unity since
July 2001. This conference was an outcome of the unity process we started
three years ago", U Thein Phe, president of CCPCANC told to Rakhapura
News.

The Coordination Committee for Preconvention of Arakan National Convention
(CCPCANC) was formed after series of meetings were held among the Arakan
organizations in 2001.
__________________________

March 5, Network Media Group
Suu Kyi to consider attending NC if 4 demands met

Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi will consider to attend the
National Convention if four demands - release of all political prisoners,
re-opening of NLD offices nation-wide, nullifying the 104 basic principles
of the National Convention and investigation on Depeyin Massacre by
independent commission- were met, said a leader of her exiled party,
NLD/LA (National League for democracy -Liberated Area).

The news came out just after opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi met UN
special envoy Razali Ismil in Rangoon on Tuesday.

“Daw Suu asked four demands. These include release of all political
prisoners, reopening of NLD offices, forming an independent body to
investigate Depeyin massacre and nullifying 104 basic principles of the
National Convention. She said if these demands were met, the NLD and Aung
San Suu Kyi would consider whether they would attend the National
Convention or not. This news came out from the NLD sources in Rangoon,”
said Nyo Ohn Myint who is a member of foreign affairs department of the
NLD/LA.

The secretary of NLD/LA, Daw San San who came out to Thailand after
Depeyin incident also confirmed the report. She also added that Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi is not giving as a promise to attend the convention but what
she said is she may consider if these four demands were met.

“The dialogue should come first before convening the National Convention.
What Daw Suu pointed out ‘she will consider’ means dialogue between the
government and her. Or, there might be a tripartite dialogue, which is
proposed by ethnic nationalities. She may attend the convention after
discussing detail procedures of the National Convention,” Daw San San gave
the view of the NLD/LA.

On March 1, the UN special envoy Mr. Razali Ismil made an unannounced
visit to Burma and separately met Prime Minister Khin Nyunt and the
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on March 2, 2004.

Though Razali told Reuters that 'she is fine', details of meeting with
Aung San Suu Kyi were yet to disclose.

Burmese military government held a countrywide general election in 1990
without honoring the result and started to organize to convene the
National Convention in order to formulate the country’s constitution. Most
of delegates who attended the Convention were hand-picked up by the
regime. However, the convention had been stalled after the National League
for Democracy had walked out of the Convention in 1996 after pointing out
the convention procedures were undemocratic.

Last year, then the Chief of Military Intelligence and secretary 1 of the
governing council Gen Khin Nyut self-appointed himself as the Prime
Minster and announced a seven-step Road Map. The convention is a part of
this seven-phase 'road map' so as to write down country’s constitution.

‘The Road Map’ came out after the military government had orchestrated
premeditated attack on tour of Aung San Suu Kyi and her followers and
shutting down all her party offices throughout the country.

Burma’s Prime Minister Khin Nyunt has claimed almost all cease-fire groups
are going to be present in the National Convention.

Network Media Group, E-mail:netmedia at cscoms.com
__________________________

March 5, BBC Monitor
UN envoy: Suu Kyi willing to seek "harmonized" relations with Burma's leaders

Source: Kyodo News Service, Tokyo, in English 2020 gmt 5 Mar 04

Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi wants Myanmar's Burma junta to
release her from house arrest but signalled her willingness to work for a
"harmonized" relationship with the government to move the democratic
process forward, the United Nations said Friday 5 March .

Suu Kyi stated her view in talks with Razali Ismail, UN envoy in charge of
promoting political reconciliation in Myanmar, in Yangon Rangoon from
Monday through Thursday, UN spokesman Fred Eckhard said.

In separate meetings with Suu Kyi, Prime Minister Gen Khin Nyunt and
Foreign Minister Win Aung, Razali "emphasized the need for all the
parties, in the name of the people of Myanmar, to turn over a new page so
as to make the democratic transitional process all-inclusive and
credible".

"In this context, he (Razali) was encouraged by the expressions of
commitment of the prime minister to implement, in an all-inclusive manner,
the government's seven-step road map, starting with the reconvening of the
national convention," Eckhard said in a statement.

Khin Nyunt's "road map to democracy" begins with the resumption of the
national convention to produce a new constitution, to be followed by a
national referendum, general elections and the convening of a parliament
with newly elected members to form a new government.

