BurmaNet News, November 21, 2007

[Editor]

November 21, 2007 Issue # 3347

INSIDE BURMA
Mizzima News: NLD welcomes Suu Kyi, Aung Kyi meetings
Mizzima News: Junta bans vehicular movement to KIA HQ
Khonumthung News: Chin people fined for not attending pro-junta rally

ON THE BORDER
DVB: Chinese military vehicles and equipment enter Burma

BUSINESS / TRADE
New Kerala: Myanmar tops natural gas production in Asia
Khonumthung News: Mizoram bans import of goods from Burma

ASEAN
Irrawaddy: Asean countries vote against UN committee resolution on Burma

REGIONAL
AP: China's power and will to push for change in Myanmar limited at ASEAN,
analysts say
AFP: Myanmar faces calls for Suu Kyi release at Asia summit
Channel News Asia: Japanese PM urges Myanmar govt to establish greater
democracy
New Zealand Herald: China leaning on Myanmar: PM

INTERNATIONAL
Mizzima News: Two U.N. votes condemn junta rights abuses
AP: Gambari says Burma has made slow Progress
European Report: EU/Burma: New European envoy to focus on human rights
problems
Malaysia Sun: India votes against UN resolution on Myanmar

OPINION / OTHER
Irrawaddy: Will the Golden Land be broken into Nuggets? - Aung Zaw
Financial Times: South-east Asia’s toothless charter [Editorial]

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

November 20, Mizzima News
NLD welcomes Suu Kyi, Aung Kyi meetings

Burma's main opposition political party, the National League for Democracy
today welcomed the meetings between the ruling Burmese junta's Liaison
Minister and party leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. It however, said the junta
should put a stop to pressuring the ethnic ceasefire groups.

U Nyan Win, spokesperson of detained Nobel Peace Laureate Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi led National League for Democracy, expressed his appreciation on the
third meeting between Suu Kyi and junta's Liaison Minister Aung Kyi on
Monday.

On Monday, Aung Kyi, appointed Liaison Minister to liaise between junta
supremo Snr. Gen Than Shwe and Burmese democracy icon Suu Kyi, met her for
the third time for nearly an hour at a state guest house in Rangoon.

"It is a fact that U Aung Kyi met Daw Suu yesterday. Though we are not
aware of the details of their discussions, we are optimistic that they
will act in keeping with their declarations," Nyan Win said.

Nyan Win said, during a rare top level party meeting, which included four
senior party members and detained Suu Kyi, in early November that they had
discussed and agreed to implement several issues. He expected Suu Kyi to
take forward the maters discussed and the agreements reached.

"During our last meeting [With Daw Suu], we discussed and agreed on
several issues," Nyan Win added.

However, even as the Burmese ruling junta seems to be inching towards
resolving Burma's political impasse by allowing meetings between Aung Kyi
and opposition leader, the state-run media continues to publish statements
made by ethnic ceasefire armed groups countering Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's
statement on agreeing to a dialogue with the junta taking into account
issues of ethnic minorities.

Meanwhile, the Burmese Minister of Cultural Khin Aung Myint is said to be
holding meetings with ethnic ceasefire armed groups including one of
Burma's longest surviving insurgent groups, the Kachin Independence Army,
and trying to pressure them to issue statements refuting Suu Kyi's
statement which has been made contentious by the junta.

"At a time, when we are preparing for a dialogue, I want to put on record
that it is inappropriate for the military government to mount pressure on
ethnic groups to release signed statements," Nyan Win said.

____________________________________

November 21, Mizzima News
Junta bans vehicular movement to KIA HQ - Myo Gyi

Vehicular movement along the Laiza-Myit Kyina Road on the Sino-Burmese
border was banned by the Burmese military junta authorities today, local
residents said.

Vehicles including passenger buses have been told not to enter Laiza, the
Kachin Independence Army (KIA), an ethnic armed ceasefire group,
controlled town on the Sino-Burmese border by the Burmese Army based in
Laija Yang, about three miles from Laiza, locals said.

"The ban began this morning. Soldiers at Laija Yang stopped all vehicles
and in the morning even people were restricted from entering the town. But
in the afternoon restriction was relaxed a little and some motorcycles
were allowed passage," a Kachin youth told Mizzima.

The ban on the movement of vehicles in Laiza came after Burmese
authorities on November 17 night, raided the residents of leaders of KIA
in Myit Kyina, capital of Kachin state, and seized several Chinese mobile
phones.

"The relationship between the KIA and the junta has always been like this.
When ever the junta is displeased with the KIA, they do something like
this. The junta wants to show the KIA its power," added the youth.

According to the business community in Laiza due to the instability
several traders, particularly jade traders, have gone over to the Chinese
side of the border.

Laiza, being a border trade zone, depends largely on border trade and the
ban on movement in and out of Laiza has hit the common trader hard, a
local businessman said.

With hundreds of vehicles both passenger and cargo trucks moving in and
out of Laiza, should the ban continue long, local residents will face a
lot of difficulty, the businessman added.

"A day's ban will not have much impact. But if it continues it will impact
not only local residents but also the KIA," the businessman said.

Since mid-November, the Burmese junta has forced ethnic ceasefire groups
in Shan State and Kachin State to sign pre-written statements denouncing
the Burmese pro-democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's statement
cooperating with the junta for a possible dialogue on behalf of the
country's ethnic minorities.

While several ethnic armed groups agreed with the ruling junta and
released statements against Suu Kyi's statement, the KIA, one of Burma's
longest surviving insurgent group, refused to comply with the junta's
request.

A Burmese military analyst based on the Sino-Burmese border said, the
sudden ban on movement of vehicles in and out of Laiza could be directly
linked to the KIA's refusal to release a counter statement.

"The junta's intentions are obvious. It is to totally disarm and to
disband the group. They will do anything to eliminate the KIA," Aung Kyaw
Zaw, a Sino-Burmese based military analyst said.

