BurmaNet News, November 17-19, 2007

[Editor]

November 17-19, 2007 Issue # 3345

INSIDE BURMA
Irrawaddy: No compromise, says junta mouthpiece
Irrawaddy: How many monks were killed in the pro-democracy uprising?
DVB: Monks vow to continue junta boycott
DVB: Riot at concert after rapper arrested
KNG: KIO reluctant to react to junta's Saturday night raid
IMNA: Monks not allowed entry to Rangoon without recommendations
Mizzima News: Junta seizes Chinese mobile phones
www.fridae.com: Gay in Rangoon

ON THE BORDER
Irrawaddy: Two more arrested for involvement in murder of five Burmese
migrants

BUSINESS / TRADE
DPA: EU confirms tougher Myanmar sanctions
AP: Boycott of rubies from troubled Myanmar could be difficult

ASEAN
AFP: ASEAN leaders to confront Myanmar
AP: ASEAN rejects US call to suspend Myanmar

REGIONAL
AP: China backs UN efforts in Burma, hopes for change

INTERNATIONAL
AP: Myanmar sends mixed messages on reform
AP: US says ASEAN reputation at stake over handling of Myanmar

OPINION / OTHER
Mizzima News: ASEAN and the international community: redefining
dysfunctional - Christopher Smith

PRESS RELEASE
Human Rights Watch: Burma: Targeted sanctions needed on petroleum industry
BCUK: New EU sanctions welcome, more must follow if regime continues to
delay talks
Altsean-Burma: Burma - Time for Asean to bite the bullet and back genuine
solutions

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

November 19, Irrawaddy
No compromise, says junta mouthpiece - Wai Moe

Burmese state-run newspaper, The New Light of Myanmar reported on Monday
that there was “no reason to hold further discussions with any person or
any organization except at the National Convention,” despite the ongoing
meetings between pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the Burmese
Minister for Relations, Aung Kyi.

Suu Kyi was taken on Monday from her Rangoon's villa where she has been
held for the past four years to a state guesthouse, a Reuters report said.
"They are supposed to be meeting every week," a Western diplomat at
Burma's old capital told Reuters.

However, the statement was attributed to so-called “ethnic groups,”
slamming detained democracy leader for her role in the national
reconciliation process. The state media have been launching similar
statements against Suu Kyi since November 14 after she issued a statement
following her meeting with UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari on November 8.

The newspaper report said that the only dialogue that would resolve the
crisis in the country is the National Convention.

The press in Burma is completely controlled by the junta. All articles
that appear in newspapers are only published by permission of the state
authorities. Publishing without permission can earn those responsible up
to 20 years imprisonment under Act 19/20.

On November 17, The New Light of Myanmar reported junta head Snr-Gen Than
Shwe’s hardline speech at the 2007 annual general meeting of the Union
Solitary and Development Association. In his speech Than Shwe said, “The
prevalence of peace and stability of the state, the economic might of the
people, and state and human resources development are essential
requirements in building a new state. While understanding these
requirements we have declared a ‘Seven-Step Road Map’ towards a democratic
state. The Seven-Step Road Map is the only means to smooth transition
towards a new state.”

He urged people to join the junta’s road map in building a new state.

Than Shwe also claimed that the economic and social standards of people in
Burma had improved. He said that the literacy rate had increased to 94.75
percent and that life expectancy of Burmese people had risen due to the
development of the military government’s healthcare system.

Than Shwe did not mention the role of the UN in Burma’s inclusive national
reconciliation process in his speech, nor did he mention the meetings
between Suu Kyi and the junta’s liaison officer, Minister of Relations
Aung Kyi,

However, UN agencies and experts say that up to 40 percent of Burmese
children leave school every year to work for their family’s welfare,
because of poverty. And although hundreds of thousands of people are
living with HIV/AIDS, the junta invests only about 2 percent of GDP for
education and health. 90 percent of Burma’s population is living on less
than US $300 annual income, the lowest rate among all Southeast Asian
nations.

____________________________________

November 19, Irrawaddy
How many monks were killed in the pro-democracy uprising? - Saw Yan Naing

The death of an abbot, the Ven. U Thilavantha of Yuzana Kyaunghtai
Monastery in Myitkyina, is the most recent evidence of monks who
sacrificed their lives for the pro-democracy uprising, renewing the
question: How many monks died as a result of the demonstrations?

A Sri Lanka-educated Buddhist scholar, U Thilavantha who served as teacher
to about 200 student monks, was arrested on September 25. He died in
Myitkyina Hospital on September 26 from injuries he received when he was
beaten by soldiers and security forces, according to Thailand’s Mae
Sot-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma).

However, authorities forced a pathologist to record the cause of death as
heart disease, said the AAPP.

The regime's newspaper, The New Light of Myanmar, earlier reported that 10
protesters were killed in the demonstrations and that no monks were hurt.

However, the generals recently told UN human rights investigator, Paulo
Sergio Pinheiro, that 15 demonstrators were killed during the September
crackdown.

The AAPP says that so far it has confirmed 18 protesters died during the
crackdown, based on information it has recorded, including names, age,
parent's names, arrest dates, date of death and addresses.

Aung Kyaw Oo of the AAPP said, “In our confirmed list, about 70 monks are
now being detained, one is missing and one has died so far. But, we
estimate that around 100 protestors, including about 10 monks, were
killed.”

Aung Kyaw Oo said information about the number of monks killed in Rangoon
and elsewhere is sketchy and usually impossible to confirm with Burmese
authorities.

“We have information, but it is hard if we ask for confirmation. Witnesses
saw three dead bodies of monks floating in a river in Rangoon that were
secretly taken away by authorities,” said Aung Kyaw Oo.

According to sources contacted by him, he said at least three monks from
monasteries in Rangoon’s Thaketa Township were killed when authorities
raided the monasteries on September 30.

Recently, an Arakanese monk, U Sandawara of Aung Dhamma Pala Monastery in
New Dagon Township, was beaten and taken away by military-backed thugs,
members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association, on November
15 when they raided the monastery.

However, despite the continuing crackdown on monks, the All Burma Monks
Alliance released a statement on Sunday saying it will continue its alms
boycott against the military government.

Many monks throughout the country are currently enforcing a patta ni
kozana kan, refusing to accept alms from members of the armed forces and
their supporters, the statement said.

____________________________________

November 19, Democratic Voice of Burma
Monks vow to continue junta boycott

The All-Burmese Monks’ Alliance released a statement yesterday saying they
would continue to boycott the military regime and urging the public to
join them in protesting against the junta.

The statement was released yesterday to mark the second month since the
monks’ boycott of the government began, in which they have refused to
accept alms from government officials and supporters.

They condemned the violent treatment of monks by the regime, and vowed to
continue to march against the government, and called on students and
civilians in the country to join them.

The group also welcomed the formation of the International Burmese Monks
Organisation, a new group set up in the US on 28 October by monks from all
around the world.

The statement said the alliance would cooperate with the new international
group to fight for their nation and their religion.

They also welcomed the statement from detained democracy icon Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi, which was read by United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari on
8 November.

____________________________________

November 19, Democratic Voice of Burma
Riot at concert after rapper arrested

Burmese rapper G-Tone was taken away by police as he left the stage at a
concert last night after he showed a religious tattoo to the crowd during
his performance, according to an audience member.

During a hip hop festival at Mya Yeik Nyo hotel at around 9pm, G-Tone took
off his shirt and turned his back to the audience to reveal a tattoo of
two hands clasped in a prayer position holding prayer beads.

Immediately after the gesture, police and fire brigade officials went
towards the stage to arrest him, but were persuaded by other musicians to
wait until the end of his set to avoid making a scene.