During his stay in Myanmar, Razali, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan's
special envoy, also met with Japanese Ambassador to Myanmar Yuji Miyamoto
and Central Executive Committee members of the opposition National League
for Democracy (NLD) led by Suu Kyi.

Suu Kyi was detained last May following what the military government
claims was a clash between her supporters and pro-government
demonstrators. After being held in an undisclosed location the Nobel Peace
Prize winner was eventually allowed to return to her residence.

Suu Kyi reiterated that she and her colleagues from the NLD's Central
Executive Committee should be released and allowed to resume political
activities and the NLD's office should be reopened, the spokesman said.

But despite last May's episode, "She also indicated her willingness to
work for a 'harmonized' relationship with Prime Minister Khin Nyunt's
government in order to move the process ahead," according to the
spokesman's statement.
__________________________

March 5, Irrawaddy
NLD, Ethnics, Leery of Razali’s Optimism - Kyaw Zwa Moe

Burmese opposition and ethnic leaders expressed skepticism about UN
special rapporteur Razali Ismail’s upbeat assessment of his recent visit
to Rangoon.

Very good visit. —UN special rapporteur Razali Ismail

Razali told reporters yesterday that Prime Minister Gen Khin Nyunt was
truly committed to democracy and that opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi
was ready to work with Khin Nyunt and might be released soon.

"All he said is very good, but we will have to take his words very
cautiously," said Hkun Htun Oo, chairman of the Shan Nationalities League
for Democracy, by telephone. "We should be very cautious until we see
progress."

During the trip, Razali talked with Burma’s Prime Minister, Suu Kyi and
ethnic leaders about the seven-step road map to democracy proposed by Khin
Nyunt in August last year.

After leaving Rangoon yesterday, he told BBC radio that it was a "very
good visit." Hkun Htun Oo responded: "It will have been for the SPDC,"
when asked to comment on Razali’s description of his trip.

The Malaysian businessman-turned-UN envoy told the BBC that Suu Kyi "told
me she is prepared to turn a new page." He added that she and other
National League for Democracy, or NLD, leaders, might be released by April
16, which marks Burmese New Year.

As a diplomat, he always tries to see things in a positive way. —Nyo Ohn
Myint

NLD members contacted by The Irrawaddy were also skeptical about the
Razali sound bites. "He is used to saying [something] like this whenever
he ends his visits. But most what he says doesn't come true," said an NLD
member in Rangoon, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

Nyo Ohn Myint, a foreign affairs committee member of the NLD (Liberated
Area), which operates in exile, agreed. "As a diplomat, he always tries to
see things in a positive way." He pointed out that Razali said the going
was good on a visit that preceded the government-orchestrated mob attack
on Aung San Suu Kyi’s convoy in Depayin, Sagaing Division. Hundreds may
have been beaten to death in the incident.

The massacre of NLD supporters was followed by the arrest of Aung San Suu
Kyi and other NLD leaders and closure of the party’s offices.

Hkun Htun Oo told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that Razali, at a meeting with
ethnic leaders, had floated the idea of forming an advisory committee to
oversee Khin Nyunt’s road map that would be made up of military and ethnic
and NLD representatives. But Razali told the BBC on Thursday that he
hadn’t discussed the issue and that the ethnic leaders had misunderstood.

"We didn't make it up," asserted Hkun Htun Oo. "We will have to be careful
talking to him in the future."


BUSINESS / MONEY
_____________________________________

March 8, Xinhua
Myanmar forecasts richer monsoon paddy harvest in 2003-04

Myanmar has forecast a richer monsoon paddy harvest in the current 2003-04
fiscal year ending soon in March, hitting at least 850 million baskets
(17.8 million tons ) of the crop, an increase from the last fiscal year's
17.4 million tons, the local Myanmar Times reported Monday.

Quoting the Agricultural Department, the report attributed the expected
richer harvest to increased paddy cultivated area and favorable weather
condition during the current fiscal year as well as the introduction of a
new policy to free rice trade since last April, the start of the fiscal
year.

Monsoon paddy, which was sown on 5.43 million hectares for the year,
traditionally accounts for the major volume of Myanmar's paddy output
which usually stands at 80 percent to 85 percent.

Paddy is mostly yielded in Myanmar's three divisions of Ayeyawaddy, Yangon
and Bago which are the country's main rice growing areas.

