BurmaNet News, Aug 7 - 9, 2004

[Editor]

August 7-9, 2004, Issue # 2534

INSIDE BURMA
AP: Myanmar PM visits Vietnam as fate of ASEM meeting remains unclear
BBC: Lack of fairness in National Convention, Mon leader says

ON THE BORDER
Narinjara News: Arakanese exiles hold demonstration in Dhaka
Bangkok Post: Burmese forces wage battle near Thai border

BUSINESS / MONEY
Kyodo: Myanmar, Thailand sign energy gas concession contracts

REGIONAL
The Nation: Economic change is not enough to reform Burma

INTERNATIONAL
Xinhua News Agency: UNICEF to launch survey on street children in Myanmar

OPINION/OTHER
Nation: Burma continues to thumb its nose at the international community
Mizzima: The Days That Shook Burma

LETTER
FT: Sanctions against Burma can help domestic activists regain freedom

EDITORIAL:
The Nation: After 16 years, still no democracy

INTERVIEW
Irrawaddy: Interview with Kraisak Choonhavan


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INSIDE BURMA

August 9, AP
Myanmar pm visits Vietnam as fate of ASEM meeting remains unclear

Myanmar's prime minister met Monday in Hanoi with his Vietnamese
counterpart two months prior to a summit here that European Union leaders
have threatened to boycott if the junta from Yangon is allowed to
participate.

Gen. Khin Nyunt met Vietnamese Prime Minister Phan Van Khai behind closed
doors after arriving in Vietnam and reviewing an honor guard at the
Presidential Palace. The Foreign Ministry said the two were meeting to
"promote friendly relations between the two countries and discuss regional
and international issues of mutual concern."

Khin Nyunt declined to answer questions from the media.

Hanoi is expected to host the Asia-Europe Meeting, or ASEM, Oct. 8-9, but
the EU and the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN,
have been deadlocked for months over whether Myanmar should attend.

The EU, which has imposed sanctions on Myanmar, also known as Burma, over
its human rights record and the house arrest of pro-democracy leader Aung
San Suu Kyi, has said it opposes the country's presence at ASEM.

In return, ASEAN nations have said they will block participation by the 10
newest EU member countries unless Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia are all
granted ASEM membership.

Last month, the EU sent an envoy to Asia to try to reach a compromise, but
ASEAN leaders refused to back down.

While in Vietnam, Khin Nyunt was also expected to call on Communist Party
leader Nong Duc Manh and National Assembly Chairman Nguyen Van An during
his one-day visit.

It was unclear whether ASEM was on the agenda. But diplomats in Yangon
have said ASEM would likely come up between leaders during Khin Nyunt's
tour of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia this week.

Khin Nyunt, who took office last August, unveiled a so-called road map to
democracy a year ago, which claims it will lead Myanmar to free elections
and a new government. The junta then launched a national convention in May
to draft guidelines for a new constitution.

The opposition party, however, boycotted the meeting and dismissed it as a
sham after the nation's military rulers refused to release Suu Kyi from
house arrest.

______________________________________

August 6, BBC
Lack of fairness in National Convention, Mon leader says

New Mon State Party, an ethnic ceasefire group which attended the National
Convention in Burma, has criticised the Convention for lack of level
playing field.

NMSP Secretary General Naing Han Tha told the BBC Burmese Service that the
delegates for elected representatives and ethnic groups were outnumbered
by those handpicked by the military government.

'Talking about situation of eligible delegates- some organisations, which
should have been there, are not there- and the truly representative ethnic
delegates and elected representatives are minority but the delegates
representing the military government are the majority at the National
Convention, and I think it is somehow lack of fairness', says Naing Han
Tha.

Talking about situation of eligible delegates- some organisations, which
should have been there, are not there- and the truly representative ethnic
delegates and elected representatives are minority group but the delegates
representing the military government are the majority at the National
Convention, and I think it is somehow lack of fairness.

Naing Han Tha also said their proposals for a genuine (federal) union were
rejected by the convention convening authorities.