"But the problem with the KIA is that amongst themselves there are groups
that want to go along with the junta though there are a few who have
political vision. But with the formation of the Kachin consultative group,
they have come to their senses. That's why they rejected the junta's
pressure to release the statement against Daw Suu," added Aung Kyaw Zaw.

____________________________________

November 21, Khonumthung News
Chin people fined for not attending pro-junta rally

Junta authorities in Chin state, Burma have unleashed a kind of vendetta
on people who did not attend the rally to support the outcome of the
regime's National Convention held in the state on November 9.

The Township Peace and Development Council's (TPDC) authorities from
Thangtlang Township in Chin state have started to fine Kyat 1,500 (Burmese
currency) to each person who flouted the order of the authorities to join
the pro-junta rally.

On November 9, the local authorities forced the people in Thangtlang to
come out on the streets to join the rally to support the outcome of NC and
shout pro-junta slogans.

"Some people attended the rally because they were forced. The people know
what is black and what is white," a local in Chin state said.

Around 6,000 people from Thangtlang Township joined the pro-junta rally
while around 100 reportedly refused to attend, according to a local in
Thangtlang.

Earlier, the Burmese military junta organized rallies in other towns such
as in Falam, Rihkhaudar and Hakha in Chin state to support the tenuous
14-year long convention to draft a state constitution as part of junta's
seven step road map to "disciplined democracy" in Burma.

The National Convention held in the outskirts of Rangoon, the former
capital of Burma began in 1993 and was wrapped up in September 2007.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

November 21, Democratic Voice of Burma
Chinese military vehicles and equipment enter Burma

Sources on the China-Burma border have claimed that Chinese military
equipment and vehicles have been sent into the country over the past month
at the Jiang Hkong border crossing.

Jiang Hkong is located in Yunnan province in China, across the border from
Muse on the Burmese side.

Local source from the border said that the police chief of Yunnan province
had met Khin Ye, a Burmese police chief, in Jiang Hkong on Monday.

The Chinese police chief reportedly handed over equipment for detecting
explosives and mines to Khin Ye for use at Naypyidaw airport.

Local residents in Muse said they had seen seven Chinese-made flatbed
trucks parked in front of Kaung hotel on the Muse-Mandalay highway
overnight in the second week of November.

The following morning the trucks then drove off in the direction of Mandalay.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

November 20, New Kerala
Myanmar tops natural gas production in Asia

Myanmar is the biggest producer of natural gas in Asia and has the
potential to ascend higher globally because many gas projects remain to be
implemented, Yangon Times reported Wednesday.

Currently, the country ranks 10th at the world level with its gas sale, up
from 11th previously, while it represents the first in Asia, Yangon Times
quoted the World Energy magazine as saying.

Myanmar started production and export of gas to Thailand in the late 1990s
through a pipeline from the Yadana field in the gulf of Mottama, and
Yetagun field off the Tanintharyi coast.

Energy authorities of Myanmar and Thailand have been negotiating the
construction of a marine, joint-venture natural gas pipeline since
September for more export of gas to Thailand from the M-9 block in
Myanmar's Mottama offshore area, officials disclosed.

The Thai PTT Exploration and Production (PTTEP) Public Co Ltd, which has
been engaged in gas exploration at the block, has so far found large
commercial gas deposits at seven test wells since 2005.

With a total of estimated gas reserve of more than 226.5 billion
cubic-meters (BCM) and a production rate of about 8.49 billion
cubic-meters (MCM) per day, the M-9 field is expected to be able to
produce gas and export to Thailand by late 2011.

In recent years, the country also found huge gas deposits in the Shwe and
Shwephyu fields at block A-1 in 2004 and the Mya field at block A-3 in
2005.

Myanmar has an abundance of natural gas resources, especially in offshore
areas.

With three main large offshore oil and gas fields and 19 onshore ones,
Myanmar has proven recoverable reserve of 18.012 trillion cubic ft (TCF)
out of 89.722 TCF estimated reserve of offshore and onshore gas, experts
said.

The country is also estimated to have 3.2 billion barrels of recoverable
crude oil reserve, official statistics indicate.

Myanmar figures also showed that in fiscal 2006-07, the country produced
7.7 million barrels of crude oil and 13.039 billion cubic metres of gas
(BCM). Gas exports during the period was 13.028 BCM, worth $2.03 billion.

Statistics revealed foreign investment in Myanmar's oil and gas sector had
reached $2.769 billion in 75 projects in 2006 since the country opened to
such investment in 1988.

Currently, 13 foreign oil companies, mainly from Australia, Britain,
Canada, China, Indonesia, India, South Korea, Malaysia, Thailand and
Russia are operating 33 onshore and offshore projects in Myanmar.

____________________________________

November 21, Khonumthung News
Mizoram bans import of goods from Burma

The import of goods from Burma along the Indo-Burma border trade road (2)
was banned yesterday after a controversy broke out between Zokhawthar and
Champhai locals over transportation of goods from Burma into Mizoram
state, northeast India.

The authorities from Champhai district in Mizoram state on November 19
issued a notification under article 144/3 RPC banning goods being brought
in from Burma to India. The ban was put into affect yesterday and will be
valid for two months.

"The authorities have prohibited import of goods from Burma because they
are apprehensive that the dispute between locals from Zokhawthar located
near the Indo-Burma boundary and bus owners in Champhai district in
Mizoram, over transportation of goods from Burma could get worse," a
Mizoram local said.

Earlier, the Transport Union in Champhai had controlled transportation of
goods brought in from Burma to Mizoram. Later, the locals in Zokhawthar in
Mizoram opposite Tio village on the Burma side began to demand the right
to carry the goods.

Only 22 agricultural items, listed in the MOU signed by India and Burma
relating to border trade in 2003, are in the exemption list.

In August this year, Mizoram authorities also shut down the border trade
road between India and Burma for two months following a tip off that
illicit drugs and ammunition could enter concealed inside cargo items from
Burma to India.

____________________________________
ASEAN

November 21, Irrawaddy
Asean countries vote against UN committee resolution on Burma - Wai Moe

Asean countries are holding fast to their historical habit of ignoring
human rights and the struggle for democracy in the region, in spite of the
new Asean charter approved this week at the Asean Summit in Singapore.