Myanmar exported about 1 million tons of rice annually during the past few
years, earning about 100 million US dollars each year.

Owing to the rise of rice prices domestically, the government imposed a
temporary ban on the rice export for six months beginning this January in
order to bring down the rice prices.

According to the sources, the two seasons' paddy harvest in 2002-03,
including the monsoon's and the summer's, produced 23.6 million tons of
the crops or 13 million tons of rice out of 6.48 million hectares grown.

With a population of 52.4 million, Myanmar stands as a country with
agriculture as the mainstay of its economy with its output value taking up
42 percent of its gross domestic product and its export value representing
28.3 percent of the total.

Myanmar has a cultivable land stretching 18.23 million hectares and the
land utilized or cultivated is 10.12 million hectares, of which over 6
million hectares or 65 percent are covered by paddy.
_________________________

March 6, National Post
Ivanhoe may sell mines to fund Mongolia: Turquoise hill deposit: Company
considers sale of Burmese, Australian projects

Robert Friedland's Ivanhoe Mines Ltd. may sell both an Australian iron
mine and its controversial copper property in Burma to fund further the
development of its Turquoise Hill deposit in Mongolia.

Ivanhoe has previously said it wants to sell its 50% stake in the Monywa
copper mine in Burma, a country the Canadian government has targeted for
economic sanctions because of human rights abuses.

Yesterday, Ivanhoe again talked about selling Monywa, and added it might
also sell its wholly owned Savage River iron ore project in Australia.

"With prices for copper and iron ore both at long-term highs, we are
exploring various options to take full advantage of our interests in the
Monywa and Savage River projects," said John Macken, president of Ivanhoe.

The company last year assigned HSBC Holdings PLC, the Canadian Imperial
Bank of Commerce, and Citibank Inc. to come up with "strategic
alternatives" for the Monywa stake.

Ivanhoe's primary focus these days continues to be the development of its
massive Turquoise Hill copper and gold deposit in Mongolia.

Mr. Friedland, Ivanhoe's chairman, has said the Mongolian deposit is
bigger than his previous blockbuster discovery, the Voisey's Bay nickel
property in Labrador.  Proceeds from the sale of Monywa and Savage River
would help the company continue the development of Turquoise Hill.

Ivanhoe is gearing up to conduct a feasibility study on the property, a
key milestone in the company's plans to build a mine at Turquoise Hill. 
Ivanhoe yesterday reported that the Monywa mine produced more than 61
million pounds of copper concentrate last year.

It also described plans to expand production capacity to about 86 million
pounds by the end of the year.  Ivanhoe's Savage River mine in Australia
produced 2.2 million tonnes of iron ore pellets last year. Production is
expected to rise to 2.3 million tonnes this year.

"Monywa is one of the world's lowest-cost primary copper producers. The
mine's cash costs of US38 cents a pound compared with current refined
copper prices of approximately US $1.30 a pound," Mr. Macken said in a
release.

"At Savage River, the mine is currently selling everything it can produce,
and assuming that China can continue its amazing demand growth, the iron
ore market is likely to be in severe shortage for the next several years."

Ivanhoe has been criticized for its investment in Burma, renamed Myanmar
by the repressive regime in power in the country.

Canada's Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade says
Burma's military government has violently suppressed democracy.

In August 1997, Canada asked businesses to refrain from making new
investments in Burma until political conditions improve.  The company says
its investment in Burma predates the Canadian government's request, so the
company is not at odds with the sanctions.

Ivanhoe closed yesterday in Toronto at $7.80, up 7 cents.
__________________________

March 6, Mizzima
India and Burma agreed to create task force for more trade

Encouraged by the growing volume of trade across India-Burma trade points,
the Confederation of Indian Industries (CII) and the Union of Myanmar
Federation of Chamber of Commerce and Industries (UMFCCI) have signed a
Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to create a task force to boost ongoing
trade between the countries. The task force will be initiated within three
months and include five representatives from India’s northeastern states.

Addressing a press conference in Guwahati on March 4, India’s Minister for
Industry, Sri Bhubaneswar Kalita, said that the task force would explore
the trade potential between India and Myanmar and identify areas for
future investment. He expressed hope that the task force would help young
entrepreneurs to expand their trade with Burma.