'The proposals rejected by the Convention Convening authorities are mainly
symbolic features of a federal union and a guarantee for rightful powers
and jurisdictions for the states. Rejecting these proposals is not very
good for us, it is a little bit of deviation from forming a (federal)
union', Naing Han Tha says in a BBC interview.

Thirteen ethnic groups collectively submitted a proposal which asked for
self-determination in their respective regions during the National
Convention which had started in May 2004.

The National Convention has taken a break since 9 July and the official
reason for the recess is to give some time for the Convention Convening
authorities to compile the various proposals and write up the principles
based on majority.

New Mon State Party is the largest Mon armed group, which had been
fighting self-determination for Mon people in Burma for many decades.

It has reached cease-fire agreement with the Burmese military government
in 1995.

______________________________________
ON THE BORDER

August 9, Narinjara News
Arakanese exiles hold demonstration in Dhaka

At least 80 exiles from Arakan State held a demonstration in front of the
Bangladesh high court premise, in Dhaka, yesterday in honor  of the 16th
anniversary day of 8-8-88.

The 3 Arakanese organizations that participated in the demonstration
included the Working Committee for Demonstration Restoration in Burma
(WCDRB), Arakan League for Democracy (Exile) and the All Arakan Students
and Youth Congress (AASYC).

The demonstration was disrupted by the Bangladeshi police forces, who
first  told the participants that could not shout their slogans too loudly
and then ordered the crowd to move to a different location. The
demonstration was, in the end, cut short when the police demanded it over.
A leader of WCDRB said, “ there has never been any intervention by local
police in previous demonstrations by Burmese people in Dhaka. But this
time  the local police prohibited the shouting of slogans, disturbing of
demonstration. I was not surprised by their action because the present
relation between the Bangladesh government and the Burmese military
government is very good.”

The demonstrators included several demands in their protest; the immediate
release of Daw Suu as well as all other political prisoners, and the start
 of an open dialogue between the democracy groups led by Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi, the genuine representatives of non-Burmese people and the SPDC
military junta.

The demonstration started at 11am, but was over only 2 hours later. 8-8-88
is a very important day for the people of Burma, as an uprising on that
day ended with the fall of the dictator Ne Win, who had been in rule for
30 years. During this now famous democracy movement, at least 3,000
people, including students, were killed by the present military government.

______________________________________

August 8, Bangkok Post
Burmese forces wage battle near Thai border - Subin Khuenkaew

Troops were on alert yesterday following fighting between Rangoon forces
and the Shan State Army (SSA) at the Burmese border with Thailand.

A security source said the Pha Muang Task Force was keeping a close watch
on the fighting, about one kilometre inside Burma, near Ban Piang Luang in
Chiang Mai's Wiang Haeng district.

Four mortars landed in Thai forest, but no one was injured, the source said.

The battle was the first major clash between Burmese government forces and
the SSA this year.

Col Yawd Serk, the SSA leader, said Rangoon troops were surrounding an SSA
military post in the area in an attempt to take over the position. He said
four Burmese soldiers were killed.

______________________________________
BUSINESS/MONEY

August 8, Kyodo
Myanmar, Thailand sign energy gas concession contracts

Myanmar has signed energy contracts with Thailand paving the way for
Thailand's PTT Exploration and Production PCL to engage in oil and natural
gas exploration in the country, state media reported Sunday.

In the presence of Myanmar Energy Minister Brig. Gen. Lun Thi and Thai
Energy Minister Prommin Lertsuridej on Saturday, officials of the two
countries signed production-sharing contracts for exploitation of oil and
natural gas at blocks M-3 and M-4 in the Gulf of Martaban by the state-run
Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise and PTTEP, the New Light of Myanmar
newspaper reported Sunday.

The report gave no further details of the contracts, but according to
PTTEP, blocks M-3 and M-4 have a combined area of about 18,000 square
kilometers.

The two fields are located next to the Yadana field where PTTEP already
holds a concession.

The two countries signed a similar agreement in November last year for
blocks M-7 and M-9, which cover 27,000 square km in the same region.

Myanmar has a total of 25 offshore gas fields, with 11 in the Gulf of
Martaban, seven off the Rakhine coast and six off the southern Taninthayi
coast.