As soon as G-Tone left the stage, he was arrested and handcuffed by the
police, still in view of the crowd.

The rapper’s arrest provoked an angry reaction from the crowd, who started
shouting at the police.

In response, the police went into the crowd and began beating up audience
members, who were mostly young people and high school students, including
8th and 9th graders.

The incident grew into a riot as the audience became increasingly angry at
the police.

When other musicians tried to intervene to stop the police, they too were
hit, including popular hip hop musicians Kyat Pha and Yatha, who was
kicked when he tried to stop the police.

Kyat Pha’s band 9mm has been banned by the regime for distributing
political songs by other artists at a concert.

The manager of the Mya Yeik Nyo hotel told the other musicians to calm the
crowd by telling them G-Tone had gone home and had not been arrested, and
the show was brought to a premature end.

It is not clear if G-Tone is being held by police or has been released.

____________________________________

November 19, Kachin News Group
KIO reluctant to react to junta's Saturday night raid

The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), Kachin's main ceasefire group,
is reluctant to react to the raid conducted on the homes of its officials
on Saturday night in two major cities of Kachin State in Northern Burma,
Myitkyina and Bhamo by junta soldiers and the military intelligence. All
illegal Chinese wireless landline phones were seized during the raid, the
KIO officials said.

At the moment, most KIO senior officials do not have access to telephones
in their homes and offices. They have been avoiding the media. They have
not lodged a complaint with the junta authorities regarding the Saturday
raid, according to local sources close to KIO leaders.

KIO leaders have reasons for not making a complaint to the junta because
they have luxurious houses and private businesses in the junta's
controlled areas of Kachin State and other major cities in Burma, said a
member of Kachin State National Congress for Democracy (KNCD) in
Myitkyina.

"This raid reveals how far the junta can pressurize the KIO now.  The KIO
also would like to avoid fresh military and economic sanctions imposed by
the junta," he added.

"The junta's troops seized our Chinese phones in liaison offices and
officials' homes.  This is aimed to pressurize us to protest against Aung
San Suu Kyi's November 8, statement," a KIO central committee member in
Laiza controlled area on the Sino-Burma border told KNG yesterday.

However, the KIO will not release any statement either supporting or
protesting against the recent statement by Burma's National League for
Democracy (NLD)'s general secretary, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi's, KIO leaders
said.

Meanwhile, the joint Burmese military operations by the  Waingmaw based
No. 58 Infantry Battalion and Shwenyaungbin based No. 321 Light Infantry
Battalion are underway in gold mines along Namsan River in Namsanyang
village. These are semi-owned by KIO and lie on the Myitkyina-Bhamo road. 
The gold miners are forcibly made to work by Burmese soldiers, said local
gold miners.

On the other hand, the other Kachin permanent ceasefire groups— Northeast
Shan State based Kachin Defense Army (KDA), KIO split group the Lasang
Awng Wa Ceasefire Group and New Democratic Army-Kachin (NDA-K) in Kachin
State issued a statement last week opposing Aung San Suu Kyi's statement,
according to junta-run newspaper the "New Light of Myanmar".

Last Saturday between 10 p.m. and 2 a.m. local time, for the first time in
13 years of ceasefire, the KIO's junior and senior officials' homes,
liaison offices in Myitkyina and Bhamo including KIO vice-president N'ban
La Awng house in Shatapru quarter in Myitkyina were raided. All illegal
Chinese landline phones by were seized on the orders of Kachin State
Commander Maj-Gen Ohn Myint, according to KIO sources and eyewitnesses.

____________________________________

November 19, Independent Mon News Agency
Monks not allowed entry to Rangoon without recommendations

Monks from the rural countryside in Burma have been banned from entering
Rangoon unless they have recommendations.

Monks will be allowed to enter Rangoon for just medical treatment if they
can show recommendations from the hospital at train and bus termini.

A monk who recently returned from Rangoon said the authorities are
allowing monks to enter Rangoon if they have recommendations from doctors,
the name of the monastery where they intend to stay, and also credentials
from the monks of the monastery where they want to put up.

If the recommendations are incomplete, the authorities are not permitting
monks to enter Rangoon. They are being sent back in the bus they came.

About 50 Monks from Arakan State were turned back after the authorities
checked their recommendations at Rangoon station, said a monk who recently
returned from Rangoon.

The monk said that the authorities are investigating monks at tea shops.
They are being polite to monks and are also offering them coffee during
questioning.

The monks do not dare to go to Rangoon because they are apprehensive of
not getting permission from the authorities. That is the reason monks from
Mon State rarely go to Rangoon for religious education these days.

Most residents and monks in Mon State who do not have relatives in Rangoon
used to go to Rangoon for treatment and stayed at the monasteries.

____________________________________

November 19, Mizzima News
Junta seizes Chinese mobile phones

Junta authorities in northern Burma's Kachin State on Sunday began to
seize widely used Chinese mobile phones from civilians, local residents
said.

Following the seizure of several Chinese mobile phones from officials of
the Kachin Independence Army, a Kachin ceasefire armed rebel group, on
November 17 night, authorities on Sunday began to seize phones from
civilians in several towns in Kachin state including capital Myit Kyina,
Bamaw, Loije, Man Wungyi, and Nam San Yan.

Chinese mobile network is available in Kachin state and parts of Shan
State in Burma. The Chinese mobile phones, which operate through the
Chinese satellite network, are widely used both in Kachin state and
northern Shan state.

"The local police are aware who all are using Chinese mobile phones. So,
they [authorities] just went into the houses and seized the phones. But
the people were not arrested nor were action taken against them," a local
resident of Myit Kyina Town told Mizzima.

The seizure of Chinese mobile phones also included those used in public
call offices, local residents said. However, mobile phones from a few
villages close to the KIA headquarter in Laiza, have not been seized
despite orders from local authorities.

Chinese mobile phones are widely used in Kachin state as well as in
Northern Shan state and the seizure of mobile phones from Kachin state
alone may have been an attempt by the authorities to control flow of
information from the state, the All Kachin Student Union (AKSU) said.

Though the KIA, the main armed group in Kachin state has expressed support
to the ruling junta's seven-point roadmap, lately there has been sporadic
anti-junta activities in the state.

"In Kachin state, students have frequently staged anti-junta movements.
Poster and wall writing campaigns like 'Than Shwe – Killer' 'No Dam' among
others have been in evidence. Their activities have been reported in the
media outside the country. So, may be the government wants to contain such
flow of information," the AKSU spokesperson told Mizzima.

"The Chinese mobile phones are also widely used in northern Shan state.
For instance Muse and Man Wungyi are close by but the phones in Muse have
not been seized. So, we believe this is aimed at checking flow of
information from Kachin state," added the AKSU spokesperson.

However, a source close to the Kachin Independence Organisation, the
political wing of the KIA, said the seizure of Chinese mobile phones began
after the KIO leaders refused to issue a statement to refute the Burmese
pro-democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's statement on a dialogue in the
interest of ethnic minorities.

The Burmese Cultural Minister Khin Aung Myint, after meeting several
ceasefire armed groups in Shan State, met KIO officials on November 16 and
pressured the KIO to issue a statement countering Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's
statement.

"The KIA officials flatly rejected the Minister's request. The minister
also told the KIO officials not to leak information regarding his
request," the source said.

While the reason behind the authority's crackdown on Chinese mobile phones
is still unclear, some local residents said it could be an effort to mop
up revenue for the Myanmar Post and Telecommunication Department, which
earns revenue from telephone calls.

Most of the public telephone booths in major towns in Kachin state use
Chinese mobile phones and do not make any payment to the Myanmar Post and
Telecommunication Department, local residents said.