The industry minister and 20-member business delegation from the
Federation of Industries and Commerce of North Eastern Region (FINER)
participated in the India Show held recently in Burma’s capital, Rangoon,
to display their products. Feeling upbeat by the response from Burmese
traders, Sri Kalita said that FINER are keen to expand business in
northeast India. “We received a tremendous response from the Myanmar
Government and even Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt and senior officials
of the country visited our stalls and have expressed their willingness to
increase the volume of trade with northeast India,” he added.

General Khin Nyunt had told the FINER trade delegation in Yangon that his
government was eager to open up the border with India to increase the
volume of trade between the two countries.

Northeast India shares over 600 km of border with Burma. Taking advantage
of this situation, India signed a trade pact with Burma in 1994 that began
to take effect in 1995. Since then, the volume of trade between the two
countries has been gradually increasing. To facilitate more trade with
Burma, northeastern Indian traders have been demanding
the reopening of the famous StilWell Road.

In response to a question concerning the reopening of the road, Sri Kalita
said that the Indian delegation requested the Burmese junta take early
steps to reopening StilWell Road.  “The mindset of the junta has started
changing now. It favours more discussions in this regard. We have also
urged the Myanmar Commerce Minister, Pyi Sone, to reopen the road for the
benefit of the entire Southeast Asian region.

FINER president, Sri Subhash Agrwala, a member of the recent delegation to
Rangoon, said that FINER and the Myanmar India Business Club (MIBC) had
signed a pact to increase trade between northeast India and Myanmar.  “We
have requested the Government to set up a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) on
the western border of Myanmar in order to help our plywood traders to run
their businesses,” he said.
__________________________

March 4, Shan
Wa grab gem mountain

Troops from the United Wa State Army's 171st Military Region of Wei
Hsuehkang has since 1 March, taken the Loi Hpaleng range, opposite
Chiangmai, that was reportedly "crammed" with red ruby stones, a fact that
was yet to be officially substantiated by Rangoon.

The 120-strong UWSA troops were commanded by Wei's deputy, Jalawbo, 60, a
native Lahu who speaks 5 languages: Lahu, Shan, Chinese, Burmese and Wa.

"Although gem experts in Rangoon had decided the stones there were
worthless, the Wa thought there must be some real fire behind the smoke,"
a Shan businessman close to the Wa told S.H.A.N.. "Since January their
troops have been combing the area. They also offered a reward to whoever
was willing to show them the location of the lode. So far, they have yet
to succeed on that score."

The reasons for the Wa zeal were Bao Youxiang, President of the Wa, and
Wei Hsuehkang, he said. "Wei particularly thought that the place might
well turn out to be an ideal front for all their drug activities," he
quoted a Wa officer as saying.

Loi Hpaleng, "The mountain of red cliff," is located on the western part
of the Mongton-Chiangmai highway near the Salween. "The place is quite
rugged," said a local source. "It takes two days from Nakawngmu (halfway
between Mongton and the Thai border) even to get there."

A team of specialists visited the range in October under heavy security,
soon after stories began to circulated that a Lahu militia leader had
discovered rubies there, but nothing ever came out of it.

In the meantime, the news of the "big find" has appeared to have drawn
enterprising people to the area. "Some are already offering cheap rubies
from the Monghsu gemland for sale as Hpaleng rubies," said a trader from
Chiangmai's Fang district.


INTERNATIONAL
_____________________________________

March 6, Financial Times
UN envoy hails Burmese changes Human Rights

The United Nations special envoy to Burma has endorsed Prime Minister Khin
Nyunt's commitment to bring democracy to the military-ruled country, but
hinted that the premier might lack sufficient clout to overcome resistance
from other members of the junta.
Razali Ismail, who has just ended a four-day visit to Rangoon, said Gen
Khin Nyunt was willing to forge a working relationship with detained
democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who is under virtual house arrest.

"I am convinced the prime minister is committed to move the process all
the way to democracy," Mr Razali told reporters. "He needs to be given a
full mandate and full powers to do this."

Mr Razali said he intended to appeal to Beijing, the ruling junta's
closest ally and biggest financial backer, to press reluctant generals to
accept the necessity of change and the need to reconcile with Ms Suu Kyi.

Gen Khin Nyunt, a former intelligence chief, unveiled a "road map to
democracy" last August, shortly after he was made prime minister in an
unexpected government reshuffle. Burma's fellow members of the Association
of South East Asian Nations seized on the plan as evidence of Rangoon's
willingness to reform.