According to official estimates, Myanmar has 14 trillion cubic feet (about
400 billion cubic meters) of offshore natural gas reserves.

Myanmar currently exports 1 billion cubic feet (28 million cubic meters)
of natural gas to Thailand everyday. About 40 percent of the country's
export earnings come from natural gas exports to Thailand.

______________________________________
REGIONAL

August 8, The Nation
Economic change is not enough to reform Burma—Lawiweng Sangklaburi

Thailand needs to be realistic in cooperating with the Burmese military to
reform Burma's politics. In order to reform the politics, Thai businessmen
and Prime Minister Thaksin have attempted to reform the Burmese economy
first. It seems that Thai people believe that if Burma becomes a wealthy
country the country's politics can be reformed. This is a communist idea.

China has opened free trade with many counties. It has the strongest
economy in Asia. However, Chinese people are still oppressed by the
Communist Party. There is no freedom of expression of the media in China.
It is a centralised state without an opposition party. The gap between the
poor and rich is growing.

In Burma people don't want to live under the kind of conditions that exist
China. Burmese people understand Mr Thaksin is trying to bring democracy
to Burma. They are also aware that Mr Thaksin's efforts could bring
nothing to Burma.

Thailand wants to help Burma, as it showed by proposing the road map last
year. The Kingdom wants to help Burma by having another meeting in
Bangkok. None of these efforts have brought Burma anything. They have only
made the junta appear to be a more legitimate government.

Prime Minister Thaksin may meet General Than Shwe soon, according news
reports. During Thaksin's trip to Rangoon, he will press Than Shwe to
restart the Bangkok process. Burmese people don't believe that Mr Than
Shwe will accept Thaksin's ideas. If the general accepted, the Bangkok
process would not stop like it did before. The general will say that Burma
is independent, that it doesn't want interference from other countries.
Thaksin will not bring democracy to Burma through the market-place. The
people of Burma don't want to buy democracy on the market. He needs to
convince the people that without political reform, economic reform will
not be successful. We should develop democracy to safeguard people's
rights. In order to do that, Thaksin should put pressure on the Burmese
regime to step down from power. Without toppling the regime, democracy in
Burma will not exist.

It seems like Thaksin is wasting time waiting for Burma to become a
democracy, which has only allowed the generals to stay in power for such a
long time. It is time for Thailand to put pressure on the generals to
release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest. The ethnic groups,
especially the groups that have agreed to a cease-fire with the junta,
cannot tackle problems in Burma by themselves. With the opposition groups,
the military regime and the ethnic groups will have to discuss the
country's problems all together, and only this will change the situation.
The national convention they are having is not being carried out in the
interest of drafting a new constitution. The regime is trying to grab
power from these groups.

______________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

August 9, Xinhua News Agency
UNICEF to launch survey on street children in Myanmar

The United Nations Children's Fund ( UNICEF) is planning to launch a
survey program later this year on street and working children in Myanmar,
aimed at developing measures to protect them from being abused and
exploited in various forms.

According to a report of Monday's Myanmar Times, in cooperation with two
Myanmar ministries relating with social welfare, relief and resettlement,
and labor, the UN agency will conduct an assessment of children in three
cities of Yangon, Mandalay and Pathein to determine the living conditions
and the vulnerability of them to the various forms of abuse and
exploitation.

The agency has carried out training for some dozens social and religious
workers, teachers and caretakers in the two prior cities this year on
protecting children from being deprived of care and those infected by
HIV/AIDS, an official of the agency said.

Besides, a study is also being made by the agency on internal and
cross-border migration in five townships in collaboration with an
international non-governmental organization, the World Vision, to monitor
the link between migration and the problem of human trafficking, the
official disclosed.

Meanwhile, Myanmar is drafting a national plan of action in line with the
UN agenda "A World Fit for Children" drawn up in 2002 which includes 21
goals focusing on education, combating HIV/ AIDS and protecting children
from abused and exploited. The agenda is targeted to be achieved within a
decade.

The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has urged Myanmar to enhance
endeavors to integrate the principles of the UN Convention on the Rights
of the Child (UNCRC) into laws and practices, according to official
sources.

