SANCTIONS AND ACTIONS: BY KANBAWZA WIN

Sun Mar 21 13:08:42 EST 2004

                                    Sanctions and Actions

                                                                                                            Kanbawza Win

The news that the Bangkok Process is being reinforced by the participation of Norway, the only country in the world that has openly supported the Burmese pro-democracy movement seems to hit the Burmese in Diaspora under the belt. But hope springs eternal in human breast and they have vowed to continue the struggle against this sham national convention and a pack of lies. Only time will proves whether it is correct or not.

To induce a regime change, through economic and moral measures the United States and has rightfully imposed sanctions on Burma especially after the military instigated thugs and convicts, attacked Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's convoy killing hundreds of her followers, last May. The UN-brokered initial "secret meetings" which lasted more than two years, after Ambassador Razali Ismail's dozen trips to Rangoon now seems to offer some hope even though the Junta has disdain for Daw Suu and contempt for the UN. The news that "The Lady" would be released before the Burmese water festival of Thingyan sometime in the mid of April, is treated by the sceptics as heresy. The question asked was when would she be rearrested again? How much repression must the people of Burma endure before the international and regional organizations--such as EU, UN and ASEAN, to which Burma belongs-say "enough?" when the military dictatorship has ruled Burma for half a century? It is obvious that democracies throughout the world are fed up with the Burmese military's oppression of its citizens and seeks tougher action to spur meaningful changes in the political system. 

In order to foster a regime change the international community must acknowledge the root cause of Burma's misery-the rule of military generals who have stolen an election and whose only goal is to remain in power no matter what the human, social and economic costs. The world community must realize this fact rather than settling for appeasement based on a misguided sense of realpolitik, or the fantasy notion that dictators can be sweet-talked into handing the power they so crave over to a country's democratically elected government. The State Peace and Development Council as the Junta like to be called, should no longer be allowed to pretend to the world that it is interested in national reconciliation. The simple logic being how can there be reconciliation without a dialogue. The countries practicing "constructive engagement" with Burma-primarily China, India, Japan and the ASEAN nations should be pressured to stop advocating a soft-line approach under the pretext of Constructive Engagement in order to further their economic agendas.  If Mr. Kofi Annan's representative, Razali cannot succeed in championing the beleaguered Burmese led by its Nobel laureate, then the EU led by the United States must help the UN devise a tougher strategy on Burma. 

Should Razali failed again the US together with EU should recast more new and tougher policies and find ways to influence the Burmese regime through its trade partners and allies who continue to help perpetuate military rule in Burma. US sanctions laws also need to keep pace with technology. The military Junta, thanks to its hi-tech friends in Malaysia and Singapore, have upgraded their cyber skills where they can not only eaves drops its own citizens particularly the pro democracy activist but also implement its e-commerce circumventing the US sanctions. The very fact that Razali can go to Burma proves that sanction has hit the nail on the head- it hurts their bank accounts-and serves to cut off the hundreds of millions of dollars the regime reaps each year in trade with the U.S.  It will deny the regime precious dollars that is used to fund its weapons of mass repression and also of mass destruction (the nuclear reactor in central Burma)-the military, intelligence service, and the military's political arm, the Union Solidarity Development Association, USDA---that every day unleashed against the Burmese people.

Burma has long been an enigma and recent history proves it is no less opaque now than it was by the fact that Razali has to go without any fanfare. This undoubtedly proves that the Generals hated anything in the light that is transparent and is desirous of making shadowy deals under the table. Since General Ne Win ended civilian rule in 1962 the various permutations of military generals, continue to ignore the will of the people while insisting that they are not a government, but only an "interim power" that actually believes in human rights and democracy. Such lies had been made bare by their actions. The regime's near total grip on the economy and the country's vast natural resources enables it to continue to wage war against its own citizens, sustain the Burmese army, and perpetuate its rule. It will take more than rhetoric to break their stranglehold on the economy and Burma. The tough new sanctions had finally forced the junta to agree to "dialogue" with Daw Suu and the NLD.   

Sanctions offer economic, but also moral pressure, which is crucial for the Burmese who need to know that the world is on their side. After the massacre of thousands of democracy demonstrators during the 1998 uprising-and after the events of last May the Burmese and the international community needs tangible demonstrations of strong external moral outrage to overcome the understandable fear of their military rulers and to inspire pressure for democratic transition from within the country. The ASEAN countries, after hailing the decision to admit Burma as a step in promoting political pluralism and regional stability, must acknowledge that Burma now is more unstable than at any time in its recent history

As the political situation inside Burma continues to deteriorate especially the systematic rape, forced relocation, land confiscation, forced labour and portering, taxation, loss of livelihood etc one of the few options left for people is to flee the country.  While there are currently over half a million refugees and asylum seekers in neighbouring countries, these numbers do not accurately reflect the degree of displacement resulting from the brutal policies. As many as 800,000 to one and a half million people are believed to be internally displaced inside Burma while an estimated two million people have crossed the border into Thailand where they are "economic migrants." With no legal status or protections, these individuals are vulnerable to intimidation, exploitation and deportation.  