The United Nations General Assembly’s Committee for Social, Humanitarian
and Culture approved a non-binding draft resolution on Tuesday that
strongly condemned the human rights violations by the Burmese junta in
September. The resolution must now go before the General Assembly for
final approval.

The differences between the words expressed by Asean member countries
following the bloody crackdown in Burma and the vote at the UN by Asean
ambassadors are glaringly different.

Eighty-eight countries voted in favor of the resolution and 24 countries
voted against. Sixty-six countries abstained and 14 were absent.

No Asean-member country voted in favor of the resolution.

Laos, Vietnam and Malaysia voted against the resolution. Indonesia, the
Philippines, Singapore and Thailand abstained. Cambodia was absent.

China and India voted against.

Moreover, a report by The Associated Press on Wednesday said that
confidential recommendations by Asean region diplomats advised Asean to
not intervene in domestic human rights problems such as the current
situation in Burma, but instead to protect member countries from foreign
meddling.

The recommendations were made in a report seen by the AP. It was
commissioned by Asean, whose leaders adopted a landmark charter on Tuesday
that among other things set up a human rights agency.

Observers say that if the Burma resolution fails when it goes before the
UN General Assembly, the secretary-general will have no mandate to act
regarding Burma.

Debbie Stothard of ALTSEAN (Alternative Asean Network on Burma) said
Asean’s decision this week to allow Burma to sign the new Asean charter
was a mistake because there is no governmental body in Burma that
represents the people.

“Asean countries are hypocritical," she said. "They voted against or
abstained on yesterday's UN General Assembly resolution on Burma. Before,
they said they supported the UN. They supported Gambari. Now Asean did a
U-turn."

She noted that when the junta objected to a briefing by the UN Special
Envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, to Asean heads of state, Asean cancelled
the briefing, which means the junta is controlling the regional body.

Critics of Asean’s Human Rights Commission say the body offers protection
to violators of human rights rather than protection to citizens from
governmental abuse.

Anselmo Lee, the executive director of Forum-Asia, said his organization
is very disappointed with Asean’s human rights body.

“Asean cannot do anything for the Burmese people,” he said. “The canceling
of the UN envoy Mr Gambari’s briefing is just another disappointment.”

Nyo Ohn Myint, an analyst with Asean-China, said Asean uses a “wait and
see” policy on Burma, because member countries do not want to lose their
economic ties with Burma.

Meanwhile, Gambari told the press in Singapore on Wednesday that the UN
can "make a difference" in Burma where others have failed, if it has the
support of East Asia countries and the international community.

“We can make a difference this time,” said Gambari. “It will work. They
[Burmese generals] want to work with the UN.”

____________________________________

November 21, Inter Press Service
ASEAN family gets 'Protective' about Burma - Marwaan Macan-Markar

South-east Asian leaders closed ranks this week behind a view that places
a higher premium on protecting the life of the region’s governments, no
matter how oppressive they are, than on being accountable to their
respective peoples.

This is the message that went out to the region’s 550 million people whose
governments belong to the 10-member Association of South-east Asian
Nations (ASEAN). On Tuesday, presidents and prime ministers signed a
historic charter for ASEAN that aimed to transform the regional bloc into
a new rules-based legal body.

The charter that was endorsed at a summit in the affluent city-state of
Singapore was the highpoint of celebrations in the region this year to
mark the 40th anniversary of ASEAN, an entity that emerged during the Cold
War to stall the spread of communism and to strengthen economic ties. The
founding members were Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and
Thailand. The end of the ‘cold war’ resulted in ASEAN expanding to include
Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam.

ASEAN leaders’ views on Burma, also known as Myanmar, removed all doubts
as to whose interests the governments have in mind when they talk about
regional unity or the ‘’ASEAN family.’’ The group threw a protective
shield around the Burmese military regime, which had come in for
international criticism, even from among some ASEAN leaders, for its harsh
crackdown of peaceful street protests in late September.

This attempt to placate military strongmen was clarified when the ASEAN
charter was unveiled, for the much anticipated regional human rights body
expected to have been conceived through this document was only embraced as
an idea. References to this body having a mechanism to enforce human
rights were absent from the text. Gone also were recommendations that had
been made to consider imposing sanctions or even expel a member if grave
human rights violations were committed by a regional government.

In doing so, ASEAN revealed that it was sticking to its long-held
principles of non-interference in the domestic politics of a fellow
member. Consequently, it has raised questions about how meaningful the
regional bloc’s makeover is, as reflected in comments made by editorial
writers and political activists.

‘’It was so sad on the auspicious occasion of the signing of the ASEAN
Charter that the Association of South-east Asian Nations, as a group, had
to again defend Burma’s appalling human rights record,’’ wrote ‘The
Nation,’ an English-language newspaper in Thailand, on Wednesday. ‘’Now,
even with the Charter, ASEAN is still hopeless and unable to act against
its pariah member.’’

Others were troubled by the lack of a noticeable change from the past,
which was seen an essential to make this regional body relevant to the
citizens living in the 10 countries. ‘’ASEAN is not sincere about wanting
to restructure itself in a manner that embodies democratic values and
justice for the people of ASEAN,’’ says Roshan Jason, executive director
of the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (APIMC), a coalition of
parliamentarians from the region campaigning for democracy and human
rights in Burma.

‘’It is outrageous that they can have such a watered-down document as the
ASEAN charter,’’ he added during a telephone interview from Kuala Lumpur.
‘’This reflects the ASEAN culture of most leaders having absolute power.
The views of the leaders do not reflect the broader political culture in
the region.’’

And that is true not only for the region’s current political
embarrassment, Burma, but for most of the countries in South-east Asia.
With the exception of two, Indonesia and the Philippines, they are all
plagued with democratic shortcomings. Malaysia and Singapore have
one-party states with severe restrictions placed on government critics and
opposition parties, while Laos and Vietnam are ruled by communist parties
that have little interest in democracy.