Myanmar became a signatory to the UNCRC in 1991 and afterwards the country
enacted its child law in 1993 prohibiting child labor.

______________________________________
OPINION/OTHER

August 8, The Nation
Burma continues to thumb its nose at the international community

Today is the 16th anniversary of the beginning of democratic change in
Burma. Unfortunately, this noble goal has proved difficult to attain.
Since that time, the country in general and its pro-democracy elements in
particular have gone through hell and fire. Since the junta cheated its
way into power during the May 1990 election, the political and economic
situation inside Burma has not changed because the same military leaders
are still in power and the opposition leaders, including Nobel Peace
laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, are still under house arrest.

Over the past decade, the junta has become perfected its form of
diplomatic chess with both the regional and international communities. At
the regional level, Burma slipped into Asean through a sort of fast-track
system. Rangoon was able to take advantage of Asean's deep-rooted fear of
China. It deliberately played up the extent of China's expansive military
and commercial influences in the mid 1990s.

At that time, China and Asean did not enjoy the kind of intimacy that they
currently do. As a result, Asean immediately responded to China's
south-looking aspirations by unconditionally taking in Burma as a new
member.

In hindsight, Asean made a huge mistake in doing so because since Burma
was admitted, Rangoon has refused to cooperate with Asean in the way that
it should. In fact, Rangoon has on occasion lied to its supposed friends.

Asean also failed to convince the world, especially the European Union '
which has high-stake ties with Asean ' that the grouping is capable of
pressure its pariah colleague into being a bit less oppressive. But having
embraced Burma, Asean's hands are tied.

To protect Asean solidarity, the grouping has had to support Burma in both
regional and internal forums. There is no other way. Furthermore, Asean is
not a rule-based organisation. Still, there are regulations or principles
enshrined in Asean documents that would allow the grouping to kick Burma
out if it had the will to do so.

When former Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamad commented on this
arrangement, he was aware of what the future held. The point is that Asean
must use its mechanisms to change Burma.

Burma continues to outfox Asean leaders. By embracing Prime Minister
Thaksin Shinawatra, who has acted as Rangoon's councillor, Burma has
survived.

At the Bali Summit last year, Thaksin was able to convince the Asean
leaders to give the recently installed Burmese Prime Minister Khin Nyunt a
chance. Look at what has transpired since.

With the Thai and Burmese leaders working together, the first Bangkok
Process was born last year.

Its aim was to increase the legitimacy of the Rangoon regime, through
Bangkok. However, the process, which attracted an assortment of Western
countries and Asean members, did not produce the kind of support Burma was
looking for. So a second Bangkok Process was called for, and subsequently
cancelled to make way for the ongoing national convention in Burma.

Rangoon is hoping that with a new constitution, which it expects to
complete next year, the West will yield and recognise this pariah state.
Perhaps. Some of them will continue to reject Burma, but some may soften
their stances. It is this kind of divide-and-rule tactic that has saved
the junta on numerous other occasions.

Now the regime is seeking an end to the sanctions that have been imposed
upon it through the assistance of lobbyists in centres of power both in
Europe and the United States.

The central argument of this effort is that Burma should be given a chance
to receive foreign aid, after all the junta has been running for so long,
providing whatever social services, such as health and education for the
people, that it can. On this basis alone, these lobbyists have argued, the
regime has achieved legitimacy.

Any attempt to block aid, especially to in areas related to issues of
public health, such as HIV/Aids treatment and prevention, will harm
innocent people.

The world must not be fooled by this argument. The ongoing economic
sanctions are hurting the regime more than they hurt the people because
the military controls around 70 per cent of the country's productivity.

The international community must join hands to ensure that Burma pays for
its ongoing oppression.

______________________________________

August 9, Mizzzima
The Days That Shook Burma-- Aung Naing Oo

I woke up to a commotion. As if stirred up from a nightmare, I could not
make out the hollering coming from the street. I stepped out of the
bedroom. Through the window, I saw a group of teenagers walk past my
house, talking noisily. I sensed some sort of excitement in their voices.
Then I looked around the house. As if in a daze and still half asleep, I
realized that my younger brother did not return home last night. The
living room was empty and I saw his mat and blanket folded neatly under
the Buddhist alter.