"It is so much more convenient to buy and use Chinese mobile phones. While
Burmese mobile phones (operated by the Myanmar Post and Telecommunication)
cost about 3,000,000 kyat the Chinese mobile phones cost about 100,000
kyats. And the Burmese phones have a poor network back up but the Chinese
phones are superb," a local resident in Myit Kyina said.

____________________________________

November 14, www.fridae.com
Gay in Rangoon - Dinah Gardner

While the world’s attention has been focused on Burma’s bloody crackdown
of human rights protests, judges in Hong Kong were considering whether to
award the top prize of a new literary competition to a Burmese gay novel.
Dinah Gardner was in Rangoon to bring you this report.

Nu Nu Yi’s Smile as they bow narrowly missed winning – last week the
inaugural Man Asian Literary Prize went to a Chinese book set during the
Cultural Revolution – but her novel about a gay transvestite medium is a
fascinating insight into Burma’s gay community.

Smile as they bow describes nat-kadaws which literally mean "the spirit's
wives" in Burmese. Nat-kadaws are mediums who allow themselves to be
possessed by spirits, called nats, at special festivals. For a price,
these men and women dance crazily, act drunk and tell fortunes. One of the
nat-kadaws has a female persona, and many gay men assume this role as it
legitimises their status as homosexuals inside Burma. “[These men], while
not envied, are respected for their roles as shamans and seers,” writes
Eli Coleman, Philip Colgan and Louis Gooren in a 1992 paper, “Male
cross-gender behaviour in Burma.”

“It’s a melodramatic show,” says “Bowie,” a gay Burmese businessman who
operates his own tour guide company in the country.”Some of the gay guys
are in their element when they become a nat-kadaw.”

While it’s no Thailand, most observers say Burma has a history of being
fairly gay tolerant. Even though the legality of homosexuality appears to
be a grey area – the British government and exile groups say gay sex is
illegal, although locals say they have never heard of anybody being
punished for being gay.

“It’s a gay friendly country – gay acts are not targeted,” Bowie says.
“But like anything, [the government] can use it against you if they want.”

Gay couples should avoid public displays of affection, he says. “There is
no hostility, there is no confrontation, although some people ridicule
gays and transsexuals.” But the main pressure for Burma’s gays is from
their family.

“There is a huge inbuilt respect for parents,” he says, adding that
although there is not a major push to get married and have children – as
there is in neighbouring China – many gays remain closeted because they do
not want to embarrass their parents by being openly gay.

Gay tourists should find the country welcoming, says Gerry of gay-friendly
Mandalaytravel.com. While his company doesn’t take clients around gay bars
- “we want our guests to visit [Burma] for the culture and the beauty of
the countryside and people” – he says the company employs some gay tour
guides who are able to talk about gay life in Burma. “I can assure you
Myanmar is gay-tolerant,” he adds. [Burma was renamed Myanmar by the
military junta in 1989.]

“On the outside the Burmese look very conservative but having been there
for many years I can assure you the opposite is true.”

There is also a burgeoning gay scene in Rangoon – the former capital. The
place to go, says Bowie, is Pioneer, inside the Yuzana Garden Hotel.
Pioneer is a scruffy club downtown that plays 90’s techno music. It also
caters to Burma’s straight middle class – watch out for businessmen drunk
on brandy and young kids on drugs.

“You cannot miss the boys snogging on the dance floor on Fridays and
Saturdays,” jokes Bowie. “It’s half gay these days.”

Rangoon does not have extensive nightlife choices – the poverty stricken
population can barely afford to feed themselves never mind have money left
over to party on the weekend. But there is a thin layer of middle class
and a small group of mainly hotel bars and clubs offer the best chance
outside of Pioneer of meeting other gays.

BME, a fairly seedy option in the City Lake View Hotel, around the corner
from detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s house on University
Avenue – is a popular choice. However, since the protests it has remained
closed – the road leading to the hotel is barricaded and guarded by armed
troops– the area around Suu Kyi’s house is just too sensitive for public
access.

Meanwhile, DJ Bar, is a funkier and more upmarket venue. It also usually
has a decent DJ and is popular with the expatriate population. “Any
foreign gay men will get a lot of attention in Burma,” laughs Bowie. “They
are all looking for someone ‘generous’!”

And in a country where the average daily income is less than a US$1, who
can blame them?
http://www.fridae.com/newsfeatures/article.php?articleid=2092&viewarticle=1

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

November 19, Irrawaddy
Two more arrested for involvement in murder of five Burmese migrants -
Shah Paung

Two more people were arrested in Thailand on Monday, suspected of
involvement in the murder of five Burmese migrant workers, according to a
relative of one of the dead.

Lay Khine, 25 year-old sister of one Than Tun, told The Irrawaddy on
Monday that two Burmese migrant workers, who were allegedly forced to burn
the bodies of her brother and other relatives, today identified the place
where the bodies had been burned to the police and other local
authorities.

The dead were named as: Than Tun, 35; Thein Aung, 50; Paw Oo, 28; Naing
Lin, 18; and Kala Gyi, 27.

According to Lay Khine, the owner of the corn plantation where the
migrants were working and another two Thai men came and arrested her
brother and other relatives on September 9. They never returned home, she
said. When she asked the owner of the corn plantation about the incident
he denied any wrongdoing and said he did not know where they were.

The Burmese migrant workers had been working near a Thai village some 27
kilometers from Mae Sot town in Tak Province. They were from Nyaunglaybin
Township in Pegu Division in Burma.

According to a report in the Associated Press news agency on Sunday, the
police in Mae Sot previously arrested 37 year-old plantation owner Prayoon
Kareeradej and a Thai employee for involvement in the killing of the five
migrant workers.

Prayoon claimed that they apprehended the five migrants because they had
stolen five sacks of corn. The report said that the five Burmese men were
handcuffed and shot in their heads, and two other Burmese migrant workers
who were arrested today were forced to burn the bodies.

Lay Khine claimed that her relatives did not steal the corn. She said that
her sister-in-law had simply gathered leftover corn that was lying in the
field. She added that they had asked the owner if they could take the
corn.

Currently, Than Tun’s widow, his four children and his sister were being
kept in a safe place while the police investigate the case. The police are
looking for another Thai man who may have been involved in the murder,
according to Lay Khine.

The plantation owner and the other two Thai men could face the death
penalty if found guilty.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

November 19, Deutsche Presse-Agentur
EU confirms tougher Myanmar sanctions

EU foreign ministers meeting in Brussels on Monday confirmed the
imposition of tougher sanctions on the Myanmar regime following October's
crackdown against pro-democracy demonstrators.

The new restrictions, agreed on October 15 and formalized by ministers on
Monday, include a longer list of Myanmar officials who are subject to a
travel ban and an assets freeze.

An investment ban on Burmese state-owned enterprises has also been
extended to include businesses owned or controlled by the regime or "by
persons and entities associated with the regime," an EU statement said.

Ministers also confirmed additional restrictive measures on Myanmar's
logging, timber and mining sectors.

While the General Affairs Council in Brussels was to consider "further
restrictive measures", EU External Affairs Commissioner Benita
Ferrero-Waldner said the effects of current sanctions should be assessed
first.

The EU recently appointed Piero Fassino, a former Italian justice
minister, as its special envoy to Myanmar.

"This appointment underlines the importance that the EU attaches to
development, democratic change, reconciliation and the improvement of the
human rights situation in Burma/Myanmar," EU ministers said Monday.

Fassino plans to visit the region, but no date has yet been set.

In the meantime, the ministers reaffirmed their "strong support" for the
efforts of UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari, who visited Myanmar on
November 3-8.

"The EU looks forward to Mr Gambari's return and reiterates its call on
the government of Burma/Myanmar to afford him all possible assistance,
access and freedom of action in order to carry out his mandate," EU
ministers said in a statement.

