BurmaNet News, April 24-26, 2004

[Editor]

April 24-26, 2004, Issue # 2463

"Myanmar expatriates and fugitives from outside the nation, and global
neo-colonialists and destructive elements under the guise of politicians
from inside the nation, ignoring the changing and developing political,
economic and social sectors, are slandering the nation as if it has
achieved no progress at all"
- The New Light of Myanmar, Burma’s state newspaper, April 25, 2004

INSIDE BURMA
AFP: Bad news from Myanmar casts pall over hopes for democracy
AFP: Myanmar junta blasts 'destructive elements' seeking to grab power

BUSINESS
AP: Myanmar's foreign trade drops nearly seven per cent
Xinhua: Myanmar implements new beach resort hotel projects
Narinjara: Daewoo begins gas exploitation from Arakan in July

ON THE BORDER
Mizzima: Naga in India and Burma Form Group

REGIONAL
AP: Thailand postpones international meeting to discuss Myanmar's move
toward democracy
Nation: Bangkok Process outlives its usefulness
AFP: Landmark agreement on Asian Highway Network signed in Shanghai
Mizzima: Bangladesh wants direct road to ASEAN region through Burma
Nation: Labour Ministry plans to register illegal workers

OPINION/ OTHER
Irrawaddy: Reviewing the Junta’s Strategy
Straits Times: Question mark over change in Myanmar
Nation: Bangkok Process just a sideshow for junta
AP: Myanmar's National Convention: a road map to democracy or a road block?

PRESS RELEASE
USCB: Influential Congressman Slams Burma's Junta Over Rape "As as Weapon"


INSIDE BURMA
_____________________________________

April 25, Agence France Presse
Myanmar junta blasts 'destructive elements' seeking to grab power

"Destructive elements" within and "neo-colonialist" outsiders are
slandering Myanmar's development progress in a bid to grab power from the
ruling military, state media said Sunday.

A hardline commentary in the official New Light of Myanmar, just three
weeks ahead of a landmark national convention to launch political reform,
blasted unnamed politicians and others for attempting to oust the regime.

"Myanmar expatriates and fugitives from outside the nation, and global
neo-colonialists and destructive elements under the guise of politicians
from inside the nation, ignoring the changing and developing political,
economic and social sectors, are slandering the nation as if it has
achieved no progress at all," it said.

"They have no other aim but to grab the state power through short cut."

A Burmese language version of the commentary accused the opposition of
spreading lies in order to encourage economic sanctions and invite outside
interference.

Such acts were "undignified and inhuman," it said.

The New Light countered the charges levelled at Yangon by the United
States, the European Union and the 53 member states of the United Nations
Human Rights Commission that Myanmar was not undertaking enough political
reform.

It pointed to the "unprecedented development" in Myanmar's infrastructure,
its shift to a "market-oriented economic system", and political progress.

"Myanmar at present is practically building a new democratic union...,
laying down the seven-point future policy programme," it said, referring
to the roadmap whose first step begins May 17 with the launch of the
convention.

The convention is the first step in a "roadmap to democracy" announced by
the junta last August and billed as culminating in free elections.

Parts of the remarks seemed to be aimed directly at detained opposition
leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy party, which
finds itself in a standoff with the junta over what the NLD complains is a
lack of reform in the upcoming convention.

In the previous week the junta ruled out changing the format of the forum
after the democratic opposition said it would not attend unless reforms
were made.

It said the basic form of the convention, reconvening after the original
forum collapsed in 1996, would remain the same as when it was first held,
including a controversial objective which called for a leading role for
the military in any future setup.

The NLD walked out of the original convention, complaining it was being
used as a "rubber stamp" for the regime.

_____________________________________

April 25, Agence France Presse
Bad news from Myanmar casts pall over hopes for democracy - Pascale
Trouillaud

Alarming signals from Myanmar including the continuing detention of
democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi have cast doubt over whether the ruling
junta intends to proceed with promised political reforms.

The regime's refusal so far to free the opposition leader from house
arrest is a major disappointment for those hoping the generals will commit
themselves to a "road map to democracy" touted as ending four decades of
military rule.

Aung San Suu Kyi's party, UN envoy Razali Ismail and Yangon-based
diplomats had all expected she and her deputy Tin Oo to be freed soon
after traditional new year on April 17, but as of Sunday they remained
confined to their homes.

Another worrying sign was Yangon's decision Friday to pull out of
international talks on prospects for reform in Myanmar, to be held in
Bangkok on April 29-30.

The atmosphere was made even more bleak by confrontational exchanges
between the regime and the National League for Democracy (NLD), which
traded barbs over the first step in the roadmap -- a constitutional
convention due to start May 17.

The convention has been hailed by the junta as the first of seven steps
leading to "free and fair elections", but international observers remain
sceptical.

"The news hasn't been good lately. We get the feeling we are going
backwards," one diplomat told AFP. "We are in a pessimistic phase."

A source close to the national reconciliation process agreed with the
gloomy prognosis.

"Everything is very confused, very contradictory," he said.

Suu Kyi's release, until recently seen as almost certain before the start
of the convention, was now in doubt although there was still a chance
things could change.

"Everything could come together, but at the same time there are many
negative signals," he added.

The NLD said on April 19 that they expected their leader, who has been
confined to her residence on the banks of Yangon's tranquil Inya lake
since political unrest last May, would be freed "in a day or two."

Two days earlier the junta reopened the NLD headquarters, which were
closed at the time of Suu Kyi's detention, adding to the party's
optimistic mood.

Calls for her liberation, and for some 1,300 other political prisoners,
made last week by the US State Department, the European Union, and the 53
countries of the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva, have fallen on deaf
ears.

And with the postponement of the "Bangkok Process", the junta has
effectively shut off the last opportunity before the forum to elaborate on
its reform plans.

"It would be very much in their interest to explain their position" to the
international community, the diplomat said. "But apparently they don't
want to do that as they've asked for the postponement."