Thailand, meanwhile, has been under military regime that came to power
following a coup last September, while Cambodia’s struggle to build a
democracy is under threat from an increasingly authoritarian government.
And Brunei is under the grip of an absolute monarch.

Differences are as stark on the economic front, too, with the city-state
of Singapore having all the comforts and conveniences of a developed
country against poverty-stricken nations such as Laos and Cambodia. And
those in-between, such as Indonesia, Philippines and Thailand, having a
sizeable number of rural and urban poor despite steady economic growth.

The need for a charter -- which has taken nearly two years to draft by a
team of the region’s senior statesmen and bureaucrats -- arose as ASEAN
desperately sought a new role on the global stage in the post-Cold War
era. Besides a political union, the landmark document was deemed essential
to strengthen the region against the rise of Asian powers such as India
and China.

‘’For the first 40 years, ASEAN was very much a state-focused
organisation, dominated by the elite,’’ says Devi Fortuna Anwar, director
for programmes and research at The Habibi Centre, a Jakarta-based
independent think tank. ‘’The idea of the charter was a welcome move. It
would have been impossible to imagine one five years ago.’’

But what has been disappointing is the direction of the current political
trend in the region after some signs of promise, she said in a telephone
interview from the Indonesian capital. ‘’The pendulum is weighing in
favour of countries with less democracy. ASEAN has suffered in its
democratic journey.’’

‘’It shows that state security is more important than human security,’’
added the political science professor. ‘’Most ASEAN governments are living
in glass houses.’’

____________________________________
REGIONAL

November 21, Associated Press
China's power and will to push for change in Myanmar limited at ASEAN,
analysts say

There were hopes that China could use its growing clout this week at a
summit of Southeast Asian leaders to get Myanmar to end an often brutal
crackdown on dissent and allow reforms in the isolated, impoverished
nation.

But the expectations for progress with Myanmar quickly fizzled at the
gathering in Singapore, highlighting the limits of Beijing's power and
possibly desire to push hard for change in the isolated country, also
known as Burma.

The sticky issue of Myanmar is often a hot topic at meetings of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations. The 10-nation group allowed
Myanmar to join a decade ago, hoping that membership would inspire change
in the country, ruled by juntas since 1962. But little has improved, and
Myanmar continues to be an embarrassment for ASEAN.

Myanmar grabbed the world's attention again two months ago when troops and
police shot at pro-democracy protesters, killing at least 15 people. The
peaceful marches were led by Buddhist monks, who were demonstrating
against fuel hikes and inflation that were grinding down the impoverished
masses.

Although the bloodshed drew global anger, Myanmar only got a light slap
from neighboring China its staunchest diplomatic ally, biggest trading
partner and major supplier of weapons.

Just days before Wednesday's ASEAN summit, Beijing seemed to be taking a
tougher approach on Myanmar. China's state media on Saturday quoted a vice
minister of foreign affairs as saying Myanmar should speed up reforms.
When Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao arrived in Singapore, he issued a
statement urging the country to move "toward national reconciliation."

Denny Roy, a China expert and senior fellow at the East-West Center in
Honolulu, Hawaii, said Beijing publicly condemned Myanmar to stifle most
of the criticism that China is part of the problem. But he said, "I think
the Chinese are careful to avoid pushing so hard that they alienate the
target regime."

China went silent on the Myanmar issue after ASEAN under pressure from the
junta abruptly withdrew an invitation to U.N. envoy Ibrahim Gambari to
address the group and discuss his ongoing talks with Myanmar.

The diplomatic debacle highlighted how ASEAN often struggles to agree on
how to deal with Myanmar. The Philippines and Malaysia have supported a
hard line against the country, while the junta is traditionally backed by
Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam which have their own human rights problems.

If ASEAN could forge a strong, united stand against the junta, it could
place more pressure on Beijing to walk in step with important regional
partners, who support China on many political and diplomatic issues. So in
some ways, China has been blamed for what have been essentially ASEAN's
failings on Myanmar. Although China isn't an ASEAN member, it was invited
to the gathering, along with Japan, South Korea and India.

China also has a tough job influencing Myanmar because the junta often
shows it cares more about clinging to power than pleasing global opinion
and easing the hardships of its people.

"We shouldn't underestimate the nationalism and prickliness of Burma's
dictators. This is a ruling elite that tends toward extreme xenophobia,"
said Dan Lynch, a professor at the School of International Relations at
the University of Southern California. "China could, I suppose, threaten
to cut off military support," Lynch added. "But it's unclear the junta
would respond as expected to such pressure, particularly if it meant
handing power over to the opposition."

Beijing also knows that regime change in Myanmar could bring instability
on its southern border. A new leadership that would seek close relations
with the United States also could create new security worries for the
Chinese, Lynch said.

Criticizing Myanmar is difficult for China because the country's foreign
policy has long eschewed meddling in other nations' domestic affairs, said
June Teufel Dreyer, a political science professor at the University of
Miami. Joining Myanmar's opponents is especially difficult for China
because the junta's critics want it to allow free and fair elections
political reforms that Beijing's Communist leaders have also resisted.

"If China pressures Burma to do something," Dreyer said, "would that not
give other countries the right to tell Beijing what to do?"

Associated Press reporter Charles Hutzler in Beijing contributed to this
report.

____________________________________

November 21, The Nation
UN special envoy to go to Burma again - Supalak G Khundee

United Nations special envoy for Burma affairs Ibrahim Gambari said
Wednesday he would make his next visit to the military ruled country
before the end of this year to push ahead "a substantial part of dialogue"
between the junta and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.


With the support of East Asian nations and the international community,
the UN can make "a difference" in the troubled country this time as the
junta had made clear it was willing to work with the UN, he told
reporters.

He said his engagement with the junta has a timeline.

"There will be a substantial time bond, providing an opportunity to breach
the deadlock between the junta and the international community that has
been going on for quite a number of years," he said.

Gambari was in Singapore this week at the invitation of Singapore's Prime
Minister Lee Hsien Loong who chaired the Asean summit. His plan to brief
Asean and East Asian leaders was cancelled at the last minute as Burma's
Prime Minister Thein Sein objected to the idea.