The government officials also reiterated their calls for "meaningful
dialogue" between the regime and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and
for all political prisoners to be freed.

____________________________________

November 18, Associated Press
Boycott of rubies from troubled Myanmar could be difficult - Mick Elmore

As many as 90 percent of the world's rubies come from Myanmar. A woman
from Myanmar recently sold rubies and other stones at a market in Mae Sot,
Thailand.

The rich red hue of Myanmar's prized rubies is a reminder to many gem
dealers of the military government's crackdown on democracy advocates, and
talk of a boycott is increasing.

"There is a growing awareness that it is a fascist regime," said Brian
Leber, a third-generation American gem dealer.

"Considering what this regime has done to its own people, we're troubled
to see that a precious stone is offering such a great source of cash for
them," he said in a telephone interview from the Chicago suburb of Western
Springs, Ill.

"Trade in these stones supports human rights abuses," New York-based Human
Rights Watch said last week. "The sale of these gems gives Burma's
military rulers quick cash to stay in power." Myanmar is also called
Burma.

But a successful boycott of what activists call "blood rubies" will prove
difficult. More than 1,500 people from more than 20 countries registered
for a gems auction that opened Wednesday, despite the boycott calls.
Although some rubies are exported legally, many also are smuggled out of
Myanmar.

The ruby trade puts money in the junta's pocket, since it controls mining
concessions, but the scale of the profit is hard to assess. Secrecy
shrouds both the gem trade and the country as a whole.

In 1964, Myanmar introduced an annual gem auction, and starting in 1992,
the sale was held twice a year. In more recent times, a special third
auction has been held each year.

The government has taken other steps to increase earnings, including an
effort to cut smuggling. The country's New Gemstone Law, enacted in 1995,
allows people in Myanmar to mine, produce, transport and sell finished
gems and jewelry at home and abroad — as long as they pay tax, which
smugglers don't.

Most rubies are dug out of mountainsides in the northeast Myanmar.

Dealers in Bangkok estimate the generals earn at least $60 million
annually from gems, but some suggested the amount could be 10 times
higher.

Whatever the figure, a growing number of dealers want to deny the junta
any windfall.

But imposing sanctions will be fraught with problems, particularly since
as many as 90 percent of the world's rubies come from Myanmar. Most go to
the United States, Europe and Japan.

____________________________________
ASEAN

November 19, Agence France-Presse
ASEAN leaders to confront Myanmar - Susan Stumme

Southeast Asian leaders meet this week with the credibility of the bloc at
stake, as they grapple with how to handle Myanmar which has earned global
condemnation for its bloody crackdown on dissent.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is under intense
international pressure to rein in the junta, whose deadly suppression of
pro-democracy protests in September has cast a shadow over the bloc's 40th
anniversary summit.

Foreign and trade ministers from across the region met Sunday under tight
security ahead of the talks, at which leaders are also to sign a landmark
charter and a blueprint for the creation of a free trade zone by 2015.

But Myanmar is clearly the top issue of the gathering, and observers say
the charter -- meant to promote human rights and democracy -- is
meaningless if Myanmar cannot be held accountable for its alleged
widespread abuses.

"The present situation in Myanmar is not sustainable," Singapore Prime
Minister and summit host Lee Hsien Loong said in a weekend newspaper
interview.

Leaders will sit down with Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein for their
first gathering since September's unrest in the isolated military-run
state, which claimed at least 15 lives and sparked international outrage.

UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari will then fly to Singapore to deliver a
mid-week briefing to ASEAN leaders and their counterparts from six other
Asian nations including China and India, two of the junta's key allies.

Singapore Foreign Minister George Yeo said the Southeast Asian leaders
would have "critical" talks on Monday, at which Thein Sein would be asked
to explain the junta's brutal response to the mass street protests, led by
Buddhist monks.

"That's a family dinner -- there will be no officials present, there will
be no closed-circuit television, it's just the leaders meeting among
themselves. We expect Myanmar to be discussed at that meeting," Yeo said.

"If we can arrive at a common position, that will be very helpful for the
process of national reconciliation in Myanmar -- it will mean that we all
lined up behind Ibrahim Gambari."

ASEAN issued a strong rebuke to Myanmar in September, expressing its
"revulsion" at the use of force by police and calling for the country's
full cooperation with Gambari.

The bloc says its controversial policy of engaging the junta is the only
way forward, and has rejected mounting calls to slap sanctions on the
ruling generals, as the United States and the European Union have done.

"Myanmar is a member of the ASEAN family. No one wishes a family member
ill, even if we do not always agree with it," Lee told the New Straits
Times.

Beyond the situation in Myanmar, leaders will approve a blueprint for a
common market embracing the region's nearly 570 million people by 2015 --
a lofty goal which faces significant hurdles.

Disparities between the bloc's rich members like Singapore and the
developing nations like Laos and Myanmar, as well as unwillingness to open
up key sectors like aviation, make economic unity a difficult prospect.

They will also sign a charter, aimed at transforming the bloc which was
originally formed as an anti-communist alliance at the height of the Cold
War into a rules-based legal entity like the European Union.

The charter says one of the bloc's purposes is to "promote and protect
human rights and fundamental freedoms," and provides for the creation of a
human rights body -- but activists say Myanmar should not be allowed to
sign.

Myanmar's signing of the charter "will at once taint the ASEAN charter
with blood," the Free Burma Coalition group in a letter to the bloc's
leaders.

Singapore may be known as one of the safest places in the world, but as
well as tightening tough laws on public protests it has closed streets,
erected barricades and deployed 2,500 police officers for the summit.

The paramilitary Gurkha Contingent stood guard Sunday with submachine guns
and shotguns in the driveway of the Shangri-La hotel, the main summit
venue located just off Singapore's Orchard Road shopping strip.

____________________________________

November 18, Associated Press
ASEAN rejects US call to suspend Myanmar

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations on Sunday rejected the U.S.
Senate's call to suspend Myanmar, saying the military-ruled country is
like a troubled child who must be disciplined with dialogue. "Myanmar is
part of our family and it is the principle involved," ASEAN
secretary-general Ong Keng Yong told reporters, a day before an annual
summit of Southeast Asian leaders convenes in Singapore. "It's like you as
a parent, if you have a troubled child, do you say, `... go out of the
house, I don't want to talk to you?'"

The U.S. Senate on Saturday unanimously passed a resolution urging ASEAN
to consider "appropriate disciplinary measures, including suspension,
until such time as the government of Burma has demonstrated improved
respect for and commitment to human rights. "

"Let us build on that," said Ong. "The challenge for ASEAN is to prevent
slippage of what Gambari has achieved," he said. "Our approach is not to
take such a confrontational, drastic action, especially when it doesn't
yield good results."

The Senate resolution, introduced by Sen. Barbara Boxer, D-Calif., also
urged the 10-nation ASEAN to take "substantial steps to ensure peaceful
transition to democracy in Burma.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

November 19, Associated Press
China backs UN efforts in Burma, hopes for change

Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao expressed hope on Sunday that the efforts by
the UN and the people of Burma will help restart national reconciliation
after that country's military rulers recently crushed a pro-democracy
movement.

"We believe that we should continue to promote the good offices done by
the United Nations and rely on the efforts of the people of Burma so that
the process toward national reconciliation can be restored and the country
can realize peace, stability and development," Wen told reporters in a
prepared statement.

Wen is in Singapore to attend a summit of Asian leaders on Wednesday.

The vaguely worded statement came after China's Vice Minister of Foreign
Affairs Wang Yi called on Burma to speed up democratic reforms, state
media reported Saturday. It was an unusual move for Beijing, Burma's chief
ally, which has traditionally refrained from criticizing its military
regime.

