BurmaNet News, December 22-28, 2007

[Editor]

December 22-28, 2007 Issue # 3369

INSIDE BURMA
DVB: Monk group demands apology from junta
DVB: NLD member to be tried in January
DVB: Student protestors face serious charges
Irrawaddy: Solution to Burma crisis uncertain in 2008
Irrawaddy: Dhamma banned in Burma
Irrawaddy: Child recruits are the price of retirement in Burma’s Army
Irrawaddy: Rangoon Mayor announces cutback in tea shop licenses
Irrawaddy: Burmese artists tangle with red tape
Mizzima News: Theelaythee VCD popular in Rangoon
Mizzima News: 2007 Burma's lead Rock band to perform at Kachin State's day

BUSINESS / TRADE
Irrawaddy: As 2008 approaches, Burmese economy in shambles
Irrawaddy: Weekly business roundup
Aljazeera: Gem industry feeds Myanmar military
Kalandan Press Network: Authorities ban buying and selling rice in Arakan
Los Angeles Times: Toiling for scraps in Myanmar's mines

ASEAN
Jakarta Post: Asean lets Myanmar hijack 2007's achievements

OPINION / OTHER
Irrawaddy: Pointing the finger at Than Shwe - Min Zin
Bangkok Post: Migrant policy could be better [Editorial]
Herald Sun: Stop helping the junta - Dr Myint Cho
United Press International Asia Online: An excessive sense of justice -
Awzar thi

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INSIDE BURMA

December 28, Democratic Voice of Burma
Monk group demands apology from junta

The All-Burmese Monks’ Alliance has said it will continue its boycott of
the Burmese regime unless the government apologises for its brutal
crackdowns on monks.

In a statement released on 26 December, three months after the regime’s
violent suppression of demonstrations in Rangoon, the ABMA said that it
was still seeking an apology from the government over its crackdown on
protesting monks in Pakokku on 5 September.

A spokesperson for the group said that the group’s members would not stop
their boycott until they received an apology for the Pakokku incident as
well as the September crackdown on protesting monks and civilians.

“The Burmese monks under the lead of the ABMA are continuing their boycott
against the government and we are not going to withdraw this boycoitt
unless the SPDC makes an official apology that satisfies the monks’
demands,” the spokesperson said.

“We urge people not to forget the events of September, and call upon all
citizens of Burma to join the movement to bring democracy to this
military-ruled country.”

The ABMA statement also urged the government to release political
prisoners, work towards national reconciliation, to protect Buddhism from
harassment and comply with United Nations recommendations.

____________________________________

December 28, Democratic Voice of Burma
NLD member to be tried in January

National League for Democracy member Ko Thein Swe could face a long-term
jail sentence when he is charged with six offences at Bahan court on 2
January.

Ko Thein Swe was arrested at his house in Phyar Pon township, Irrawaddy
division, on the evening of 22 October in connection with the public
demonstrations in September and is being held in Insein prison in Rangoon.

Ko Thein Swe’s father U Myint Swe, a people’s parliament representative
from Phyar Pon township met his son during a prison visit at Insein on 24
December and said he would be brought to court on 2 January.

Ko Thein Swe told his father he was visited on 19 December by a police
officer, a judge from Bahan court and a legal advisor from Insein prison
who informed him that he would be face six charges.

He is to be charged under sections 143 and 145 of the penal code on
unlawful assembly, which could lead to a jail term of up to two years,
under section 147 for rioting, which carries a two-year sentence, and
under section 505 (b) for incitement of offences against the state, which
could lead to two years’ imprisonment.

He is also being charged under section 124 for not disclosing information
on high treason to the authorities, which carries a seven-year penalty.

In addition to the charges related to the protests, an additional and
unrelated charge of selling pornographic materials under obscenity laws in
section 292 has also been added.

Ko Thein Swe’s mother Daw Sein Te said she was very disappointed with the
charges.

“My son has been accused of some ridiculous things,” she said.

“Some of these six charges against him could result in him spending a long
time in prison.”

NLD lawyer U Aung Thein said that a township-level court did not have the
authority to try a case with such serious penalties, and that it should be
decided at a higher level.

____________________________________

December 28, Democratic Voice of Burma
Student protestors face serious charges

Four students who were arrested in connection with the September
demonstrations are to be charged with six offences which could result in
over twelve years in prison.

Ye Myat Hein, Sithu Maung, Ye Min Oo and Kyi Phyu are first-year
mathematics students from West Rangoon University.

They are due to be brought before Bahan court on 2 January to face charges
under sections 143 144 and 145 of the penal code on unlawful assembly,
section 147 on rioting, 295 and 295 (a) on religious defamation and 505b
on incitement of offences against the public tranquility.

Five of the six charges carry maximum sentences of two years each, while
the sixth could lead to a further six months.

Ye Myat Hein’s father Khin Maung Cho, who recently visited his son in
Insein prison, said that he denied the charges.