But Gen Khin Nyunt, who is keen to improve Burma's international standing,
must answer to the junta's chief, Senior General Than Shwe, who is said to
have little appetite for change and little concern for the country's
relative isolation.

Western countries have been sceptical about the road map, saying a planned
national convention would have no legitimacy without the full
participation of Ms Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy.

Ms Suu Kyi's release from house arrest in May 2002 raised high hopes that
the generals were poised for a substantial political dialogue, but the
democracy leader was again taken into military custody a year later.

Paulo Pinherio, the UN special rapporteur for human rights in Burma, has
said any talk of political transition should be accompanied by "real and
tangible changes on the ground towards a genuinely free, transparent and
inclusive process". He has called for an immediate release of all
political prisoners.


OPINION / OTHER
_____________________________________

March 8, Mizzima
Politics Becomes Zero-sum Game without Freedom of Expression - Zin Linn
Two Burmese journalists, Aung Zin Min and Cho Seint, released quietly
during Razali's visit.

According to reliable sources in Rangoon, the Burmese military junta, the
State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), released five political
prisoners on 1st March, 2004. The releases coincided with the reception of
United Nations Special Envoy for Burma, Razali Ismail, in Rangoon by
foreign ministry officials and a dinner hosted in his honour.  Amongst the
five political prisoners released on Monday were writers, Aung Zin Min and
Cho Seint. Both were arrested in December 1996 and sentenced to 7 years
imprisonment, accused of connections with underground anti-junta news
bulletins and pamphlets supporting the 1996 students' strike.

Reporters Without Borders (Reporters Sans Frontier) and the Burma Media
Association (Burmese journalists in exile) have always voiced their
concern about the health of detained journalists such as Aung Zin Min and
Cho Seint. There are still over 1500 prisoners of conscience in 39 prisons
in Burma including 33 journalists, writers and poets.

The political situation in Burma continues to stall at an impasse between
the opposition movement and the military regime. The media is strictly
censored and political opposition parties are denied permission to have
computers or to publish their own bulletins. It is little wonder that
people generally have little idea of supporting political dialogue as a
way-out of this situation.

It is usual for the SPDC to ban freedom of speech, press, assembly,
association, and travel. The regime also continues to systematically
monitor citizens' movements and communications, search homes without
warrants and opening mail they suspect may contain material opposing
them.

Moreover, articles encouraging political dialogue are banned by the press
scrutiny board and people dare not risk discussing oppositional politics.
So it becomes a daydream for people to believe the junta's seven-step road
map for change. Without freedom of press, the SPDC’s proposed National
Convention or constituent assembly will be a zero-sum game.  A great
number of people in Burma believe in “Dialogue” as the way forward as
discussed on foreign radio programs broadcasted in Burmese language, such
as Radio Free Asia and the Democratic Voice of Burma.  Despite the SPDC’s
attempt to control all media, media is the only apparatus that can give
hope for freedom. For that reason, some self-taught journalists in Burma
are taking risks to produce clandestine news-bulletins converting radio
news and articles into printed matter.

For instance, when the junta tried to launch a fake national convention,
self-taught journalists in Burma took the responsibility to explain the
situation to people through underground news-bulletins. This contributed
to people accepting the idea to boycott the fake national convention.

Burma has a good tradition of progressive writers, poets, cartoonists and
magazine-editors, in some way or another, participating in producing
underground pamphlets to distribute news and information to the public. 
Consequently, the junta's secret police and informers are always peeping
into literary circle. Some journalists remain behind bars because of these
activities. Torture is still commonplace in prisons and detention centers
and journalists suffer various forms of mental torture including solitary
confinement.

Amongst the worst of the prison conditions in Burma is the impossibility
for prisoners to get appropriate medicine, even in Insein Prison, the
‘model’ prison in Rangoon. Medical treatments are always out dated.  Worst
of all, when political prisoners have a terminal illness, they are
not admitted hospital unless they abandon their dissident beliefs. There
are many examples political prisoners dying in jail because authorities'
refusal to give permission for treatments.