The junta has faced heavy international criticism after its troops and
police opened fire on pro-democracy demonstrators in late September,
killing at least 15 people.

In recent weeks, China has been credited with working behind the scenes to
pressure Burma to embrace democratic reforms after the crackdown.

China also provided important backing for the mission of Ibrahim Gambari,
the U.N. secretary general's special envoy on Burma, by supporting a
Security Council declaration and helping persuade Burma to allow him to
visit twice.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

November 19, Associated Press
Myanmar sends mixed messages on reform - Michael Casey

The United Nations heaped praise on Myanmar's military junta this week for
allowing meetings with prominent political prisoners, and said that
progress was being made in brokering discussions between the government
and opposition.

But for knowledgeable observers, recent visits by U.N. envoys Ibrahim
Gambari and Paulo Sergio Pinheiro have done little to change the reality
on the ground two months after anti-government protests led by Buddhist
monks were violently crushed.

The regime gave Pinheiro rare access to the infamous Insein Prison. But
pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest and
substantive talks between her and the junta on the nation's future remain
a remote possibility.

"The fact that her status remains the same ― a house prisoner with
no freedom to move about, talk informally with anyone she wants, when she
wants ― suggests that nothing is happening of importance," Josef
Silverstein, a retired Rutgers University professor who has studied
Myanmar for a half century, said in an e-mail interview.

"As long as she does not enjoy full freedom, she is in an inferior
position and can't influence what is happening in Burma," Silverstein
said.

Other critics said that the continued arrests of dissidents ― three
were detained Wednesday ― also raised doubts about the government's
commitments to honor promises made to the U.N., including an end to
political arrests.

"The conducive atmosphere is not established yet and we don't really see
the political will of the military regime," said Naing Aung, who fled the
1988 crackdown on pro-democracy protesters and is now secretary general of
the Thailand-based Forum for Democracy in Burma.

The military has ruled Myanmar, also known as Burma, since 1962, crushing
periodic rounds of dissent. It held elections in 1990 but refused to hand
over power when Suu Kyi's party won a landslide victory. Suu Kyi, the 1991
Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has spent 12 of the last 18 years in
government custody.

In the latest round of protest, the regime killed at least 15 protesters
― diplomats have put the figures much higher ― and detained
nearly 3,000. The regime has since claimed that it has released most
detainees, though many prominent activists remain in custody. Internet
service has been restored, and a ban on assembly lifted.

The junta also agreed to allow Gambari into the country to promote talks
between the junta and the pro-democracy movement. The visit resulted in
the regime naming a minister in charge of relations with Suu Kyi and then
allowing her to meet members of her National League for Democracy for the
first time in more than three years.

The junta has nonetheless warned against interference in the country's
affairs. The generals rejected a U.N. proposal for three-way talks
including Suu Kyi, and plan to expel the main U.N. representative in the
country for criticizing the government.

Suu Kyi has little hope of seeing any change without U.N. diplomacy backed
by sustained interest from China, Myanmar's closest ally. She has told
party members that she is "very optimistic" for the prospects of a
U.N.-promoted reconciliation.

Trevor Wilson, a Myanmar expert at the Australian National University in
Canberra, said the regime's moves should be seen as positive but be
followed by concrete steps.

"I think there needs to be further substantive discussion between the
military regime and opposition," Wilson said. "I'm sure that Aung Suu Kyi
would see that as the next step."

Other Myanmar watchers cautioned that the junta's moves have to be seen
against the background of the U.N.'s history of failure in the country
― and the regime's practice of making promises to coincide with key
diplomatic meetings such as this week's Association of Southeast Asian
Nations annual summit in Singapore, where it is hoping to avoid a rebuke
from the 10-country grouping.

On Sunday, ASEAN rejected the U.S. Senate's call to suspend Myanmar,
saying the military-ruled country is part of the family and must be
disciplined with dialogue. It also said it wanted to build on Gambari's
recent achievements.

A similar mood of optimism took hold during the tenure of the last U.N.
envoy, Malaysian diplomat Razali Ismail. He managed to secure the release
of Suu Kyi in 2002, and the regime declared "the era of confrontation is
over."

But a year later, Suu Kyi was put back under house arrest. In 2006 Razali
resigned, frustrated at being barred from entering the country for nearly
two years.

"Really, we are back where we started in 2003, when the junta re-arrested
Suu Kyi for speaking to her party leaders about strategizing for
democratic change," said George Mason University professor John G. Dale in
an e-mail interview. "No major concessions have been made yet."

____________________________________

November 19, Associated Press
US says ASEAN reputation at stake over handling of Myanmar - Gillian Wong

The reputation and credibility of Southeast Asia's main political bloc is
at stake because of Myanmar's junta and its refusal to allow a transition
to democracy, the top U.S. trade official said Monday.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations "has a special responsibility
when it comes to the situation in Burma," U.S. Trade Representative Susan
Schwab told reporters after a meeting with ASEAN economic ministers in
Singapore.

"The reputation and credibility of ASEAN as an organization has been
called into question because of the situation in Burma ... It just can't
be business as usual," she said.

Schwab added, however, that leaders of the 10-member association are
concerned about the military crackdown in the isolated country also known
as Burma.

"They take it seriously. The question is what the results will be," she said.

Schwab's comments came after the regional group rejected the Senate's call
to suspend the military-ruled country. The Senate on Friday passed a
resolution urging ASEAN to consider "appropriate disciplinary measures,
including suspension, until such time as the government of Burma has
demonstrated improved respect for and commitment to human rights."

Following a working lunch with Schwab, some ASEAN trade representatives
said imposing sanctions against Myanmar would not be an effective measure
as it would further isolate the country.

During the meeting, Schwab also discussed on an expanded trade and
investment pact between ASEAN and the United States, the region's No. 1
trading partner, since its signing in August last year. But she noted the
two sides were a long way from reaching a free trade agreement.

"It is impossible to imagine an FTA in the near term under the current
political circumstances," Schwab said, citing Myanmar, which Washington
has hit with sanctions over its poor human rights record.

"But that doesn't mean that we don't have the opportunity to continue
broadening and deepening the commercial ties with individual ASEAN
members," Schwab said.

The United States has a free trade agreement with Singapore and is
currently negotiating another one with Malaysia. It says similar
discussions with Thailand are on hold until a democratically elected
government is in place, after the prime minister was ousted in a bloodless
coup last September.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

November 19, Mizzima News
ASEAN and the international community: redefining dysfunctional -
Christopher Smith

With the 13th ASEAN summit about to kick into full gear in Singapore this
week, it is time for a realistic assessment of what can be expected of
ASEAN regarding the continuing crisis in Burma, and why ASEAN and the
international community continue to pursue counterproductive policies.

In a press release this past weekend, Altsean-Burma advises that "ASEAN
and its dialogue partners must adopt a common position to ensure that the
Burmese military regime delivers genuine reforms within a clearly stated
timeframe to strengthen and complement UN efforts."

This is precisely what needs to happen. However, ominously, the paper goes
on to specify what that common position must be. In other words, it is not
a call for dialogue, but rather a demand to adopt certain preordained
policies. It is a fundamental error in strategy and negotiation to which
all sides are presently guilty.

Though much has been made of the perceived benefits of a carrot and stick
approach to Burma, especially in the footsteps of the United Nations
Special Envoy to Burma's continuing mission, the fact remains that carrots
and sticks do not work if there is no common goal, and it is entirely
unclear whether ASEAN and the international community share the same
vision with respect to Burma.