 The UN envoy, who said he was disappointed at not having the chance to
brief Asean leaders in a formal setting, arranged an informal meeting on
Tuesday with six foreign ministers of Asean, excluding Burma, Cambodia,
Laos and Vietnam where he planed to visit soon.

He met separately with Burma's Prime Minister Thein Sein and Philippines
President Gloria Arroyo on Tuesday and with Thai Prime Minister Surayud
Chulanont on Wednesday to discuss his plan.

Thai Foreign Minister Nitya Pibulsonggram said there was a great deal of
trust and confidence in Gambari and UN good offices to make national
reconciliation happen in Burma.

"Yes, of course, we have to move forward toward democracy, but we also
need flexibility because we have to cope with many different people," 
Nitya told reporters. "We believe they (Burma) want to go the same way. We
signed the (Asean) charter and they also signed it so we are in the same
community with the same wish."

Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer who also met Gambari on the
sidelines of the Asean meeting and urged support from East Asian nations,
notably China.

____________________________________

November 21, Agence France Presse
Myanmar faces calls for Suu Kyi release at Asia summit - Martin Abbugao

Myanmar faced demands to release democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi
Wednesday, in 16-nation Asian talks that embraced both its allies in the
region and its critics.

The East Asia Summit, which groups Southeast Asia with regional powers
China and Japan as well as Australia, India, New Zealand and South Korea,
wrapped up four days of talks dominated by the crisis in the military
state.

Philippine President Gloria Arroyo left Singapore with a call for the
ruling generals to immediately release opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi,
who has been under house arrest for much of the past 18 years.

"Let me be very clear. We embrace the advances of ASEAN but remain
concerned about the pace of progress in Myanmar on the issue of human
rights," said Arroyo, whose country is a member of the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations.

"We particularly deplore the treatment of Aung San Suu Kyi. She must be
released now," Arroyo told reporters, in the strongest statement yet
against the junta at this week's talks.

Myanmar scored a victory at this week's ASEAN summit by forcing the
cancellation of UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari's planned briefing on the crisis
in the military state, which he had been due to give to the East Asia
gathering.

But Prime Minister Thein Sein was expected to face a tougher reception in
the wider 16-nation talks over the violent suppression of pro-democracy
protests in September, which left at least 15 dead.

Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer said he was "disappointed"
with the decision on the Gambari briefing and called on Asian nations to
support the envoy's efforts, singling out the junta's close ally China.

"I hope that countries around East Asia -- all of them, ASEAN countries
but also importantly China and others -- will all find ways of reinforcing
the work of Professor Gambari," Downer told reporters after meeting the
envoy.

"It's very important that there is real and genuine progress... in Burma,"
he said, referring to Myanmar by its former name.

"Professor Gambari thinks he's making some early progress, but of course
we would like to see a lot more progress for us to be satisfied that
things are heading in the right direction in Burma.

"We think there's a very long way to go."

Gambari reiterated Wednesday his disappointment at the abrupt
cancellation, but said he had had an "enormous opportunity to meet with
individual leaders" in Singapore.

"They are united behind support for the secretary-general's good office
and they promise to do everything possible to make sure that this
succeeds," he said in a television interview.

Gambari also said he had held a "very frank and a very constructive
meeting" with Thein Sein and Myanmar's Foreign Minister Nyan Win.

China, seen as one of the few countries with any influence over Myanmar's
ruling generals, spoke out after the bloodshed to urge the junta to "show
restraint," restore stability and work towards democracy.

But Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao reiterated this week that sanctions
and pressure would not help reconciliation efforts in Myanmar, which has
been run by the military for more than four decades.

Aside from the Myanmar furore, the Asian leaders signed up to an
environmental pact, pledging action on climate change and boosting forest
cover, and promoting the use of nuclear energy.

The deal committed the 16 leaders to cooperate on the "development and the
use of civilian nuclear power," amid concerns soaring oil prices could
hurt regional economic growth.

The summit comes ahead of a crucial UN-backed conference on the Indonesian
island of Bali next month to discuss a successor treaty to the Kyoto
Protocol on climate change.

____________________________________

November 21, Channel News Asia
Japanese PM urges Myanmar govt to establish greater democracy - Chio Su-Mei

Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda has appealed to the Myanmar
government to establish greater democracy in the country.

Speaking at a post-East Asia Summit news conference in Singapore on
Wednesday, Mr Fukuda expressed concern at the political situation in
Myanmar, especially on the issue of human rights.

He said that despite calls for restraint, the Myanmar government had
resorted to force to quell demonstrations. This resulted in casualties,
which included a Japanese national.

Prime Minister Fukuda said he has appealed directly to Myanmar Prime
Minister Thein Sein to double democratisation efforts.

Mr Fukuda also called for the international community to support UN envoy
Ibrahim Gambari's reconciliatory efforts.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

November 21, Mizzima News
Two U.N. votes condemn junta rights abuses

Two resolutions in the United Nations General Assembly, yesterday,
deplored the treatment meted out to civilians and monks by the Burmese
junta and call for an immediate end to human rights violations and the
release of all political prisoners.

"These resolutions send a strong signal from the international community
to the governments of those countries that their failure to uphold the
rights and fundamental freedoms of their citizens is unacceptable, and
must end," British Ambassador John Sawers told reporters following the
votes.

Both resolutions, which are non-binding, were passed by the General
Assembly's Human Rights Committee, the General Assembly has yet to vote on
either resolution.

One resolution, directed solely at Burma's generals, accuses the regime of
"beatings, killings, arbitrary detention and enforced disappearances" of
demonstrators during the recent round of protests. The motion carried by a
vote of 88 to 24, with 66 abstentions.

The second resolution, garnering 97 votes in favor with 23 against and 60
abstentions, grouped abuses by the Burmese government with those committed
by governments in Iran and North Korea.

However member countries of the Non-Aligned Movement debated vociferously
in opposition to the two resolutions, arguing that the negative language
in the texts would only serve to hinder the chances for dialogue and
reconciliation.