Political analysts are alarmed by the tone expressed by both the
government and the NLD, which has sharply criticised the conditions under
which the junta plans to hold the convention.

The forum is expected to assemble government, political parties and ethnic
representatives in a forum that would essentially mirror a previous
convention which collapsed in 1995 when the NLD walked out, saying it was
a "rubber stamp" for the regime's policies.

"We... consider that the present conditions are not conducive to open and
free discussions," the NLD said in a strongly worded statement last
weekend.

A senior junta leader retorted by insisting that the revived forum would
be based on the same six objectives as before, one of which calls for a
leadership role for the military in any future political scenario.

The NLD has said it will not make a decision on whether to attend the
convention until Aung San Suu Kyi and Tin Oo are freed, and political
observers stress it will have no credibility if the opposition does not
take part.

In addition to the NLD, ethnic groups like the Mon Party, the Shan
Nationalities League for Democracy, and the Kachin Independence
Organization have all indicated they would boycott a convention that
merely mimicked the previous forum.

Such concerns and complaints may not be enough to make the junta submit to
the will of the pro-democracy opposition and foreign critics.

"They don't want to be dictated to. Despite the international pressure,
all signs are there that they will go ahead with the convention
regardless," said a Yangon-based political analyst.

Observers attempting to analyse the notoriously secretive and shadowy
regime are increasingly perplexed at the latest turn of events.

"Unless your name is Than Shwe, you don't know what's going to happen the
next day," one diplomat said, referring to junta leader Senior General
Than Shwe.


BUSINESS
_____________________________________

April 24, Associated Press
Myanmar's foreign trade drops nearly seven per cent

Yangon: Myanmar's foreign trade fell by 6.6 per cent in the last fiscal
year, according to a semiofficial report, but it wasn't clear if the drop
was caused by Western sanctions following the ruling junta's detention of
pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Myanmar's total foreign trade in fiscal year ended March 31 dropped to
$3.42 billion from $3.66 billion in the previous fiscal year, said the
latest report released on Saturday by the weekly Business Information
Group bulletin.

It said imports fell 4.8 per cent to $1.99 billion from $2.09 billion in
the previous year, while exports dropped 8.3 per cent to $1.44 billion
from $1.57 billion.

Most of its imports come from nearby Singapore. The report didn't give
reasons for the drop-off, but an earlier one from the same group said it
was largely due to falling exports in mine products, gas, agriculture and
fisheries. The government's January ban on rice exports -- a major foreign
exchange earner -- could also have been a factor.

US and European economic sanctions imposed on Myanmar in July to pressure
the military government to release Suu Kyi could have also played a part
-- but their extent wasn't clear.

Suu Kyi was detained after a May 30, 2003 clash between her supporters and
a pro-government mob in northern Myanmar. She remains under house arrest.

_____________________________________

April 26, Xinhua News Agency
Myanmar implements new beach resort hotel projects

Yangon: Myanmar is implementing nine more beach resort hotel projects at
the country's famous Ngapali Beach which is turing out as one of the most
attractive tourist destinations, the local Myanmar Times reported Monday.

Myanmar has a coastline of over 2,000 kilometers with rich beach resort
resources.

In a bid to meet the growing accommodation demand of tourists, these
projects underway involve some of Myanmar's giant construction companies,
the Directorate of Hotels and Tourism was quoted as saying.

With the addition of these new hotels, the number of rooms will be
increased by at least 270 at the beach resort, it said.

The beach resort hotel projects constitute part of Myanmar's plan to
promote the development of its tourism industry.

According to the sources, the Ngapali beach had only seven hotels with a
total of 248 rooms.

The figures also show that as of the end of last March, Myanmar had 570
different grades of hotels with over 17,200 rooms covered by an investment
of about 583 million dollars plus 33 billion Kyats(about 41.2 million
dollars).

Meanwhile, Myanmar has also planned to develop an archipelago in Myeik,
southern Tanintharyi division, into a major tourist destination.

Official statistics reveal that tourist arrivals in Myanmar reached
277,600 during the first seven months of 2003-04 fiscal year
(April/March), increasing by 27.3 percent compared with the same period of
the previous year.

Statistics also indicate that contracted foreign investment in the sector
of hotels and tourism of Myanmar has amounted to 1.06 billion dollars in
43 projects at the end of 2002 since it started to open to such investment
in late 1988.

_____________________________________

April 25, Narinjara News
Daewoo begins gas exploitation from Arakan in July

Akyab: Daewoo International Trading Company will drill Arakan gas  field
A-1 block in July, announced the company on April 20.

After the successful exploration in the beginning of this year at Arakan
offshore gas field A-1 block in Burma, this announcement was come out
officially.

US $ 90 million would be spent for 6 appraisal borings and 2 exploitation
drillings. Exploration will be started in July and completed in June next
year, said company sources.

Company will set up an office and dispatch 30 experts for the operation as
of May 1.

Gas reserves of the A-1 block are estimated at four to six trillion cubic
feet (TCS), which is equal to 700 million to 1.1 billion barrels of
petroleum and 80-120 million tons of liquefied natural gas.

According to Korea Herald news agency, the Korean Company that trades on
steel, cement, motor engine parts and many other goods now owns 60 per
cent  of rights for exploration and exploitation in Burma gas fields which
will  benefit them US $ 86 million per year.

The gas A-1 block is 10 miles to the southwest off Akyab, the capital of
Arakan state, close to the lighthouse, Oyster.

ON THE BORDER
_____________________________________

April 24, Mizzima News
Naga in India and Burma Form Group - Nava Thakuria

Guwahati: A group of Burma youths came forward to form a students' body
based in Northeast India's Nagaland after the senior Naga politician, SC
Jamir, called for reconciliation among various Naga factions.

Naga tribes from both India and Burma have started showing their interest
in moves towards unity after the former chief minister of Nagaland, Mr
Jamir, appealed for unity as an amicable solution leading to a permanent
settlement to Naga political issues.

The veteran politician Mr Jamir addressed a gathering in Nagaland on April
21, where he made an open call for reconciliation among all sections in
the Naga society 'as they are fighting for the same Naga cause'.