ASEAN in an historical context

ASEAN, in commonality with many international security organizations, is a
relic of the Cold War. With the specter of communist insurgencies lurking
in several regional countries, ASEAN came into existence in 1967 as a
security apparatus to not only ward off the threat of communism, but also
to maintain the status quo of internal politics and governance. A status
quo which, with respect to Burma, Special Envoy Gambari has said is
"unacceptable".

With the end of the Cold War, ASEAN has been forced to etch out a new
identity for itself. This void has largely been filled by emphasis placed
on regional economic initiatives and a perceived external threat from both
a burgeoning global economy and economic hegemons closer to home. However,
the void this new impetus fills is that of the external threat –
previously the domain of communist camps – the original internal purpose
of the organization, the perpetuation of definite power structures and an
antipathy to question the internal dynamics of member states, persists.

Along these lines, ASEAN member states, even if not casting a negative
vote on public resolutions denouncing the junta, consistently abstain from
the voting. This has been the case in both the United Nations Security
Council and the Non-Aligned Movement.

The strength of the European Union, often held up as an example of what
regional blocs can achieve, owes much to the willing sacrifice of
sovereignty on the part of member governments. This directly contradicts a
founding and continuing pillar of ASEAN, the paramount importance of
protecting member states national identities, which, as in the case of the
Burmese junta, are seen as threatened by competing claims from minority
groups.

On November 6th, ASEAN Secretary General Ong Keng Yong gave a speech in
which he identified the three challenges facing ASEAN if the region was to
successfully grow and integrate itself with the larger international
community: modernisation, competition and respect for the rule of law –
with specific focus on international patent rights and business law. These
principles are consistent with ASEAN's economic focus and clearly indicate
an interest in seeing change inside Burma. However, the interest from
ASEAN's perspective is first and foremost one of economics, not the
politics first approach adopted by most international voices.

Though ASEAN has made both verbal protestations and inked legal documents
with respect to democratic reform and human rights, the bulk of ASEAN's
initiatives are vague and, ultimately, uncommitted. The Bali Concord of
2003, to give one example, speaks of democratic peace as something to
aspire to. But if an honest assessment of its standing regarding Burma
were to be made, ASEAN would be fine with seeing Burma move along a
constitutional path more in line with the region's own generally illiberal
history of governance.

ASEAN's perspective
Even with little cooperation and a stream of negative vitriol forthcoming
from Washington and interested parties, in the five years following
Burma's admission into ASEAN, in 1997, an argument can be made that
ASEAN's approach toward engaging with the regime's leadership was leading
to subtle but distinct changes and paving the road for more substantive
changes.

However, any gains from ASEAN's initiatives were dashed following the
events at Depayin in 2003 and the ensuing removal of then Prime Minister
Khin Nyunt.

The change in the Burmese political landscape post-Khin Nyunt has not in
any way altered ASEAN's opposition to sanctions. Critically, regional
countries do not share a synonymous analysis of the economic variable with
the internationalist camp.

Thailand, to provide one example, relies on Burma to generate 20 percent
of its electric capacity, a figure that is only envisioned to grow with
developing hydropower projects in eastern Burma and a growing demand for
electricity on the part of a developing Thai populace.

ASEAN has consistently voiced the opinion that any withdrawal of ASEAN
economic ties with Burma will quickly be filled by the likes of China,
India and Russia. They stress that, especially China and India, these
countries are more important to the Burmese jigsaw than ASEAN as an
entity.

For ASEAN countries it is not a question then of the extent of financial
ties that exist vis-à-vis the regime and the potential power accrued from
threatening to break such bonds, but a question of potential losses, as
encapsulated in the growing influence of alternative consortiums such as
the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. What is seen as an asset from an
international perspective is understood as a liability regionally.

Further, ASEAN is increasingly accusing the Burmese government of
isolating itself, and voluntarily pulling further away from ASEAN and
regional integration, thereby arguing the further mitigation of any
potential impact derived from ASEAN disengagement, economically or
politically.

"First of all, Myanmar wants to isolate itself. They have themselves
closed their doors and we have been trying to get them to open up," said
Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong this week.

To this end, ASEAN, despite public declarations showing concern and
calling for reform inside Burma, has responded by relegating the
importance of Burma on its agenda. Ong has been vocal, ahead of the summit
in Singapore, in stressing that ASEAN has many important tasks to address,
and that ASEAN cannot afford to get bogged down on the single issue of
Burma.

George Yeo, Singapore's Foreign Minister, is adamant that ASEAN's
potential to influence Burmese reforms is quite limited economically.
Instead, Yeo argues that ASEAN's opportunities to positively affect events
rests on its moral influence, precisely the position from which the
international community also claims to occupy with respect to Burma.

Finally, ASEAN asks the international opposition why they do not do more
themselves, beyond the strategy of sanctions, if change in Burma is truly
a priority. Tellingly, in putting forth this question, ASEAN leaders are
asking Western governments in the United States and Europe to defend their
moral posturing with significant changes in foreign policy as relating to
Burma.

Yet just as revealing was last week's debate for the Democratic nomination
in next year's United States Presidential election, in which six of seven
respondents answered that national security, as opposed to human rights,
should dictate America's foreign policy. The one person, New Mexico
Governor Bill Richardson, who answered in terms of morality and human
rights, was roundly deemed to have answered incorrectly.

It is for this same reason, that foreign policy, despite the inroads and
increasing voices of human rights and democracy advocates, is still a
world very much dominated by realist approaches to national security. And
in the world of ASEAN, any potential destabilization of the Burmese scene,
in which is included a drastic altering of the political landscape, is a
policy to be avoided.

In short, there is a fear that ASEAN needs Burma more than Burma needs
ASEAN; push with force too far and Burma could simply turn its back on
ASEAN, leading to a corresponding gain by rival countries and blocs or a
heightened state of isolation on the part of Burma. Either of these
outcomes would be construed as a failure as per the interests of ASEAN.

An internationalist's perspective
The crux of the international community's argument on the insistence of
ASEAN taking a more proactive approach in confronting Burma's generals,
stems from the belief that Burma's membership in the Southeast Asian
consortium endows ASEAN with a responsibility to act to bring the
constituent components of the regional bloc in line with international
standards.

A recent report from Altsean-Burma, an organization working for human
rights and democracy in Burma, goes some distance in accusing ASEAN of
complicity in the actions of the Burmese junta.

With respect to the violent crackdown carried out by the military at the
end of September, Altsean-Burma claims "the SPDC had been emboldened to
act with impunity and contempt" as a byproduct of ASEAN's continued
"unconditional economic engagement and statements without action."

"An ASEAN freeze - or even a slowdown on economic, material, and
diplomatic support - will shepherd the regime to political dialogue and
the achievement of genuine reforms," state the reports authors.

Despite China's significant and acknowledged interests in Burma, the
report points out that ASEAN is responsible for 51.3 percent of Burma's
foreign exchange earnings, with the selling of gas to Thailand alone
accounting for 43 percent of such transactions.

Moreover, Thailand and Singapore together have contributed 98.61 percent
of the foreign direct investment into Burma's economy over the last two
years.

Crucial to the regime's survival, according to the report, are both the
financial services the junta is able to conduct via Singapore and its
reliance on petrol imported from Malaysia, without which it is said the
Burmese army would literally grind to a halt.

Madeleine Albright, then United States Secretary of State, publicly
articulated this view immediately following the acceptance of Burma into
ASEAN. At the same time, the United States government imposed sanctions
against Burma, complicating, from the onset, ASEAN's intended approach of
assisting in the integration of Burma into the larger international
community.

The subject of sanctions then, the efficacy of such a tool questioned by
many when not comprehensive in nature, remains an unsettled issue which
presently effectively serves nobody's interests.

Another approach concerns the threat, or act, of suspension from ASEAN,
should Burma not meet its perceived international obligations. Such a
measure is currently being called for by a range of voices, including the
88 Generation movement, the United States Senate, Altsean-Burma and the
ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus.