The previous evening, I saw him leave the house, wearing the white duty
coat that I wore to the language lab in the Department of English at the
university. He said he was going to buy onion from a grocery nearby. He
did not return.

It was at about the same time that he had left the house I heard chants,
in unison, from the direction of Rangoon-North Okklapa Highway. How had I
forgotten that yesterday was August 8, 1988 - the day the students had
called for a nation-wide general strike.

By about 8 o'clock in the morning, I finished my breakfast of Moke Hinkha
(noodle with fish soup) and tea at the teashop near the highway. By this
time, small groups of people were already heading towards the highway.

As I left the teashop, I heard someone shout. But it quickly fell silent
as all eyes turned towards the highway in some sort of anticipation. Mine
followed them and saw a red-pick-up truck speeding towards North-Okklapa
city. There were three or four people crouching around in the back of the
open truck. "Someone has been shot!" exclaimed the waiter. "Several
students were gunned down this morning at Tadalay Junction," said a
customer.

I felt some sort of exhilaration fill me. Things were happening after all.
Despite the inevitable, I had not been prepared. In fact, I was like most
Burmese were: totally unprepared for what would unravel that day.

For full text visit
http://www.mizzima.com/archives/nf/2004/August/08-aug04-01.htm

______________________________________

LETTER

August 8, Financial Times

Letter to the editor, Sanctions against Burma can help domestic
activists—Aung Din

Sir, Jeffrey D. Sachs' article "Myanmar: sanctions won't work" (July 28)
was a tired old regurgitation of fallacies that Burma's ruling military
junta peddles to the international community. As a citizen of Burma and a
former political prisoner, who suffered years of physical and
psychological tortures, I firmly disagree with Prof Sachs' arguments.
First, real comprehensive economic sanctions were imposed by the US only
last year, after Congress passed and President George W. Bush signed the
Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act 2003. This law buttressed an investment
ban in effect with a series of new sanctions that included invoking an
import ban, freezing bank accounts of the regime and placing visa bans on
key political and military leaders of Burma's regime. The Burmese economy
is vertically integrated and controlled by the military. Every dollar that
is invested does not help people who are struggling to survive; it
provides dollars the junta badly needs to fund the instruments of terror
that oppress the Burmese people.

Moreover, it is too early to say that US sanctions will not work since a
comprehensive ban has just been put into place. However, it is clear that
the sanctions are hitting the intended targets which are regime-control
factories and joint ventures run with the approval and support of the
military.

Prof Sachs parrots the revisionist claims by Burma's military rulers that
the 1990 election (won by a landslide by Aung San Suu Kyi and her National
League for Democracy) was about writing a new constitution - it was most
certainly not. The late General Saw Maung, then prime minister of the
regime, repeatedly said in many press conferences prior to the election
that he and the military would go back to barracks as soon as the regime
handed over the power to election-winning party.

Prof Sachs' biggest failing is any defence of the so-called "constructive
engagement" policy that Burma's neighbours advocate. In the past decade,
countries have opened up to the regime, built trade links, ushered it into
the Association of South East Asian Nations and coddled its rulers - with
absolutely no effect. The political and human rights situation in the
country remains in free-fall. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International,
the US Department of State have all documented the continuing horrors that
the regime perpetrates against the Burmese and ethnic nationalities.

Sanctions, though blunt, are a critical component of international
pressure that can cut off the regime's access to money and assist
democracy activists inside the country in winning back the freedom
brutally stolen from them by Rangoon's ruling thugs.

Aung Din, Policy Director, US Campaign for Burma, Washington, DC 20006, US
Burma continues to thumb its nose at the international community

______________________________________

INTERVIEW

August 7, Irrawaddy
Interview with Kraisak Choonhavan

Kraisak Choonhavan, is chairman of the Thai Senate Committee on
International Relations and the son of the former Prime Minister Chatchai
Choonhavan. He spoke to The Irrawaddy about Prime Minister Thaksin
Shinawatra’s regional foreign policy.