Meanwhile, a group of Burma students formed the Eastern Naga Students'
Association on April 22 to acknowledge the spirit of unity in Naga
student's society. Headed by K. Kaishan, the Eastern Naga Students'
Association will reportedly pave way for fighting the cause for Naga
aspirations.

It is estimated that around 3,000 Naga students from Burma are taking
various educational courses in Northeast India.

They belong to different Naga communities in Burma including Heimi,
Lainong, Khiamniungan, Makuri and Somra. Most of the students prefer to
live in Nagaland as they feel comfortable in the border state.

The Naga students from Burma living in Northeast India are dedicated to
the Naga community's general cause and hence they vowed to continue their
mission for unity and integrity among the Naga youths in Eastern India.

Mr Jamir, who is currently the Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee Chief,
appealed for moves towards Naga unity.

He argued that Naga sovereignty might not be possible for the Naga tribes
under the present Indian political structure.

"Hence the entire Naga people should go for reconciliation, as every one
now wants peace, harmony and prosperity," said Mr Jamir.

He also pointed out that all the cadres belonging to the NSCN (IM) or NSCN
(K) (the two Naga armed outfits) were no other than Naga brothers.

He appealed to all Naga factions to unite and raise their voices to the
Government of India.

REGIONAL
_____________________________________

April 24, Associated Press
Thailand postpones international meeting to discuss Myanmar's move toward
democracy - Alisa Tang

Bangkok: An international meeting to discuss democracy in Myanmar was
postponed after the country's military-ruled government said its foreign
minister wouldn't be able to attend, Thailand announced Saturday.

The United Nations special envoy to Myanmar Razali Ismail and
representatives of 16 countries, including 11 who met at a similar meeting
in December, were scheduled to attend the so-called Bangkok Process on
April 29 and 30.

But Myanmar told Thailand on Friday that Foreign Minister Win Aung
wouldn't be able to participate because they are preparing for a
constitutional convention on May 17, said Sihasak Phuangketkeow, a Thai
foreign ministry spokesman.

"They requested a postponement of the meeting," Sihasak told The
Associated Press by telephone. "The reason given was they're preparing for
the National Convention ... Win Aung is involved directly in the
preparation for the National Convention, so it would not be convenient for
him to attend the meeting."

Thai officials had said late last month Myanmar was planning to attend the
Bangkok meeting.

Myanmar's ruling military junta has said the first step toward democracy
would be to reconvene the National Convention, a constitution-drafting
body suspended in 1996.

All parties previously involved have been invited for the meeting next
month, including members of the opposition National League for Democracy.

But it hasn't invited pro-democracy leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu
Kyi, who was detained and then placed under house arrest after a clash
between her supporters and a pro-government mob in northern Myanmar last
May.

During the first Bangkok meeting in December, the junta promised to work
on a "road map" to democracy, but gave no time frame or even a commitment
on when Suu Kyi would be freed.

Critics have dismissed the road map as a sham and an attempt to ward off
intense international criticism over the junta's record of suppressing
democracy and human rights.

Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962. The current junta came
to power in 1988 after crushing a pro-democracy movement, and is now
largely isolated by the West.

The Thai government is hoping to set a new date after May 17, said Sihasak.

The delay "doesn't meant the Myanmar government is not supportive of this
Bangkok Process ... All sides including the Myanmar government remain
committed to the Bangkok Process."

Besides Myanmar and Thailand, the participants at last year's meeting were
Singapore, Italy, China, Indonesia, Austria, France, Germany, India, Japan
and the United Nations. The additional participants this year would be
Bangladesh, Laos, Switzerland, Norway and Malaysia.

_____________________________________

April 26, The Nation
Bangkok Process outlives its usefulness - Kavi Chongkittavorn

The Foreign Ministry has had a hard time stomaching the bad news that the
Bangkok Process, its attempt to mediate a solution to the political
situation in Burma, has already outlived its usefulness. The ministry must
have been 'khiew-eaung' - chewing rice-husks - for weeks before a
spokesperson finally divulged last Friday the indefinite postponement of
an international meeting of 'like-minded countries to push forward the
national reconciliation process in Burma'.

In early April, Bangkok-based Western diplomats warned that the proposed
meeting - which was to be second in the Bangkok Process - would crumple
because the Burmese junta leaders were fixated on the May 17 national
convention. They do not want any outsiders, especially the Thais, telling
them what to do or forcing them to make additional commitments before the
convention.

But somehow the Foreign Ministry did not buy it. Top Saranrom officials
believed that Rangoon could be convinced to attend the second Bangkok
Process meeting because it would boost the junta's own seven-point
'roadmap'. Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai even made a secret trip
to Rangoon after Songkran, hoping his personal lobbying efforts would
change Burmese minds. But to no avail.

For several months now, Thai officials have showered Surakiart with praise
for jumpstarting the stalled dialogue process in Burma, fanning a 'roadmap
hysteria'. Western dignitaries visiting Thailand during this time also
took note of his efforts. So the second meeting in the Bangkok Process,
set for just two weeks before the national convention in Rangoon, looked
certain to further boost his reputation.

Apparently, Thailand wants more credit from the junta leaders than they
can give. The junta leaders had to be rude by saying they were not ready,
even though the Foreign Ministry reiterated that the two sides would
consult over the timing of the meeting.

This small saga offers valuable lessons for Thailand's future policy on
Burma, especially when it comes to Burma's domestic politics and national
interest. The junta leaders, despite their initial enthusiasm for the
Bangkok Process, know deep down that their roadmap will proceed,
regardless of Thai wishes or international pressure, according to a pace,
domestic political conditions and unannounced timeframe that is
comfortable to the regime. Any drastic action, they fully realise, will
only reduce their grip on power.

The junta has adroitly used the small window created by the first Bangkok
meeting last year to rekindle confidence in the national reconciliation
process, and has eased growing international pressure by announcing its
own roadmap, including plans to hold the national convention and release
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Her release has since been delayed.