At present, U Win Tin (2001 UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom
Prize Winner), U Own Kying (aka Aung Wint, editor of Bo-ta-htaung Daily
and a NLD MP), Sein Hla Oo (aka Maung Nwe Oo, editor of Bo-ta-htaung Daily
and a NLD MP), Kyi Tin Oo (poet and editor), U Khin Maung Swe (columnist
for Taw-win magazine and a NLD MP), U Htwe Myint (ex-BBC staff reporter),
Aung Myint (aka Phyapon Nilon Oo, poet and editor), U Aye Kyu (aka Monywa
Aung Shin, poet & editor) and Dr Khin Zaw Win (research writer) are in
urgent need of medical treatment for terminal illnesses they suffer in the
junta's notorious prisons. U Own Kying (aka Aung Wint, editor of
Bo-ta-htaung Daily and a NLD MP) has been suffering serious illnesses,
including diabetes with hypertension, and faces a potentially fatal
situation.

The military regime takes advantage of releasing limited numbers of
prisoners to reduce international pressure, especially from countries that
move sanctions against them. This practice leads many prisoners towards
the graveyard. Burmese people are disappointed with the current situation,
confused as to why the international community fails to launch a concerted
effort to free political prisoners.

As a result of these inhumane measures exercised by the regime, more than
one hundred political prisoners, including Members of Parliament and
journalists have quietly passed away in Burma’s prisons. Inhumane
situations in Burma are on going and the country as a whole has been
transformed into a prison-state. The military dictators’ time should be
over and the international community shouldn't tolerate the generals any
longer.

All political prisoners in Burma, including writers and journalists, have
been arrested because of their activities to promote democracy, human
rights and national reconciliation. Releasing prisoners of conscience may
be considered a sign of sincerity that the military junta honestly wants
to restore democracy and human rights in Burma.

As long as the generals dilly-dally on the release of the political
prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, this means they still have no
intention to restore democracy and pursue national reconciliation. It also
means the Burmese generals are still refusing to recognize press freedom
as essential in building a Federal Democratic Union of Burma.  Without
freedom of press, any kind of National Convention will be in vain.
_________________________

March 5, Mizzima
Burma’s Convention Process Lacks Public Participation Senate on March 2,
2004: National Conventions: Burma in Comparison - Aung Naing Oo

Authoritarian rulers often organize national conventions or conferences.
They do so when they realize that their legitimacy to rule has been eroded
irreparably. Years of their misrule have stripped bare their country’s
resources. Despicable violations of human rights make their citizens yearn
for freedom and the prevalence of rule of law. And they begin to call for
reforms. Under these circumstances, autocratic governance may no longer be
possible.

Despots are despots, however. They do what they can do best. But resorting
to brute force to stay in power is no longer viable in this day and age.
So they change or attempt to change constitutions by holding conventions,
which often gives the appearance of broader participation by the
citizenries.

In some cases, such as Burma, the authoritarian rulers simply try to
produce a charter favorable to themselves. The objective is simple; to
further their rule, albeit under a different guise, through newfound
legitimacy. If successful, they can reap hefty rewards the same way they
did during their unchecked rules.

Many developing countries in the world, particularly those recently
transformed into democratic states after prolonged civil wars, embrace
public participation in constitutional writing. However, the Burmese
military has been doing the opposite.

The case of Burma resembles two of Africa’s Sub-Saharan countries – Togo
and Zaire. Faced with prospects of State failure, the two nations convened
national conferences – both in 1991. The conferences were used as a forum
for opposing groups to discuss and negotiate political issues in a
peaceful, structured environment.

In the case of Togo, the country’s strongman, Eyadema, succeeded in
controlling and neutralizing the process, sometimes by the use of force
and intimidation. In Zaire, the entire process was a farce because it was
merely designed to regain some international legitimacy. In both
countries, the most crucial flaw was the degree of control over the
democratic transition by autocrats and their ability to impose conditions
on the process.

Other African countries such as Benin, Congo (Brazzaville) and Mali went
through similar arrangements. In Benin, the military installed president,
Mathieu Kerekou, organized a national reconciliation conference in 1990 as
part of political concessions. He even appointed the Archbishop of Cotonou
as Chairman of the Convention. Although it provided moral legitimacy, by
the time the conference was held, President Kerekou had lost control of
political events.