Though suspension of Burma had been supported by one of its foremost
original supporters of incorporation into the regional bloc, former
Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammad, it is yet another campaigned
for policy directive that, in the ASEAN analysis, runs counter to the
innate interests of the organization, namely that of seeking more, not
less, integration.

The international opposition ultimately sees itself as the moral vanguard
in confronting the Burmese regime, precisely the role that ASEAN itself
says it is best suited.

The question then needs to be asked: Are the values of the two camps in
line with each other?

"Asians want the same thing that Europeans want," claimed Dan Blumenthal
of the American Enterprise Institute at a recent panel discussion in
Washington D.C., adding that there is "no reason why what's good enough
for Europe isn't good enough for Asia."

And only last week the Canadian Foreign Minister, in announcing further
sanctions against the regime, told a select audience that, "Tougher
sanctions against Burma are the right thing to do. They are right on moral
grounds. The regime in Burma is abhorrent to Canadian values."

Evidently the Asian Financial Crisis served not only to strip any
substance from the idea of distinct Asian Values, but served also to
vindicate the universal victory of Canadian and European values, which
apparently are in complete harmony with one another.

Though Western voices have long called up the ghost of the Asian Financial
Crisis as discrediting once and for all the idea of Asian Values, the
truth is that there are distinct differences in culture and values.

With Burma, a positive and constructive role for ASEAN in assisting
transformation and reconciliation inside the country needs to be handled
with respect to the uniqueness of ASEAN's position and Southeast Asia. For
example, the insistence on public denouncements of the regime and demands
for reform runs directly counter to what would be a more regionally and
culturally acceptable method of dialogue and pressure removed from the
public sphere. Of course such an approach may not necessarily fit well
with European and Canadian values.

A road to nowhere
One of the many stated visions for ASEAN is for the creation "of major
inter-state highway and railway networks." Along these lines, Asian
Highway 1 is envisioned to run from Tokyo to Bulgaria. However, at
present, though certainly not the only discontinuity along the route, AH 1
peters out in the Burmese jungle a few kilometers past Myawaddy, opposite
Mae Sot, Thailand.

Think of this as a visual representation of ASEAN's predicament: ASEAN
would like to see inroads develop and mature that would allow Burma to be
more fully integrated and accepted both regionally and internationally,
for the benefit of ASEAN's own image and power. But the very nature of the
organization and its primary interests, in conjunction with differing
priorities on the part of special interest groups and Western governments,
prohibit anything more than exploratory incisions into the country.

All parties are guilty of pursuing policies that inhibit the effectiveness
of others' pursuits, while any of the approaches exercised in isolation
cannot effectively force the issue. The enormous chasm between competing
visions forward is well illustrated in the predicament of highly respected
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

She has publicly stated the need to work with regional leaders and her
appreciation for the important role that ASEAN must play. However, her
position is also one looking to foment constructive dialogue with the
junta. Thus, the policies the internationalist camp is asking ASEAN to
undertake would ostracize the organization not only from interaction with
the junta, but also jeopardize its potential for interaction and
assistance to the goals of Suu Kyi. Of course Suu Kyi also remains a
strong proponent of sanctions, which infers approval for nations
supporting sanctions to encourage a common approach on the part of ASEAN.

It is not a question of determining whose analysis and policies are
correct and whose are wrong. The fact is that the sum of the current
approaches of ASEAN and the wider international community results in a
dysfunctional relationship. And that means that the Burmese people lose.
It is long past time for international and regional actors with an
interest in Burma to negotiate, compromise and chart a common path
forward, appreciative of and integrating differing positions. Before there
exists a basket of carrots and sticks, a common agenda must be found.

____________________________________
PRESS RELEASE

November 19, Human Rights Watch
Burma: Targeted sanctions needed on petroleum industry

Foreign-State-Owned companies are major investors in Burma’s oil and gas
fields

New York – The United Nations Security Council should act to prohibit any
new investment in Burma’s oil and gas fields and block company payments
that help sustain Burma’s brutal military rule, Human Rights Watch said
today.

Human Rights Watch said that until the Security Council imposes sanctions,
members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), China,
India, the European Union, the United States and other countries that have
economic ties to Burma should act to suspend any further development of
Burma’s oil and gas sector. To encourage an end to ongoing repression,
Human Rights Watch also called for targeted financial sanctions on
companies owned and controlled by the Burmese military or whose revenues
substantially benefit the military.

“Burma’s generals act as if they are immune from worldwide condemnation
because they’re still getting cash from foreign-financed oil and gas
projects,” said Arvind Ganesan, director of the Business and Human Rights
Program at Human Rights Watch. “It’s time to cut them off.”

In a detailed new compilation of information on foreign investment in oil
and gas released today, Human Rights Watch identified 27 companies based
in 13 countries as having investment interests in Burma’s oil and gas
fields. Thirteen of those companies are wholly or partially owned by
foreign governments, and these state-controlled companies are invested in
20 of the 30 projects currently underway.

Human Rights Watch also made available detailed maps showing the location
of the oil and gas fields.

The Burmese military government relies heavily on the oil and gas sector
to sustain itself in power. Lucrative revenues from gas sales allow it to
ignore demands to return to civilian rule and improve the country’s human
rights record. The oil and gas sector is one of the few sectors in the
badly managed economy to experience growth in recent years. Funds from
this sector help underwrite the military without bringing benefits to
ordinary people.

Human Rights Watch urged the UN Security Council to pass a resolution to
ban all new investment in Burma’s oil and gas sector and prohibit
financial transactions with entities owned or controlled by the Burmese
military, or whose revenues are largely used to finance military
activities. These entities include the Burmese government’s Myanmar Oil
and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), a state company under the Ministry of Energy
whose earnings benefit the military.

In the absence of Security Council-imposed sanctions, Human Rights Watch
called on governments to take unilateral and multilateral action to freeze
bank accounts belonging to military-controlled companies and to block
their financial transactions. In addition, it urged governments to require
companies headquartered in their jurisdictions that have business ties to
Burma to publicly and fully disclose all payments made to the Burmese
military, directly or through the entities it controls, and where those
payments are made.

Human Rights Watch pushed for robust banking sanctions as the centerpiece
of an effort to cut off funds that are used to finance repression by
Burma’s military. Banking sanctions complement targeted sanctions on
investment and trade because they have the potential to severely constrain
the junta’s ability to access income, no matter the origin of the
payments. If applied effectively by key financial powers – notably the
United States and the European Union – strict financial sanctions could
block the junta from using much of the international financial system.

Gas revenues in Burma in 2006 were up US$1 billion from the prior year, in
part due to higher prices globally. Revenues are likely to have further
increased in 2007 as world prices have surged. Future gas revenues are
anticipated to increase further once gas production from a massive
offshore gas project known as the Shwe project goes online, projected for
2010. A South Korean-led consortium discovered the gas in the Shwe fields
and is preparing to produce it for export. Several buyers vied for the
rights to buy the Shwe gas, with India and China among the most serious
bidders.

In mid-2007, a Burmese official confirmed that China was slated to import
the Shwe gas, though details of a deal have not been finalized. Human
Rights Watch has called for a suspension of plans to build an overland
pipeline to transport that gas to China, given serious human rights
concerns. Indian officials expressed disappointment that India’s bid,
which also would have included paying for an overland pipeline, had been
passed over.

“Burma’s generals have used the promise of oil and gas supplies to buy the
silence of energy-hungry countries, including China and India,” said
Ganesan. “Those governments should be told their international standing
will suffer if they do business as usual with Burma.”