So it seems the future of the Bangkok Process will inevitably depend on
the outcome of the national convention. If all stakeholders participate in
the meeting and everything moves forward as planned, another international
meeting might not serve any purpose - except perhaps that of the United
Nations.

The UN has made clear that Burma still has a lot to do before the regime
can gain international recognition and the Western countries end their
boycotts.

The UN resolution on the human-rights situation in Burma adopted last week
at the Commission on Human Rights in Geneva continued the organisation's
hard line on the country's leadership.

The resolution, which was sponsored by 40 countries, including newcomers
Estonia and Nicaragua, urged Burma to restore democracy, respect the
results of the May 1990 election and free Suu Kyi. It also called for an
end to the systematic violations of human rights there. South Korea
remains the only Asian country to put similar pressure on Rangoon.

Furthermore, Burma's hopes of joining the Asia-Europe Meeting this year
were dashed when the Asian and European sides failed to reach a consensus
at their foreign ministerial meeting in Dublin recently. Some EU members,
especially the United Kingdom, do not want to admit Burma until Suu Kyi is
free and opposition representatives are allowed to take part in the
convention. The UK even demanded a timeframe for the country's
democratisation.

The EU has delayed its annual policy review on Burma to see if these
demands are met, but it is expected to continue imposing sanctions and
travel restrictions on Burma. Similarly, the US Congress is expected to
renew its sanctions with the renewal of the Burma Freedom and Democracy
Act in the near future.

Sensing a continued political impasse and growing sanctions, a few
informal forums on Burma have popped up in an effort to find so-called
'track-two' ways of promoting political dialogue in Burma. The Eminent
Persons Group on Burma headed by former Philippine president Fidel Ramos
and the Asean-Isis security think-tank network held meetings earlier this
year exclusively on Burma issues.

Also worth mentioning is the Asian Dialogue Group, headed by former deputy
foreign minister MR Sukhumbhand Paribatra, which recently issued a report
listing recommendations, including the establishment of a Council of
National Reconciliation and Concord, to serve as a moral authority during
a transitional period in Burma.

The UN and Cambodian protagonists utilised track-two deliberations to
achieve a peaceful settlement of that country's 14-year-old conflict. The
Rangoon regime, however, has yet to take advantage of outside suggestions
and incorporate them in its roadmap to win further support.

In the weeks to come, the international community, especially the UN, will
be keen to respond to political developments inside Burma, looking for any
tangible evidence of the regime's desire to liberalise and open up the
country.

_____________________________________

April 26, Agence France Presse
Landmark agreement on Asian Highway Network signed in Shanghai

Shanghai: Asian governments Monday signed a landmark UN-brokered agreement
to complete a massive international highway network that officials hope
will rival the ancient Silk Road.

Twenty three nations signed the agreement to set up a highway network that
will link Tokyo with Singapore, Istanbul and St. Petersburg in some
140,000 kilometers (87,000 miles) of routes stretching across the Asian
continent.

The agreement was signed at the ongoing meeting of the United Nations
Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) and will
go into effect 90 days after eight countries ratify the pact.

"This 140,000 kilometre highway will contribute tremendously to regional
economic integration," ESCAP executive secretary Kim Hak-Su told reporters
ahead of the official signing.

"All 32 countries have agreed in principle to signing, but it will depend
on passing this agreement internally through each country, so not everyone
(was) ready to sign," said Kim.

The agreement is necessary partly to determine the details of the network,
from their precise routes to ensuring that each one of the 55 approved
routes meet standards and that road signs are regularized.

ESCAP said it anticipates that Asia’s landlocked countries, including
Bhutan, Laos, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Nepal and Uzbekistan, will
benefit most from the new roads by gaining better access to ports.

"For landlocked countries, the highway portends a revival of the
cross-continent access that the legendary Silk Route provided in the early
part of the first millennium," it said in a press release.

The UN first conceived of an Asian trans-national route in 1959, but was
unable to implement the project because of geo-political hurdles at the
time.

"Under the Cold War period we could not think of any highway running
through China or even Russia or the Korean peninsula," said Kim, adding
that all Cold War states, including North Korea, had now agreed to develop
the route.

The agreement in Shanghai will outline roads to be built and upgraded and
establish minimum standards for the highway routes, while an overall
budget and time-frame for completion are expected to be announced in 2006.

The main route -- Asian Highway 1 -- is expected to start in Tokyo and
terminate in Istanbul, passing though North and South Korea, China,
Vietnam, Cambodia, Thailand, Myanmar, India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran
and Armenia along the way.

A trunk route will extend through St Petersburg to Russia's border with
Finland.
___________________________________

April 24, Mizzima News
Bangladesh wants direct road to ASEAN region through Burma - Nava Thakuria

Guwahati: Bangladesh trade experts argue that their country would enjoy
more benefits, if the new Burma Road via Ramu were constructed earlier.
They also demand that the Bangladesh government pursue the issue at the
earliest possibility.

"The economic potential of the new Burma Road via Ramu is much better than
the one planed thorough NE India," said a  Dhaka based trade resource
person, Imtiaj Ali.

The Indian government has already signed an agreement with Burma and
Thailand to construct a super high way connecting the ASEAN countries
through the land locked north eastern part of India.

Even the Asian Development Bank has acknowledged its importance as an
Asian Highway, which would communicate the Southeast  Asian countries. The
Asian Highway will have a Bangladesh connection too.

"We feel apprehensive that Bangladesh would have to pay lavishly for
having access to the ASEAN countries via India. It is very unlikely for
India to allow Bangladesh any 'beneficial trade link' to ASEAN countries.
In fact, Bangladesh is facing the irritating experience of making trade
with Nepal and Bhutan through the chickens neck of  India" added Ali.

The Indian government is other wise pursuing for reopening the historic
Stillwell Road that connected the NE India to Southeast Asia. The
Stillwell Road was constructed during the 2nd World War and since then it
is lying unused.

Once open, the road will connect Kunming province of China through Thailand.