“I did not violate any law. I just joined the monks’ protest on 25
September peacefully, and I did not incite any riots either,” Ye Myat Hein
told his father.

Khin Maung Cho said that the conditions of his son’s detention were in
violation of Burmese law.

“According to section 37 of the regulations on the detention of juveniles
issued by the Burmese govt in 1993, a minor should not be handcuffed or
tied up, or held together with adult criminals,” Khin Maung Cho said.

“They also can’t beat them up or threaten them.”

Despite this, Khin Maung Cho said his son is being held in a cell together
with 20 adult criminals in order to intimidate him.

“So this is like the authorities are violating their own regulations by
putting my son with these adult criminals,” he said.

Ye Myat Hein is 17 years old and was arrested at his house on 10 October.

____________________________________

December 28, Irrawaddy
Solution to Burma crisis uncertain in 2008 - Wai Moe

The Burmese oppositions’ prospects of dialogue with the military
government remain unlikely in the near future while the junta pushes ahead
with its seven-step “Roadmap.” However, astrologists say 2008 will bring
change to Burma.

Analysts say the ruling generals’ despicable acts of brutality against the
country’s most respected Buddhist institution, the Sangha, will make the
national reconciliation process between Burmese citizens and the junta
more difficult.

Although the international community, led by the UN, has repeatedly called
for dialogue to resolve the crisis in Burma, there is little light at the
end of the tunnel in 2008, said Aye Thar Aung, secretary of the Committee
Representing the People’s Parliament.

“The junta’s claims are likely to be false. They made conditions for
dialogue; now there are no signs of an ongoing dialogue,” he added.

Nyan Win, a spokesperson for the main opposition party, the National
League for Democracy, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that dialogue will be
the “main step” of the NLD in 2008.

“We cannot say with certainty that there will be constructive meetings
between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the liaison officer, Maj-Gen Aung Kyi, in
2008,” he said. “We have not seen any improvement since November 19 (Suu
Kyi and Aung Kyi’s last meeting). We expect a lot from dialogue. But that
hope is still hopeless.”

Nyan Win also said that the international community’s endorsement of
Burmese democracy will still be an important factor in the future.

Chan Tun, a veteran politician based in Rangoon, said he believes that
students, monks, dissidents and ordinary people who want a peaceful
transition in Burma will continue calling for dialogue in 2008.

The generals will focus on finishing their one-dimensional constitution;
then they will go along with a referendum and an election, said Chan Tun.
“But, if the junta wants a legitimate constitution, referendum and
election, they all must be free and fair. International observers must be
invited.”

The Burmese junta, through its State Peace and Development Council,
characterized its hardline stance in a list of objectives released to the
state-run media on Friday to mark the 60th anniversary of Burma’s
independence. Two of the five objectives read: “To ensure emergence of an
enduring constitution in line with the fundamental principle and detailed
basic principles adopted by the National Convention that has been
completed successfully;” and “All the national people to cooperate in
realizing the state’s seven-step roadmap with union spirit, patriotic
spirit and the spirit of sacrifice.” [sic]

However, whatever the ruling generals say, ordinary people think
differently. The New Year period is a time to consult with astrologists
and the streets are awash with predictions of change in 2008.

One well-known astrologist warned of a bloody situation in the first
quarter of the new year. And Than Shwe’s life will apparently be in danger
if the new national flag is officially approved, said Rangoon residents.

Astrologists have told believers to be careful when leaving home, because
the incidents in the future will be historical and bloody before change
comes to Burma.

“We heard similar warnings by astrologists in 1988,” said a believer,
speaking on condition of anonymity. “But later we witnessed people’s blood
on the streets. Astrologists are warning again now.”

____________________________________

December 27, Irrawaddy
Dhamma banned in Burma - Wai Moe

The Burmese military government has ordered a ban on Buddhist dhamma talks
and seminars in Rangoon, according to monks in the former capital.

The monks told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that dhamma [the Buddha’s
teachings] talks by four well-known monks were forced to cancel in
December. The monks were named as: U Kawthala, also known as Dhamma Sedi
Sayadaw; U Kawvida, also known as Mizzima Gon Yi Sayadaw; U Nadapadi, also
known as Pyu Sayadaw; and U Sadila, also known as Lu Yay Chun Sayadaw.

Township authorities in Rangoon had been ordered to ban dhamma talks by
the Regional Commander of Rangoon, said the sources. On Wednesday, U
Kawvida, who is also a PhD in Buddhism, prepared to conduct a Buddhist
tutorial in Insein Township, on the outskirts of Rangoon. However,
officials arrived at the scene and ordered the dhamma talk to be stopped
immediately.

“U Kawvida requested permission from the commander of the Rangoon Regional
Command, Maj-Gen Hla Htay Win, to address the crowd, but the commander
rejected the monk’s request,” said a monk, who spoke on condition of
anonymity.