Additional objections were made on the basis that questions of human
rights abuses are best left to the United Nations Human Rights Council.
Special Rapporteur on Human Rights, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, representing
the Council, recently returned from an exploratory mission to Burma.

While the margin of votes for and against the resolutions were impressive,
the total of favorable votes as a percentage of all votes present, which
is inclusive of abstentions, was far less encouraging. When calculated
thusly, the two proposals received support from 49 and 54 percent of
Assembly representatives, respectively. The resolution tabled specifically
against Burma's generals garnering less than 50 percent support.

All ten ASEAN countries are standing members of the Non-Aligned Movement,
which has 119 members in all and is currently chaired by Cuba.

____________________________________

November 21, Associated Press
Gambari says Burma has made slow Progress - Jim Gomez

A UN envoy believes Burma's junta has made snail-paced progress toward
democracy, but much more needs to be done, including freeing opposition
leader Aung San Suu Kyi, a Philippine official said Tuesday.

UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari briefed Philippine President Gloria Macapagal
Arroyo on his negotiations so far with the junta and his meeting with Suu
Kyi, the detained leader of the pro-democracy movement in the Southeast
Asian nation.

"Gambari was saying, on the balance, there has been some forward movement.
It's not all the movement that we would want to happen but there has been
some forward movement," said Philippine Foreign Secretary Alberto Romulo.

He is in Singapore with Arroyo, who attended a summit of the Association
of South East Asian Nations on Tuesday. Gambari was to address a gathering
of Asean and six other nations Wednesday, but a diplomatic blunder blocked
the speech.

Instead, he was meeting individually with interested leaders, including
Prime Minister Helen Clark of New Zealand and the foreign ministers of
Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore. However, Burma's biggest ally, Chinese
Premier Wen Jiabao, had no plans to meet with the envoy.

Gambari began pushing Burma's junta to restart political reconciliation
with Suu Kyi after a bloody crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in
September that left at least 15 people dead, attracting global anger.

Burma has dominated deliberations at this week's meetings of Asean, which
is under pressure to take a harder line on Burma's junta and force it to
hold elections and release political detainees.

Romulo said Gambari cited his meetings with Suu Kyi and the appointment of
a liaison officer to deal with her as a sign of the Burmese military
government's progress.

But Romulo said the concessions fall far short of international demands
for the release of Suu Kyi, who has spent 12 of the last 18 years under
house arrest.

"We have about six months to one year to see whether some movement can be
made," he said.

Separately, Arroyo's spokesman, Ignacio Bunye, told reporters Gambari felt
China would be "a very key player" in resolving the Burma crisis.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang, however, said Premier Wen
will not meet with Gambari because his purpose of attending the Asean
meeting was to improve cooperation with Southeast Asian nations.

Qin also insisted that there have been positive developments in Burma, but
he declined to elaborate.

"Just compare the situation now in Myanmar with a month ago," Qin said.
"Don't you think there has been positive change?"

____________________________________

November 21, European Report
EU/Burma: New European envoy to focus on human rights problems

The EU's newly-appointed envoy to Burma, Piero Fassino, has told
Europolitics he believes his job is to "play a positive role" in improving
the human rights situation in the country. Fassino, in Washington for
meetings with top US administration officials and with Burmese Prime
Minister-in-exile Sein Win, said on 19 November he would press the issue
at the summit of South-East Asian nations (ASEAN) in Singapore on 20 and
21 November. Fassino admitted "Asian countries have a different
assessment" of Burma, being less willing than the EU and the US to impose
sanctions on the Burmese regime. But he hoped to clarify at the ASEAN
summit in Singapore that sanctions "are a tool to obtain an opening of
dialogue, not a goal in itself".

Fassino, a former Italian justice minister appointed to his new role by EU
foreign policy chief Javier Solana on 6 November, began his US trip in New
York, where he met with the UN Envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari. "We want
to support Mr Gambari's work in obtaining an opening of dialogue among the
actors in the Burma scenario to favour a political reconciliation," he
said. Fassino said the Burmese regime needed to take the following steps:
release political prisoners, lift all restrictions on opposition leader
Aung San Suu Kyi and allow the UN to open a representation office there.
He felt that Burma's ASEAN neighbours could use their political leverage
more to bear down on Burma: China through its power and influence,
Thailand and Indonesia due to their political history and Malaysia and
Singapore through their economic relations.

After meeting with US Undersecretary of State Nick Burns and Deputy
National Security Advisor James Jeffrey, Fassino said "we view the
isolation of the junta in the same way". Both the EU and the US agreed
"sanctions that target the regime can be used as a pressure tool". He
added that the EU favoured linking sanctions to positive aid, for example
humanitarian, health and education projects that could be managed by the
World Bank and international non-governmental organisations. EU foreign
ministers meeting in Brussels the same day agreed to extend sanctions on
Burma to cover trade and investment in the timber, metals, minerals and
precious stones industries and to extend travel bans and asset-freezing
orders on Burmese leaders.

____________________________________

November 21, New Zealand Herald
China leaning on Myanmar: PM

Prime Minister Helen Clark is confident China will use its diplomatic
muscle to pressure Myanmar to engage with the United Nations.

Helen Clark held talks with China's Premier Wen Jiabao in Singapore before
yesterday's East Asia Summit.

The issue of Myanmar dominated two days of Association of South East Asian
Nations (Asean) meetings and was expected to also dominate the 16-nation
summit.

Helen Clark has been lobbying other leaders to pressure Myanmar to stop
human rights abuses and take steps towards democracy.

She said she raised the issue with Mr Wen and was confident China would
use its influence to ensure Myanmar kept engaging with UN special envoy
Ibrahim Gambari.

"The reason Mr Gambari has had access and continues to have access is
because China has made absolutely clear its expectation that he should and
will have access," she said.

"They are absolutely committed to backing the UN process and I think
behind the scenes they will be very active in seeing that Myanmar
continues to respond to that process."