Burma’s military government, the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC) earned approximately $2.16 billion in 2006 from gas sales to
Thailand, which accounted for half of all exports that year, and
constituted the single largest source of revenue to the SPDC.

According to Human Rights Watch’s research, outside investors in Burma’s
oil and gas industry include companies from:

Australia, British Virgin Islands, China, France, India, Japan, Malaysia,
Netherlands, Russian Federation, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand, United
States

According to Human Rights Watch’s findings, a majority of the contracts
for the 30 ongoing oil and gas projects were signed after mid-2004 and 10
of the deals were penned between September 2006 and September 2007. This
trend signals the government’s move to expand foreign investment in this
sector despite ongoing and high-profile human rights abuses. The
investment also has come in a period when economic mismanagement and
profligate spending on unproductive projects such as the relocation of the
capital have drained government finances. Many of the new concessions have
been assigned to companies from China, which has long been the most
important backer of the Burmese military government.

In some cases, the timing of oil and gas deals coincided closely with
political support by the governments whose state-owned companies
benefited. For example, a Chinese state-controlled company signed a
contract for three offshore gas fields within days of China’s vote at the
UN Security Council to veto a resolution on Burma.

Human Rights Watch also issued a selection of company statements about
events in Burma. The companies typically said their investments would
remain unaffected, irrespective of events in Burma. In several cases, they
claimed it would be inappropriate to raise human-rights concerns or
claimed that their projects brought benefits to the people of Burma.

Such comments fail to reflect the reality of conditions in Burma, where
the vast majority of the population lives under great hardship and does
not see any tangible benefit from outside investment in the oil and gas
industry. Most Burmese homes lack electricity altogether, and urban
residents face frequent power outages, even as Burma’s natural gas is used
to power Thailand’s cities. Though some community development programs are
under way in areas in the immediate vicinity of certain oil or gas
projects, communities in these same areas often have suffered from forced
relocation and forced labor by the Burmese military in order to make way
for the massive infrastructure projects.

“The companies have made it clear they won’t stand up for human rights on
their own,” said Ganesan. “That's why their home governments need to step
in and halt the flow of petrodollars that help prop up Burma’s military.”

The companies’ comments do not address the serious concerns that, so long
as investments in this sector directly benefit Burma’s military
leadership, they provide crucial financing that helps underwrite its
abusive governance, or that revenues from oil and gas payments are
currently used directly by the military and do not support social spending
to meet Burma’s critical human needs. For example:

Daewoo International of South Korea is the lead company in a consortium
exploring and developing the lucrative offshore Shwe gas fields that are
expected to greatly boost revenue to the SPDC. On September 28, 2007,
Daewoo International said: “[These] are all long-time investments. They
can’t be easily changed because of domestic issues. Politics is politics.
Economics is economics.” On November 15, a Seoul court convicted the
former CEO of Daewoo International and one of his colleagues, along with
12 executives from other companies, on charges that from 2002 to 2006 they
illegally exported arms-manufacturing equipment and technology used to
build a munitions factory in Burma.

PTT Public Company Ltd. of Thailand, which in addition to its ownership
and operating interests in several fields is also the purchaser of the
bulk of Burma’s gas, for export to Thailand, said on October 8, 2007: “We
have invested in Burma over the past decade. Despite the political
conflict, the benefits from the projects will go to people of both
countries.”

Total of France, which is the lead company in a consortium for the Yadana
project that generates significant revenues for the SPDC, said on
September 26, 2007: “We are convinced that through our presence we are
helping to improve the daily lives of tens of thousands of people who
benefit from our social and economic initiatives.”

Chevron of the United States, which holds a minority interest in the
Yadana project, said on October 2, 2007: “Our community development
programs also help improve the lives of the people they touch and thereby
communicate our values, including respect for human rights.”

Nippon Oil of Japan, a partner in the Yetagun project, which brings in
major revenues, said on September 29, 2007: “We see the political
situation and energy business as separate matters.”

____________________________________

November 19, Burma Campaign UK
New EU sanctions welcome, more must follow if regime continues to delay talks

The Burma Campaign UK today welcomed the imposition of a ban on imports of
Burmese gems, timber and metals, and a ban on investment in these sectors.
EU Foreign Ministers agreed the steps at their last meeting on October
15th.

The Burma Campaign also called for further sanctions to be introduced when
EU ministers meet in December, if the regime has not started genuine talks
about a transition to democracy.

³The EU must keep piling on the pressure until the regime begins real
negotiations with Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic groups,² said Mark Farmaner,
Acting Director of the Burma Campaign UK. ³There should be a rolling
series of sanctions, including banning all investment, sanctions on
banking and financial transactions, and a ban of insurance companies
providing cover for Burma.²

The dictatorship ruling Burma is still refusing to enter into genuine
negotiations, despite a United Nations Security Council statement calling
on them to do so. UN envoys have been going back and forth to Burma since
1990, without a single democratic reform to show for it. In 2001 a UN led
initiative to broker talks made greater progress than the current UN
effort. On that occasion the regime released Aung San Suu Kyi and promised
that there would be talks, but again they only talked about talks. The
current initiative hasn¹t even got the situation back to the level of
progress made in 2001.

³The regime does not respect UN envoys,² said Mark Farmaner. ³We need
economic sanctions to help force the regime into genuine talks, otherwise
we fear this initiative will fail, as others have in the past. It is
already obvious that the regime is using delaying tactics. We know from
experience that just calling for talks is not enough. This regime will
have to be forced to the negotiating table through economic and political
pressure.²

EU Foreign Ministers next meet on December 10th 2007.

For more information contact Mark Farmaner on 07941239640.

____________________________________

November 18, Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma (Altsean-Burma)
Burma - Time for Asean to bite the bullet and back genuine solutions

Regional human rights group Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma
(Altsean-Burma) today urged ASEAN to complement and strengthen UN efforts
on Burma by committing its influence and leverage to secure genuine
reforms.

In a briefer titled "Burma: Time for ASEAN to Bite the Bullet" released
today ahead of the ASEAN Summit in Singapore, Altsean-Burma urged ASEAN
and its dialogue partners to throw their weight behind a genuine reform
process that is based on tripartite cooperation between the military
regime, the National League for Democracy, and ethnic groups.

Such a process, outlined in the NLD’s February 2006 proposal for a
power-sharing transition, would provide durable solutions for Burma’s
troubles which have also affected the region. For years, the Burmese junta
has staved off international pressure by claiming that it is implementing
a roadmap to democracy.

"ASEAN should not allow the junta to use its roadmap as a smokescreen and
justification to wreak havoc. It is time ASEAN woke up to the truth that
the junta’s irresponsible actions are the greatest threat to Burma’s
integrity and stability," said Altsean-Burma Coordinator Debbie Stothard.

The Burmese regime’s unilateral and illegitimate roadmap has only resulted
in disaster for the people of Burma. More people are dying as a result of
military attacks by the regime. In the past year 76,000 people were
displaced. 25,000 men, women and children face imminent starvation because
SPDC Army troops are land-mining rice-fields in Eastern Burma.

Meanwhile, economic mismanagement and rampant corruption have worsened.
The sudden increase of fuel prices by up to 500% in August has driven a
possible 50% of the population below the poverty line.

"Anyone who really cares about Burma will realize that the worsening
suffering of men, women and children there happened even when foreign
investment increased by over 2,000%. Giving more money to the regime only
gives them more resources to inflict death and misery.

"Foolishly sticking to the status quo on Burma will hurt the country and
the region. Anyone who thinks the Burmese regime can solve problems by
excluding Burma’s other key stakeholders probably believes in the tooth
fairy," concluded Ms Stothard.

The briefer is available as PDF or Word document at http://www.altsean.org

Enquiries: Debbie Stothard, cellphone +6681 686 1652