Burma's neighbours rarely acknowledge the pressing problems caused by military rule in Burma, and have never publicly admonished the Burmese regime.  China, India and Thailand all share porous borders with Burma and have the most leverage with its military regime. However, they also have an enormous financial interest not only in Burma's vast natural and human wealth, which is easier to exploit via an authoritarian government ruling over a silenced populace. US Senator Mitch McConnell's has even accused saying that Thailand's policy towards Burma was shaped by Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's family business in Burma. Current military regime prides itself on having brokered ceasefires with most of the ethnic armies including the KNU (Karen National Union) the largest among the resistance group but the reality on the ground is much different. The United Wa State Army (UWSA) the narcotic kingpin, governed as though it is a separate country. The Junta troops need permission to visit.  Chins, who are predominantly Christian, are fleeing religious persecution in their state.

Do sanctions hurt the Burmese populace more than the Junta?  Military rule has killed tens of thousands of Burma's citizens and ethnic nationalities, the junta is regularly condemned as one of the most egregious violators of human rights in the world ranking with the likes of North Korea. The Burmese army has used rape as a weapon of war in its ethnic cleansing policy and dragoons children into the army for wars against fellow citizens. Any discomfort induced by sanctions pales in comparison to these horrors. No doubt sanctions will affect the populace, but Burma's informal sector (parallel "shadow" economy) is so massive that the majority of the population is not part of the Junta's universe-are cushioned from the impact of sanctions.  The 75 percent of Burmese from the rural sector, who contribute 47 percent of the country's GDP are certainly poor, but are not as affected by the Western sanctions as the business interests owned and run by the Burmese army and their cronies-which in Burma means the rest of the economy.  

The Junta's degradation of the environment and exploitation of the rich resources that belong to all the people of Burma should also be stopped. The logging trade in Burma is inextricably linked to forced labour, drug trafficking, money laundering and cross border conflict. A smart sanctions policy on Burmese timber can help mitigate against these violations while working to preserve Burma's quickly disappearing natural wealth, the most bio-diverse countries in mainland Southeast Asia. Since the Burmese regime derives a great deal of revenue from timber, particularly teak, it should be subject to United Nations sanctions as "conflict timber" in the same way that Liberian timber will be excluded from trade

Burma's youth have paid an incalculable price to accommodate and sustain the Burmese military machine. Only about one third of Burmese school children make it all the way through primary school, most dropping out to work. With only 1.1% of Burma's GDP committed to education, the cost of education in Burma is borne by parents, mostly in the form of indirect taxes and donations paid to the education department, the teachers and the school. Assurance of good grades, entry to a particular school, a teaching position, or surmounting onerous red-tape usually requires joining the ubiquitous USDA. 

Hence sanctioning the Burmese regime is morally and politically the right thing to do, it represents only one part of what should be a coordinated two-pronged strategy.  But such action should be complemented by increasing the American funding of programs, just like what EU has done late, that benefits and prepares the Burmese people both inside and in the exile community to prepare for a democratic transition--which certainly will come one day.

It is also crucial for the international community especially policy makers about Burmese democracy movement. It is more than just its leader, Daw Suu.  It is millions of people who share the same desire to be free from terror and live in openness that cherishes democracy and human rights. Burma's jails are filled with the prisoners of conscience who are committed to non-violent opposition to the regime. When discussing Burma it is too easy to get caught up in the statistics of the thousands killed or jailed by the military regime. Min Ko Naing was arrested in 1989 for his political organizing work. He was sentenced by a military court to 20 years in solitary confinement and has been brutally tortured. The Junta has told Min Ko Naing that he is free to leave jail and solitary confinement if he signs a document forgoing all political activity when he leaves prison. He has refused. For all the beating and mental torture he is subjected to, he refuses to give up his right to fight for a free Burma. These individuals are just one of thousands of Burmese engaged in the struggle to rid their country of a brutal, illegitimate regime.

The Burmese people are not asking for military intervention on their behalf. They are able and willing to fight their own battles to win their freedom. What they asking the International community is not to sustain this regime with trade and under different guise. Let me quote Archbishop Desmond Tutu: "We urge freedom- loving governments everywhere to impose sanctions on this illegitimate regime. They worked for us in South Africa. If applied conscientiously, they will work in Burma too."

(The views expressed here are solely the opinion of the author. Kao-Wao Editor)

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