In Congo, the erosion of political monopoly by the ruling Marxist-Leninist
government led to an all-party conference in early 1991. But it was
immediately suspended due to a dispute between the rulers and their
opposition over the balance of representation at the conference. In
contrast to Togo and Zaire, the opposition triumphed in Congo. The
president of the communist government, Denis Sassou-Nguesso, lost his
powers but was allowed to retain his presidency during the transition.
Democracy was installed in 1992. Unfortunately however, President
Sassou-Nguesso returned to power by force in 1998.

Mali in 1991 was a more successful example. Malians were able to avoid the
downfalls of Togo and Zaire. Their national conference was deemed
inclusive, as 1,800 delegates from 42 political parties and 100
associations participated in the deliberations. The major difference from
the other African nations however could have been that the Malian process
was initiated by a reform-minded military leader, who did not take part in
the elections following the ratification of the new constitution.

Even Zimbabwe’s government led by Robert Mugabe, one of the most closed
regimes in Africa with an appalling human rights records similar to the
Burmese junta’s, offered more meaningful public consultation on the
drafting of a new constitution in 1999. Although the process was filled
with the ruling party’s manipulations, it held more than 4,000 meetings
nationwide and interacted directly in public meetings with more than half
a million people. The cautionary tale of Zimbabwe’s recent experience was
the eventual rejection of the constitutional draft by the population when
it was submitted to a referendum vote in 2000.

Other transitional countries provide better examples for Burma. Among
them, the South African Constitution of 1996 is widely regarded as a role
model. Spanning from 1990 to 1996, the whole process of drafting a new
constitution was first negotiated between former adversaries: the National
Party of the Apartheid regime and the African National Congress. The
negotiations later included smaller political and ethnic parties, which
resulted in the 1993 agreement on an interim constitution.

South Africa’s process was conducted in full-scale demonstration of
participatory constitution-making: a media and advertising campaign
educated the public about the new constitution, the public outreach
program received two million submissions, many advocacy groups
participated, professional associations and other interests worked
together with the Parliament, and the final review process was conducted
by the Constitutional Court.

Likewise, Eritreans engaged in massive constitutional education and
consultations throughout the new nation between 1994 and 1997. In 2002,
members of the Rwanda Drafting Commission and thousands of trained
assistants mobilized public participation in the writing of their new
constitution. Recently in Kenya, the constitutional review process
operated under a people-driven process whose final product will be a
people-owned constitution.

Compared to these processes, the missing link in the Burmese process is
the public’s participation and their ownership of the sacred contract of
the land.

Indeed, rather than moving toward democracy, the National Convention in
Burma is an impediment to the restoration of democracy. According to legal
scholar Janelle Diller, the Convention is “not only failing to create
structures of accountability and transparency but also obstructing process
for growth of independent political life.”

Just as in Togo and Zaire, the Burmese junta has used a dual strategy of
fast/slow approaches. The first approach is to both keep control of the
initiative and not give sufficient time for the opposition to organize. 
The slow approach consists of delaying the speed of the subsequent process
in order to buy time to construct support and deny that support to the
opposition by, for instance, trying to split the opposition or co-opting
it into the majority.

In many African examples, what ultimately determined the outcome of their
conferences was the asymmetry of economic and military power between the
opponents. The harsh reality in Burma is that the Burmese junta holds all
of the resources and power necessary to influence the entire outcome. In
contrast, pro-democratic groups are struggling in limbo under severe
repression and restrictions. In that equation, the stance of many of
Burma’s neighboring governments, as well as that of the ethnic resistance
armies who have been forced by the arm-twisting pressure of the SPDC to
welcome the Convention, have inadvertently strengthened this power
asymmetry in favor of the regime.

Adapted from the Burma Fund’s January 2004 Policy Brief entitled ‘Mind the
Gap: Can the SPDC’s National Convention Bring Democracy to Burma?’

Aung Naing Oo is a research associate with Washington-based The Burma Fund.
_________________________

March 6, Financial Times
On the margins The work of an illegal immigrant doctor in Thailand has
earned the wrath of Burma  - Caroline Irby

I was working as a doctor in a Karen village 15 years ago when the
military shot dead 3,000 pro-democracy demonstrators in Rangoon. Soon the
whole country started to demonstrate: the military forces were everywhere,
civilians were disappearing, no one knew exactly what was going on.
Because I had participated in local rallies, I decided to flee. I thought
I'd be home in three months.