Moreover, the Indian government is emphasizing more on Look East policy
that exploring trade potential in the entire of Southeast Asia. Hence it
is significant that Bangladesh is making a point for their interest to
have a direct connect land road to the ASEAN region.

They also believe that the New Burma Road will open up new vista for
commercial prosperities to Bangladesh, identified as the poorest nation in
Asia.
___________________________________

April 26, The Nation
Labour Ministry plans to register illegal workers

The Labour Ministry plans to give illegal immigrant workers and their
families from Burma, Laos and Cambodia a chance to register with
authorities from June 15 onwards.

'I am going to present this plan to the Cabinet on Tuesday [tomorrow],'
Labour Minister Uraiwan Thienthong said yesterday, adding that the
registration and issuance of work permits should take about three months.
Uraiwan said that Thai authorities would have officials from the
immigrants' home countries verify their nationality before the Interior
Ministry issued work permits.

Employment Department director-general Chuthatawat Indrasuksri said the
planned registration aimed to systematically solve the alien labour
problem in Thailand, while the illegal immigrants and their families would
get official recognition.

'In previous rounds of registration, the workers' family members were
excluded,' he said.

Chuthatawat estimated that about a one million foreigners from
neighbouring countries were working in Thailand illegally, more than half
of them Burmese.

He said Laos and Cambodia had agreed to help Thailand verify the
nationality of illegal immigrant workers, while Burma had yet to confirm
any cooperation.

A source yesterday said that illegal immigrant workers that registered
during this programme would likely face light penalties and fines because
the Labour Ministry wanted to encourage as many illegal immigrants as
possible to register.

The source said a new regulation would be introduced to exempt the illegal
immigrant workers from some types of punishment.

Chuthatawat said illegal immigrant workers from countries other than Laos,
Cambodia and Burma would be offered a similar chance to register at a
later stage.

Meanwhile, police arrested nine Burmese for illegally entering Thailand.
Former police major Anan Nitipiranant was arrested for assisting the
Burmese.

Anan, 45, said he was hired to send take the illegal immigrants to Chiang
Rai. Anan is facing an earlier charge relating to illegal immigrants in
Nan.


OPINION/ OTHER
___________________________________

April 26, Irrawaddy
Reviewing the Junta’s Strategy - Min Zin

The Burmese military regime has perfected the art of combining naked force
through harsh crackdowns with political offensives to defeat the
opposition movement and defuse international pressure.

A brief history of the regime’s maneuvering strategies illustrates this
well and will be elaborated upon below: the 1988 killings and large-scale
violence followed by a military coup and the promise of elections; the
post-1990 election crackdown on the winning party and the National
Convention ploy in 1993; renewed repressive measures including the second
house-arrest of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in late 2000 and the
propagation of secret talks with her in 2001; the resurgence of widespread
crackdowns on opposition members which culminated in last year’s May 30
violent attack on Suu Kyi’s convoy at Depayin; and now "the road map"
initiated by Prime Minister Gen Khin Nyunt. The strategies may appear to
be smart, but they smack of the tactics espoused in Sun Tzu’s "The Art of
War."

But the military does not have much in the way of ability to actualize
their strategy. This is because Burmese generals habitually miscalculate
what they can get away with in the way of repression, through only
exercising their containment policy against the opposition and the
international community. Since they have failed to see that their
interests can be better served in compromising with the legitimate
opposition, their political offensives are never backed by a genuine
desire to change the substance of the status quo. Over reliance on
containment and a refusal to make any real commitment towards a shift in
power, even at the minimal level, are recurrent failings in the junta’s
strategy.

In 1990, the election results were very different from those the generals
anticipated. The National League for Democracy, or NLD, won a landslide
victory despite its leader, Suu Kyi, being effectively contained under
house arrest at the time.

Again, after some economic successes and its ability to contain the NLD
throughout the early nineties during the government-led National
Convention, the generals overestimated their muscle power and released Suu
Kyi, without having made any preparations for a political solution. A
reversal followed as the NLD withdrew from the convention and Suu Kyi
renewed her calls for sanctions. When both sides became deadlocked, the
regime resolved the dispute by putting Suu Kyi under her second house
arrest in 2000.

As international criticism against the regime’s crackdown intensified, the
generals signaled a new political game in 2001 saying there were talks
between the lady and the government. Without striking any political deal
with Suu Kyi and by sustaining "confidence building" measures, the
generals decided to release the lady, hoping Western sanctions would be
lifted and aid resumed. The military expected the containment of Suu Kyi
could be done in the same way as that of the ethnic insurgents, by merely
engaging in a truce and a de-escalation of the conflict.

However, their maneuvering and stall tactics did not achieve the desired
result as Suu Kyi, who has never adopted a wait-and-see approach with the
regime, launched a vigorous campaign to expand political space in the
country by mobilizing supporters and building up a morale. Western
countries praised her courage and refused to reward the generals for
releasing her until more substantial changes became visible. It was around
this time that the generals took off their gloves once again, resulting in
last year’s May 30 government-backed attack on the opposition at Depayin.

In an effort to recover from the May 30 nightmare, the regime has assumed
a new look by appointing Khin Nyunt as prime minister and allowing him to
spell out his "road map," of which the first step is the reconvening of
the National Convention that has been adjourned since 1996.

The new PM managed to succeed in persuading almost all ethnic
groups—ceasefire and non-ceasefire—to climb aboard the road map bandwagon.
Moreover, the regime has been trying to market this most recent push for
legitimacy to the regional powers, such as Thailand and China. This is
evident particularly in the so-called "Bangkok Process," a Thai-initiated
international forum to discuss Burma’s political future. The generals have
been quietly confident that their game plan is injecting new life for
regime apologists and lobbyists—including some newly converted former
dissidents living abroad—in an effort to persuade the international
community to support the PM’s road map initiative or at least to take a
"wait and see" approach. If successful, the maneuvers could sideline the
opposition movement and its international allies, such as the US and the
UN.