Helen Clark was to meet Mr Gambari after Myanmar managed to derail a
planned formal briefing to summit leaders.

The UN envoy has made two visits to Myanmar since September, when the
regime mounted a violent crackdown on dissent that left at least 15 dead
and thousands in prison.

Helen Clark said it would have been better for Mr Gambari to address the
summit, but as a result of Myanmar's campaign to scuttle the briefing it
had received a "much harder clip in public" from other Asean leaders.

That came in the form of a statement urging Myanmar to release political
prisoners, co-operate with the UN and move towards democracy.

The Prime Minister said Asean leaders appeared embarrassed by Myanmar's
actions, despite several presiding over authoritarian Governments
themselves.

"I think the particular embarrassment ... is [that] not only is it an
authoritarian Government, but it is one that is prepared to turn guns on
peaceful protesters."

Helen Clark believed UN efforts to lock the regime into democratic reform
could succeed with Asean and China's backing.

Asean leaders this week signed a charter establishing rules and allowing
the creation of a regional human rights body.

As well as the Asean nations, the East Asia Summit draws in New Zealand,
China, India, Japan, South Korea and Australia.

Climate change and steps towards a regional free-trade zone are the other
issues expected to dominate the summit.

____________________________________

November 21, Malaysia Sun
India votes against UN resolution on Myanmar

India has voted against the UN resolution condemning the recent crackdown
on anti-government protests by Myanmar's ruling generals.

The resolution, adopted Tuesday night by a UN General Assembly committee
by a 88-24 vote with 66 abstentions, 'strongly condemns the use of
violence against peaceful demonstrators who were exercising their rights
to freedom of opinion and expression and to peaceful assembly and
association'.

In a statement explaining India's negative vote, Kunwar Sarvraj Singh, MP
and member of the Indian delegation to the UN, said: 'By adopting a
condemnatory, intrusive and unhelpful tone, this draft resolution will not
contribute or strengthen the initiatives being taken (in Myanmar) by the
UN and may, in fact, prove to be counter-productive.'

Singh said India believes human rights in a country are better promoted
and protected by the international community through dialogue,
consultation and cooperation.

He said India's stand on the recent developments in Myanmar is that 'all
initiatives taken in this connection should be forward-looking,
non-condemnatory and seek to engage the government of Myanmar in a
non-intrusive and constructive manner.'

Singh added that India has impressed upon Myanmar that the process of
political reform and national reconciliation should be taken forward
quickly and should include all sections of society.

He said the text of the draft resolution is not reflective of recent
positive steps being taken by the government of Myanmar, including the
visit of the UN Special Rapporteur Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, and meetings
between opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the specially appointed
minister for relations.

Besides India, China and Russia too voted against the resolution, which
was co-sponsored by western countries, including the US.

The resolution is expected to be endorsed by the full 192-member UN
General Assembly next month.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

November 21, Irrawaddy
Will the Golden Land be broken into Nuggets? - Aung Zaw

The question of if—then when—the regime finally falls has dominated the
Burmese community recently. Then the question turns to: Will Burma slide
into an Iraqi-style nightmare or a fragmented jigsaw puzzle like
Yugoslavia?

The answer from ethnic leaders, so far, is a resolute “No!” to the
anarchic scenario.

Some “Burma experts” and Asean ministers, particularly the Prime Minister
and Foreign Minister of Singapore, have cautiously mentioned the ethnic
diversity in Burma and expressed concern about a possible Iraqi situation
enveloping the country.

It is certainly true that Burma was suddenly plunged into a civil war in
1948 after it gained independence from the British. But then, the fragile
and ill-equipped Burmese army faced serious mutiny, ethnic insurgency and
communist threat.

Now, almost 60 years later, the threat of guerilla insurgency in Burma has
faded to the extent that it is almost confined to the pages of history.

Several armed ethnic groups, including the once-powerful Kachin, have
signed ceasefire agreements with the Burmese military government.

The regime, for its part, has claimed that 17 ethnic groups have returned
to the “legal fold.” Many of those groups have managed to maintain the
regional status quo and, in turn, their business interests in timber, and
often opium and drug smuggling from northern Burma.

In Shan State, the powerful Wa army—known for years as a drug-running
militia— with some 20,000 soldiers, has joined the said “legal fold,” even
sending delegates to the junta-sponsored National Convention.

Nowadays, the Wa pose no serious military threat to the regime, let alone
equip other armies with weapons and new ammunition. Nor do the ethnic
armies who continue to resist the military— those outside the “legal
fold”—mainly the Karen, Shan and Karenni groups.

On top of that, the political landscape in the region has changed over the
past 20 years.

The Cold War is long gone and Thailand’s buffer zone policy is no longer
active along its borders.

Several fortified ethnic military headquarters fell to the Burmese army in
the early and mid-1990s. Today, the Karen and Shan ethnic armies are only
akin to “resistance groups,” controlling minimum territory and preventing
a Burmese army onslaught.

The Karen National Liberation Army is no longer able to equip its foot
soldiers with weapons and ammunition. They aim to wage hit n’ run guerilla
warfare; that’s all.

Along the Thai-Burmese border, there is only low intensity
fighting—insurgent groups can no longer launch military offensives on, nor
infiltrate into, major cities in Burma.

On the northern front, China ceased its support for the Communist Party of
Burma in the 1980s. The CPB witnessed its own demise when it was severed
apart by a serious mutiny in 1989.

And neither China nor Thailand will be supporting any renewed armed
struggles along their borders anytime soon. They prefer stability—the kind
of stability that prevails along the Thai-Cambodian border, which brought
an end to the arms trade between Thailand and Cambodia.

All this means that the KNLA and other ethnic groups have few supplies and
only a black market in Thailand to rely on, provided they have the cash
from their timber trade or other nefarious businesses to trade with.

Not only has the military muscle to fight the regime diminished, but the
political perspective and will to see in a new Burma has also been
modified.

Many ethnic leaders—the Karen, Shan, Kachin, Arakanese, Chin and Mon,
based along the borders with Thailand, India, Bangladesh and China—share a
similar view, if not a common goal. They desire a federal union and
autonomy in their state. And, of course, they don’t want a Burmese
military presence.