I left with 14 others, mainly colleagues and students. We didn't have a
chance to think: we just fled. Many who remained and hid were killed. We
walked for seven days through the jungle to reach Thailand, resting when
we could. Villages along the way helped to hide us and Karen soldiers we
met in the jungle gave us food.

After we made it to Thailand I lived in the Huay Kaloke refugee camp.
Since there was little healthcare, I began treating people using the
medical instruments that I had brought with me from Burma, sterilised in a
rice cooker. Within a few weeks, with help from some international
organisations, I had set up a temporary clinic in a disused barn in Mae
Sot. We've since extended the barn and have 110 staff, including my
husband, Kyaw Hein, who is an administrator. He also fled Burma in 1989
and we met in Thailand .

In the rainy season we treat up to 400 people a day, mostly Burmese
illegal immigrants, or rural Burmese who cross the border to get to the
clinic. We also support 70 teams of backpack medics, who travel from three
different bases in Burma to give treatment in remote villages.

Our patients travel for up to six hours to reach us. If they have money,
they can cross the border at a checkpoint, but most have to avoid official
channels and try several times before they succeed, being arrested and
sent back on each attempt.

They arrive with cerebral malaria, malnutrition, gunshot wounds and limbs
severed by landmines. Many girls end up in brothels in the border area.
They often contract HIV or have unsafe abortions within months of
arriving.

There are always children playing in the compound: they mainly belong to
health workers but 10 are orphans or were admitted to hospital as babies
by parents who never returned. I have adopted one and have two of my own.
They are curious to know about their family in Burma: my mother died when
I was young and my father died three months after I fled, but I have three
brothers and three sisters who are teachers and health workers in Rangoon.
My children know about the military in Burma from television, though, and
understand why they can't go there.

Burma's State Peace and Democracy Council (SPDC) has described me as an
absconder, an insurgent, and an opium- smuggling terrorist, because of my
work at the clinic and my support for Burma's opposition leader, Aung San
Suu Kyi.

In 1996 and 1997, the SPDC burnt down three of our field clinics in Burma.
Because this clinic is in Thailand, we don't face the same threat, but our
situation is uncertain. Most of our staff are illegal immigrants, so we
cannot leave the clinic without risk of arrest. We do not apply for
refugee status because it would limit our work: the United Nations could
send us to another part of Thailand. I never thought of claiming asylum in
the west because the west has enough doctors. If you go, you cannot work
for your people.

Our status as illegal immigrants means that we haven't been able to leave
Thailand to collect any of the awards we've been given by human rights and
medical organisations in recent years. The awards encourage us to keep
struggling, though, and have brought our work to the attention of the Thai
people.

I never imagined I would leave my country and do this kind of work. If you
are poor in Burma, as my family is, you don't think far ahead and you
don't consider working in another country. You just think about providing
for today.

Working here or in Burma is the same to me now. I've been back a few
times, to remote places outside the government-controlled area, but at the
moment there is no opportunity for us to work there. Some day I hope to go
back and be with my friends and family, but as long as there is a refugee
situation in Burma, our work is here, with the border community.

Dr Cynthia Maung - sometimes referred to as Burma's Mother Teresa - fled
to Thailand in 1989 and now runs a clinic serving nearly 150,000 refugees
close to the border with Burma

As told to Caroline Irby
_________________________

POSTING

March 8, RFA
Burmese language stringer/reporter based on the West Coast of the United
States

The Burmese Service of Radio Free Asia is seeking to contract a
stringer/reporter based on the west coast of the United States,
(preferably in and around Los Angeles or San Francisco areas) to report
and send news feeds relating to the activities of the Burmese community in
that area.  Candidates must speak and write Burmese fluently.

Minimum Qualifications

Bachelor's degree or a post high school diploma from an accredited college
or university and/or equivalent experience in broadcasting and/or
journalism. All candidates must be eligible to work in the United States
and provide proof of eligibility.

A good working knowledge of the English language is a requirement. Must be
able to start work immediately. This is a contract position. No relocation
is available. All qualified applicants will receive consideration for
contractual agreement without regard to race, creed, color, sex or
national origin.

Please send letter of interest and resume to: The Burmese Service, Radio
Free Asia, P.O. Box 57023, Washington DC 20036 or fax to 202 721 7401 by
March 18, 2003, 5:30pm EST.

RFA is an equal opportunity employer committed to workforce diversity.