Then the regime set May 17 as the date for resuming the National
Convention. However, recently released NLD leaders said the party would
maintain its current policy toward the convention if the military regime
doesn’t make substantial changes. The regime has started blowing hot and
cold over the release of Suu Kyi. Their game plan appears to be in
doldrums. The PM’s road map has turned out to be another stance of
containment against the opposition as well as the international community.

Last week the junta stated that it would hold the upcoming National
Convention in accordance with its previous objectives and proceedings that
brought the old convention to a grinding halt. Moreover, Rangoon has asked
Thailand to delay the second meeting of the Bangkok Process. The meeting,
involving Asian and European diplomats, was originally scheduled for April
29-30, but has been postponed.

These events indicate that the junta is unwilling to make a commitment to
the forces, whether they are domestic or from abroad, by promising an
acceptable political solution and ensuring continued compliance. The
Burmese military’s mentality clearly proves that they only negotiate from
a position of strength and security, for in war the cost of weakness is
total defeat.

When they don’t feel strong and secure, they buy time to regroup, like an
army waiting for reinforcements. Any process designed without recognition
of this tendency will give the regime more room for maneuvering and more
time to forestall a transition to democracy.

Under the given situation, the regime may choose one of the three
following scenarios.

The first is to finish the convention in the short term, whether the NLD
participates or not, and gain approval of the constitution allowing the
military to play a leading role in politics. This will be followed by a
cosmetic change according to the constitution and Rangoon will expect to
host the 2006 Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit as chairman of
the group. In this case, the chance of the regime gaining international
and domestic acceptance is highly unlikely.

The second scenario is to play an on-and-off game with the convention if
the generals are insincere in making any real changes—even in accordance
with their own road map. They will hold the constitutional convention and
postpone it again by giving excuses, such as the ethnic participants are
unable to reach a consensus or that the NLD is defiant in its political
confrontation. Then the regime will continue to run the vicious circle of
violence and political fraud.

The third possibility is to go ahead and hold the convention, while
simultaneously holding a "talk" with the NLD. At best, they may say that
they will make some adjustments in an effort to persuade the party to join
the convention and to create the impression that they are being flexible
and accommodating. This delay tactic will also accomplish nothing in the
way of change.

None of the three scenarios promises a viable political exit from the
stalemate. None ensures that the country is entering a zone of political
transition. As a result, more political, economic and humanitarian
devastations will follow. The regime’s strategy will not only fail
themselves, but will also fail the country at large.

___________________________________

April 24, Straits Times
Question mark over change in Myanmar - Robert H. Taylor
May 17: That's the date of the first meeting of Myanmar's reconvened
constitutional convention. In the coming weeks, there will be intense
speculation as to who will attend the event and what they will be able to
achieve.

There'll be attention paid to whether the National League for Democracy
(NLD), the party of Ms Aung San Suu Kyi, will be willing to participate in
the proceedings. The military government, the State Peace and Development
Council (SPDC), appears set to finalise the country's third
post-independence Constitution, whether or not all the potential members
of the convention, including the NLD, cooperate.

The Prime Minister, General Khin Nyunt, laid out a 'road map' for that
process in August last year, and the head of state, Senior General Than
Shwe, publicly endorsed it in several speeches subsequently.

Following three years of deliberations punctuated by frequent and
sometimes lengthy adjournments, the constitutional convention last met in
early 1996. The convention has now drafted 104 points of principle
covering six chapters to be included in a new basic law.

Key among the points already confirmed is a leading role for the military
in the future government. That point and others, as well as the
constrained manner in which the convention was run, led the NLD to cease
its participation not long after Ms Suu Kyi's first release from house
arrest in 1995.

Now the NLD leadership who participated in the first convention have been
sent invitations to the renewed convention, but have indicated they will
not take their seats until and unless she and NLD vice-chairman Tin Oo are
released from their third house arrest and permitted to renew their
political activities.

The atmospherics ahead of the May 17 deadline suggest that little has
changed from the NLD's point of view since 1996. But until Ms Suu Kyi
herself publicly pronounces her party's posture, there is no way of
knowing whether the NLD is willing to compromise with the military in
order, perhaps, to share power in the future.

While it does not seem that the NLD's attitude towards the government has
changed, other factors suggest that this time, the army will press on
regardless.

Among the changes since the original convention met is the conclusion of a
number of ceasefire agreements with ethnic minority insurgent armies. Now
known as 'peace groups', most have indicated a willingness to participate
in the national convention in the expectation that the autonomy they have
agreed on implicitly with the central government will become a
constitutionally guaranteed reality.

Even the Karen National Union (KNU), the oldest of Myanmar's many former
separatist forces, has reached a virtual ceasefire agreement and will be
finalising some kind of deal in the near future.

CHANGING TIES

Another major change is in Myanmar's foreign relations. While relations
with the United States and most members of the European Union have
deteriorated further since 1993, especially following the May 2003 attack
on Ms Suu Kyi's convoy, relations with Myanmar's immediate neighbours have
improved vastly.

While China remains Myanmar's most significant source of assistance, India
has abandoned its former support for Ms Suu Kyi and has developed very
positive economic, commercial and defence ties with the SPDC.

Moreover, Myanmar is now a member of Asean, and indeed it is this that
perhaps ensures that the constitutional framing process will achieve some
degree of finality in the next 18 months.

In 2006, Myanmar will assume the Asean chairmanship and host a summit of
Asean heads of state. Regularising the constitutional position of the
government of Myanmar by that date is an important goal for both Myanmar
and Asean.

If the NLD does not participate in the upcoming convention, or joins it
and then walks out a second time, Western governments will not find a new
Constitution which guarantees a leading role for the military acceptable.
The argument will be that it is merely window dressing.

The SPDC will reply that the new Constitution is in keeping with Myanmar's
unique history and acceptable to the people. This will be demonstrated, it
will contend, in a national referendum which must approve a new
Constitution before it takes effect. If the NLD objects, it will then have
the opportunity to demonstrate that the people support its version of
democracy rather than the new Constitution.