Q: Do you think Thaksin’s regional foreign policy as in suppressing drug
trafficking in the border area and his relationship with Burma’s leaders
are contradictory?

A: It is a very worrisome relationship because there is no progress in it.
Surakiart Sathirathai, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Thailand gave hope
to other nations about the Bangkok Process but the good process is
actually dead, although Surakiart made a statement that Thailand will
request Burma to release Aung San Suu Kyi.

That Burma will join the ASEM conference or not, depends largely on EU
members rather than anything else.

Q: What do you think of Thaksin’s particular interest in South Asia? Does
his interest comes from his wish to make investment in Information
technology and software? Does this represent a conflict of interests?

A: It is good that he is interested in South Asia—past governments were
ignorant about this region. South Asia could become a major export market
for Thailand as well as an investment hub. Currently, India alone has over
600 companies in Thailand. Regarding Burma, Thailand should make an
agreement with India on how to cooperate with Burma. India, however, fears
the erupting of its domestic terrorism which comes largely from Burma and
thus does not dare making a move on Burma. India believes that if it put
more and more pressure on Burma, then it will be threatened from the
latter with terrorism.

Regarding China, the country itself is neither very concerned about, or
wishes to see democratic reform in Burma. For Thailand, the country needs
to have a clearer and more concrete policy towards Burma. At present, we
need to appear to be decisive.

Q: What do you think of Thaksin’s drug suppressing policy?

A: His policy on drugs seems to be troublesome and does not really solve
the problem. It’s actually a war on the people, which creates a bad image
because it involves so much violence. The United Nations, Human Rights
Watch and AIDS organizations have all criticized Thailand for its overuse
of guns on drugs. The question is, has drug use really decreased since the
policy has been applied? Thailand is a democratic state and the government
is decided by the votes of the Thais—it is not a killing state. The
government should have respect for the law.

Q: What do you think of the fact that Thailand is buying natural gas from
Burma? Is it an appropriate purchase as Burma spends its natural gas
revenues on military weapons that may be used against Thailand?

A: It is not such a good idea. Furthermore, Burma reduced by over 50%, its
budget for education and health welfare, which led to severe problems and
epidemics. Thailand as its neighboring country should protest Rangoon over
this policy as it suffers directly from Burmese epidemics and other
problems. Burmese migrant workers flood into Thailand because they are
seeking a better social security and health care. These workers bring with
them diseases, some of which have long disappeared from Thailand.

Q: What do you think of Thaksin’s referring to Hernando de Soto’ s
idea—facilitating sustainable growth in developing economies by granting
property rights to the disenfranchised poor?

A: In applying de Soto to practice, Thaksin needs to be more transparent
because the application of this philosophy could lead to many hidden
agendas. At present, many of his projects are doubtful and non-transparent
as they tend to benefit certain groups of people. Take the SME [small- and
medium-sized enterprises] policy for example— some government officials
own companies that use SME privileges for their own benefit. Some of the
firms copy the designs of products made by villagers and produce them as
their own goods under the SME umbrella. I fear that there will be more
corruption due to the non-transparency of the project.

Q: Thaksin has been criticized for his “CEO Style” of governing Thailand
and various “conflicts of interest”. What do you think of these
criticisms?

A: How he runs the country with the so called “CEO Style” is worrisome and
has been heavily criticized for lacking credibility. Those who criticized
him have their own views. I personally warned Thaksin even before he went
into politics that he should stop his running his family business and put
it into a trust, because sooner or later, his business would surely become
an issue.

Thaksin’s businesses operate government concessions. When he was
transferring his share to other people, the way he did it was not subtle
at all and thus, needed the court to rule it out. My warning does not seem
to have been heard because several of Thaksin’s trips abroad were done at
the behest of the Shin Corp group. In his dealing with the Thai-Australian
FTA, it is viewed that Shinawatra Satellite and its IPstar will directly
benefit from telecommunications investment in Australia. Opposition
parties see the FTA as packed with hidden agendas. This is also true of
the Thai-China FTA agreement. As long as Thaksin’s family still owns
shares in his business and those shares increase in value, his image will
be tarnished by conflicts of interest.