A spokesman for the main ceasefire group, the Kachin Independence
Organization, said talk of the country's fragmentation is farfetched.

Tu Ja, vice-secretary of the KIO, said, “I don’t know what they [the
experts] are talking about. We all want peace, autonomy and equal rights.
If we get those, I don’t see any problem among us.”

Founded in 1961, the KIO was one of 17 ethnic groups which signed a
ceasefire agreement with the Tatmadaw (ruling junta) in 1993. The KIO now
also attends the military-sponsored National Convention.

A comment from the general-secretary of the Karen National Union, Mahn
Sha, is further indication that ethnic leaders can hold moderate views:
“The perspective of those experts is groundless and their viewpoints are
totally in line with what the junta says.”

“The conflict in Burma is not a fight among ethnicities,” he adds. “We are
only fighting against the military rulers, not against the army.”

The longest-running rebel group in Southeast Asia, the KNU, has never
signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese regime.

In addition, several Arakanese and Shan politicians, who recently took
part in the uprising led by monks, also dismissed any possible Iraqi-style
anarchy.

Aye Tha Aung, chairman of the Arakan League for Democracy, secretary of
the Committee Representing People’s Parliament and former political
prisoner, said that the notion propagated by the regime that the country
could not restore democracy because of the diversity of ethic minorities
is a lame excuse.

Representing 11 ethnic parties legally registered in Burma, Aye Tha Aung
said, “We (the ethnic parties) drew up our own constitution and we
unanimously voted out the word “secession” in it.

“The fight for democracy is also a fight for the rights of ethnic people,”
the leading Arakanese politician told The Irrawaddy by phone. He cited
late Prime Minister U Nu’s comment: “Federal without secession.”

When asked about the future role of ethnic armies, Aye Tha Aung said, “We
need a “Union Tatmadaw” in Burma, and the ethnic armies will be the
federal police forces to guard our states.”

But he and his ethnic parties did not support the regime’s National
Convention drafting constitution—“Because it does not guarantee democracy
and ethic minorities’ rights,” he says.

Surprisingly, Aye Tha Aung also expressed a moderate view. If there is
gradual change that guarantees democracy and autonomy at the
military-sponsored National Convention, he said, “We are willing to
attend.”

However, the threat of secession and anarchy will remain as long as the
“Burman First” attitude is maintained.

Some observers note that the currently rigid structure in the ruling
council—mainly dominated by Burman military leaders and the regime’s
intransigence—is ammunition for the ethnic leaders who inspire independent
states and can only encourage separatist movements.

The key to a successful federal union is not only to guarantee autonomy,
but to preserve peace and prosperity.

Hseng Noung, a leading Shan activist in exile, believes most Shan
villagers want genuine peace—they simply don’t want army generals and
warlords to rule their communities.

“There is no doubt that the regime will fall,” she said. “But the Tatmadaw
will remain.”

Ethnic leaders say opposition groups are not looking to dismantle 400,000
soldiers and impose a regime change, but rather, they wish dialogue and
compromise. They still believe the country would be better off without
Than Shwe and his hardliners, but they will forever believe that their
country will need a professional army to protect its people.

Hseng Noung’s concern is how regional commanders who are powerful warlords
will react to any new situation, if there is a sudden change.

She cautioned that if there is a serious mutiny within the armed forces,
it is likely to bring about chaos and instability—although there is little
sign of that happening in the foreseeable future.

She dismissed the Iraqi-style nightmare theory: “These are just excuses to
prolong the military rule.”

In fact, anarchy and chaos in Iraq is the diet people are force-fed each
day in state-run newspapers in Burma. This is how the military leaders
create paranoia and fear to prolong their rule.

There should be no doubt that democracy, peace and prosperity in Burma (or
a Federal Union of Burma?) will only make it stronger, not weaker.

____________________________________

November 19, Financial Times
South-east Asia’s toothless charter [Editorial]

Recent demonstrations in Burma, led by Buddhist monks and crushed by the
military junta, have provided an uncomfortable but useful dose of reality
for south-east Asian leaders ahead of the signing of their flawed
constitution in Singapore on Tuesday.

Forty years after the organisation was founded, the 10 members of the
Association of South East Asian Nations see their new charter as a sign
that Asean has come of age. Sadly, the wording of the charter, including
the vague promise of a regional human rights body, merely exposes Asean’s
weaknesses and the ethical vacuum at its heart.

The problem with Asean is not simply the economic gap between the richest
members, led by Singapore and Malaysia, and the poorest, such as Burma and
Laos, although that does make it hard to create the common market promised
for 2015.

A bigger difficulty is that Asean is not, like Europe, a collection of
nations with common values, but a collection of regimes with common
interests. Those interests, whether they concern foreign policy or the
perpetuation of authoritarian rule at home, partly reflect Asean’s cold
war origins as an anti-communist security group and are rarely shared by
the “peoples of the member states” of Asean in whose name the charter is
written.

Asian leaders have portrayed disagreement over Burma as a dispute between
east and west. An Asian desire for “consensus” is supposed to explain the
lack of enforcement mechanisms or punishments for offending member states
in the charter. Yet there is little doubt that south-east Asian citizens
would (if consulted) be as vocal as Europeans or Americans in supporting
the enforcement of human rights for Burmese and other Asians.

Given their own divisions, Europeans cannot be smug about the writing of
regional constitutions. Europe, however, already has executive, judicial
and legislative bodies to ensure application of common laws and policies.
Asean does not.

Even when it does espouse justice, democracy and human rights, the Asean
charter – according to drafts that have been leaked, for the text has not
been divulged to the public in advance – immediately backs down and says
these noble ideals must be applied with “due regard to the rights and
responsibilities of the member states”. That, like the injunction against
anarchy, is a cop-out with which every Burmese general can feel
comfortable.

If Asean wants to be internationally respected and to make its mark in a
world obsessed by the economic giants of China and India, its leaders will
have to come up with something better than this.