It is now nearly 16 years since Myanmar has had a constitutional
government. Until a Constitution is agreed upon, no political actor in the
country will be certain of his or her rights and obligations. The
uncertainty and ambiguity that surrounds the agreements that the military
government has entered into with the ceasefire groups, political parties
other than the NLD, non-government organisations and other actors, will
not be resolved until a Constitution is agreed on.

Whether the NLD will see the constitutional convention, which by its
standards is not sufficiently democratic, as a first, if partial, step
towards a more democratic future, or an obstacle to be overcome, should be
revealed before long.

The writer is a Visiting Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of
South-east Asian Studies.

___________________________________

April 25, The Nation
Bangkok Process just a sideshow for junta

Burmese foreign minister’s “inability” to attend second round of talks
this week shows little regard for Thai initiative

After days of waiting anxiously for an answer from the Burmese regime on
whether the scheduled Bangkok Process should proceed, Thai Foreign
Ministry spokesman Sihasak Phuangketkeow confirmed over the weekend that
Burma would not be participating in the next meeting scheduled for April
29-30. The Burmese side has said Foreign Minister Win Maung would be
unable to attend, despite a short, unpublicised visit to Rangoon two weeks
ago by Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai to ensure his
participation. Without Win Maung’s presence, it is natural that the whole
process must be postponed indefinitely.

The Burmese junta has told the Thai government that it is currently
preoccupied with preparations for the National Convention, which starts on
May 17. Obviously, Thailand planned the second meeting without receiving a
green light from the Burmese. Unlike the first round of talks, Thailand
was able this time to convince its friends to demonstrate support for
Burma after months of global condemnation and isolation following the
attack on pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s entourage in Depayin on
May 30 last year.

The second round was arranged ahead of the scheduled National Convention
because of the Thai government’s eagerness to link the process with its
ongoing Burmese endeavours. But it is rather obvious now that Burma does
not want its own seven-point road map to be linked to the Thai initiative,
which was haphazard at best. The Burmese junta dreads having any outside
power tell it what to do. Interestingly, the Thai leaders, especially
Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and Surakiart, thought they possessed
magical powers of communication when it came to Burma. For the past three
years, the two leaders have faithfully spoken on that country?s behalf.

Thailand should realise that the Bangkok Process is only useful if the
parties concerned feel the need for such a forum to exchange views and
formulate useful suggestions. After all, the United Nations also has its
own forum and road map, which the Burmese junta would give top priority.
So, it is incumbent on Thailand to be modest with its own initiative.
However, political insiders say Thailand is dying for some recognition
because any success with national reconciliation in Burma would improve
Surakiart’s prospects of winning the much-coveted position of UN
secretary-general.

The future of the Bangkok Process will depend on the outcome of
manoeuvring by the Burmese in months to come. If everything turns out
fine, with all stakeholders taking part in the convention, then the
Bangkok initiative will come to an end. However, if the Rangoon junta
continues with the convention without all groups participating, it could
extend the life of the Bangkok Process. One of the mistakes of this
approach has been the failure to include opposition groups in the first
round of talks. Thailand would like to serve as an honest broker to
facilitate the national reconciliation process in Burma. But it is not
possible simply because of vested interests linked to various high-value
telecom contracts associated with Thaksin’s family’s businesses. The
Burmese junta knows how to use the Thai prime minister to promote its
interests and win Asean backing. However, when push comes to shove, they
have the guts to say no to the Bangkok Process.

_____________________________________

April 25, Associated Press
Myanmar's National Convention: a road map to democracy or a road block? -
Vijay Joshi

Bangkok: A beauty saloon, a gym and a restaurant with free food. All this
and more will be open to delegates at a constitution-drafting convention
that Myanmar's military government will hold next month.

But activists inside and outside the country say such concessions won't be
matched by the essential makeover that the country yearns for: freedom and
democracy.

The generals that run Myanmar, also known as Burma, tout the convention as
a first step in a seven-point road map to restore democracy in this
Southeast Asian nation that has been under military rule since 1962.

Critics, though, denounce it as a road block to true reform.

"It's a sleight of hand trick. It is not going to end up in a democracy
but in a legitimate constitutional dictatorship," Josef Silverstein, a
longtime Myanmar analyst, said in a telephone interview from New Jersey,
United States on Sunday.

Key to reform is the fate of pro-democracy leader and Nobel peace laureate
Aung San Suu Kyi.

While the junta prepares for the May 17 National Convention, she remains
under house arrest, almost one year after being whisked away by security
forces in an attack that some say almost killed her. Her aides say hope is
fading she'll be freed anytime soon.

Even if she is released before the convention, the junta has made it clear
that she won't be allowed to attend, raising doubts that her party will
take part at all.

"People were wishfully hoping and thinking that change will come. At the
end of the day, at the end of the tunnel there is no light. It is very
dark," said Aung Zaw, the editor of Irrawaddy, a journal of Myanmar
affairs published in exile from Thailand.

Myanmar does not have a constitution.

A 1974 charter was suspended when the current group of generals seized
power in 1988 after crushing a pro-democracy uprising. The military held
elections in 1990 but refused to step down when Suu Kyi's NLD won
overwhelmingly.

The generals set up a national convention in 1993 to draft a new
constitution but its work broke down in 1995 when the NLD walked out
saying it would not rubber stamp the military's decisions.

At that stage, 104 principles and six chapters of a new constitution had
been drafted. Now the generals say next month's convention will resume
where the old convention left off.

Democracy activists are appalled as the draft principles guarantee that
the military will dominate a future government in the executive and
legislative branches.

Moreover, the principles reserve the military a quarter of seats in a new
national parliament and regional legislatures. They also excluded the
military budget from review by civilian lawmakers.

"If the convention goes forward there's no way it can create a democratic
state," said Silverstein. "So how can one give the generals any brownie
points for that?"

"I find them a group of charlatans who are bent on holding power at all
costs," he said.

More than 1,000 delegates have been invited to attend next month's
convention in Nyaung-Hna-Pin outside the capital, Yangon.

Those who show up will receive a host of gifts and services - top range
accommodation, food and a daily allowance. A gym and a karaoke lounge have
been set up at the conference venue along with a beauty salon.

Such luxuries are rare in poverty-stricken Myanmar.

Observers say the convention is simply a part of the pattern adopted long
ago by the junta - make superficial concessions when international
criticism gets intense.

The generals, however, claim they are serious about restoring democracy,
though democracy on their terms.

"The most important factor in building a new, peaceful, modern, developed
and democratic nation is the emergence of a disciplined democratic
system," Prime Minister Khin Nyunt said in an Aug. 30, 2003 speech when he
announced the seven-point road map and the holding of the national
convention.

When he made the speech, the world was frowning at Myanmar for the
shocking manner in which Suu Kyi was detained, just a year after she had
been freed on May 6, 2002 from nearly two years of house arrest.

At the time, the junta had described her release as "a new page for the
people of Myanmar."

Her arrest followed an attack on her convoy on May 30 near the northern
town of Depayin by a pro-junta mob, which was documented by U.N. Human
Rights Commission Special Rapporteur, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro in a report.
The attack was apparently aimed at curbing the growing popular support Suu
Kyi and her democracy movement were garnering in the countryside.

"There is prima facie evidence that the Depayin incident could not have
happened without the connivance of state agents," Pinheiro wrote.

In the streets and homes and universities in Yangon there is little
expectation that the generals face a popular uprising of the kind that
took place in 1988.

"If people are faced with starvation they might be willing to risk a
bullet to get democracy," said an Asian diplomat who spoke on condition of
anonymity. "But in Myanmar people still have plenty of food. There may be
malnutrition but no starvation"

To prevent any food scarcity that may lead to unrest, the government last
year banned the exports of its staple commodity, rice. Partly because of
that, the country's exports dropped 8.3 percent in the fiscal 2003-2004 to
US$1.44 billion from US$1.57 billion in the previous year.

U.S. sanctions on the country have had limited economic effect, hurting
mainly garment industry workers. Meanwhile, Myanmar's Asian neighbors
continue to do business with it. China remains the biggest aid donor and
military hardware provider.

Ask anyone in Yangon what they expect in the future and they reply with a
popular proverb lamenting a grand deadlock: "Neither on the sand dune nor
in the water."


PRESS RELEASE
___________________________________

April 23, US Campaign for Burma

For more information, contact: (202) 223-0300 Aung Din or Jeremy Woodrum

Influential Congressman Slams Burma's Junta Over Rape "As as Weapon"

(Washington, DC) The influential chairman of an International Relations
subcommittee in the US Congress has slammed Burma's military regime for
its use of rape as a weapon of war.  "The use of rape as a weapon of war
was wrong in Bosnia, and it is wrong in Burma," said Representative Elton
Gallegly (R-CA), the chairman of the subcommittee on Terrorism,
Nonproliferation, and Human Rights in a statement documented by the
Congressional Record.

His criticism comes shortly after the release of "Shattering Silences", a
report by the Karen Women's Organization, a group based in Thailand that
documented over 100 recent rapes by the soldiers of the regime.  The
report adds to previous evidence that the regime is using rape collected
by the Shan Women's Action Network, Refugees International, and the US
State Department.  As in previous reports, the evidence documents the
heavy involvement of officers in the rapes--over half were committed by
officers.
The rapes were also extremely brutal; 40 percent were gang rapes, and in
28 percent of the cases soldiers killed and/or mutilated the women after
the rapes.

Said one victim cited by Gallegly, "While she was living in her village
she was captured as the porter to carry shells for the SPDC. At daytime
she was forced to carry heavy things and at night she was raped . . . She
was raped every night by one to five persons. If she refused or asked them
to not rape her, then they slapped her or beat her or closed her mouth . .
. At that time they jumped on her body with their boots. While she was
being raped at night she heard women shouting from other places. And so
she knew there were many women suffering like her."

Gallegly's criticism also comes as Burma's military regime is backsliding
on promises to implement a "road-map" to democracy.  Expectations that the
leader of Burma's freedom struggle, 1991 Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung
San Suu Kyi, will be released have diminished.

On April 21st, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, the UN's top
human rights body, strongly condemned the Burmese regime and called for an
independent international investigation of continuing reports of sexual
violence and other abuse of civilians carried out by members of the
regime's armed forces.

===================

USE OF RAPE AS A WEAPON OF WAR IS WRONG

HON. ELTON GALLEGLY of California (R) (Chairman of Sub Committee on
Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Human Rights, House Committee on
International Relations) in the U.S House of Representatives

Tuesday, April 20, 2004

Mr. GALLEGLY: Mr. Speaker, a recently released report has revealed yet
more evidence of heinous human rights abuses committed by Burma's ruling
military regime. The report by the Karen Women's Organization entitled
``Shattering Silence'' documents rapes of ethnic women by the regime's
soldiers. If the allegations contained in the report are correct, the
stories illustrate how Burma's regime uses rape to undercut resistance to
its rule by attacking innocent and defenseless civilians.

I am especially horrified with evidence that over half of the rapes were
committed by military officers, and 40 percent were gang rapes.

Reads one example: "While she was living in her village she was captured
as the porter to carry shells for the SPDC. At daytime she was forced to
carry heavy things and at night she was raped. She was raped every night
by one to five persons. If she refused or asked them to not rape her, then
they slapped her or beat her or closed her mouth. At that time they jumped
on her body with their boots. While she was being raped at night she heard
women shouting from other places. And so she knew there were many women
suffering like her."

Furthermore, the report found that in 28 percent of the cases, the women
were brutally killed and often mutilated after being raped by officers.
This is not the first time we have heard of the regime's use of rape as a
weapon of war. This report supports previous evidence documented by the
Shan Women's Action Network, Refugees International, and the Bureau of
Democracy, Rights, and Labor at the State Department.

The use of rape as a weapon of war was wrong in Bosnia, and it is wrong in
Burma. Burma's regime must be held to account, and their climate of
impunity must end.