“U Kawvida was scheduled to talk in Rangoon tomorrow, but he has been
forced to cancel.”

Meanwhile, in central Rangoon, a dhamma talk by Khamasiri Linkaya, also
known as Shwepyihein Sayadaw, was stopped by authorities recently,
according to sources in Rangoon.

Khamasiri Linkaya was then interrogated, said a monk who attended the
talk, adding that the authorities suspected his speech was critical of the
junta and might charge the senior monk.

Since November, dhamma VCDs featuring Burma’s most respected senior monks,
including U Nyanithara and U Kawvida, which are critical of the military
crackdown , have reportedly been banned by the authorities.

“The authorities ban dhamma CDs and VCDs whether they are directly or
indirectly critical of military rule,” said a senior monk.

Meanwhile, the Buddhist University in Rangoon was ordered to close by
authorities according to sources. Officials have yet to announce a date
for the university to reopen. Monks from the Buddhist University were
actively involved in the September uprising.

The Burmese junta often claims it believes deeply in Buddhism and
encourages the growth of the faith. It’s a claim that few Burmese people
believe since the acts of brutality carried out by the authorities against
the revered monks.

____________________________________

December 27, Irrawaddy
Child recruits are the price of retirement in Burma’s Army - Min Lwin

While 15-year-old San Lin Aung stood waiting for a train home at Pyinmana
railroad station, an army sergeant approached him and asked to see his ID.

The boy couldn’t produce one, so the soldier sent him to an army
recruitment unit in Mingalardon, on the outskirts of Rangoon. The officer
in charge of the unit refused to enlist him, but another unit in Mandalay
accepted him without question.

Two 14 year-olds, Kyaw Min Thu from South Dagon, and a youngster from
North Okkalapa, were also forcibly recruited by the army in late April,
according to reports.

“The children were threatened by army recruiters and told that if they
didn’t join the army they would be sent to prison,” said a relative of one
of the child soldiers.

Eleven complaints of forced recruitment of child soldiers are currently
being investigated by the International Labour Organization in Rangoon,
according to ILO liaison officer Stephen Marshall.

“When the investigation is completed, the government has a responsibility
to report back to me the findings of its own investigation and the
decision it has taken,” he told The Irrawaddy.

It’s estimated that around 70,000 child soldiers are serving in 727
infantry battalions of the Burma army.

Many of them are victims of a practice enabling veteran soldiers to “buy”
their discharge by recruiting new blood for the army.

Nyunt Hlaing (not his real name) is a 48-year-old warrant officer
first-class who has served 25 years in the Burmese army. He wants to
retire from service, but has been told he must first recruit at least five
young men, regardless of their age, or pay a recruitment unit around
600,000 kyat (US $460) to do the job for him.

A source close to No 1 military recruitment unit based in Danyingon,
Mingalardon, confirmed that soldiers wishing to retire after serving more
than 20 years had first of all to sign up new recruits.

Railroad and bus stations, markets and public places are targeted by the
army recruiters and civilian brokers in search of likely young candidates.

“Recruiters force the children to sign a letter confirming that they join
the army of their own will and pledge to serve for at least 5 years,” one
source said.

____________________________________

December 28, Irrawaddy
Rangoon Mayor announces cutback in tea shop licenses - Violet Cho

Rangoon’s mayor, Brig-Gen Aung Thein Lin has announced a cutback in the
number of restaurant and tea shop licenses to be issued in 2008,
reportedly because he believes people waste too much time and money in
them.

The cutback was reported by a Rangoon journal, which quoted the killjoy
mayor as saying: “There will not be any improvement for the people as long
as there are so many tea shops in the city, so we have stopped issuing
licenses to open more.”

Disappointment and anger greeted the announcement. The popular comedian
Zarganar, who spent time in prison because of his support for the
September demonstrations, said people should be able to spend their time
and money as they wished.

Tea shop table talk is a colorful part of Burmese life, and business
boomed following the September demonstrations.

A Rangoon journalist said it appeared that restaurants and tea shops able
to receive satellite TV were being targeted.

“People usually watch Democratic Voice of Burma’s newscasts in restaurants
and tea shops that have satellite dishes, as most Burmese people can not
afford to set up a satellite dish at home,” he said.

A famous Rangoon restaurant owner said the economic crisis had created
boredom and driven people to seek out restaurants and tea shops for social
activity.

“Most of the people who spend their time in my tea shop and restaurant are
jobless,” he said. “I think if they had jobs they wouldn’t come and spend
so much time here.”

____________________________________

December 28, Irrawaddy
Burmese artists tangle with red tape - Saw Yan Naing

Burmese artists are facing greater difficulties in staging art exhibitions
due to excessive bureaucracy, according to various artists in Rangoon.

The military authorities have been imposing restrictions, without any
given reason, causing delays in the opening of several art exhibitions and
the cancellation of a recently planned exhibit titled “New Zero” which
included artwork by 21 artists. The show had been scheduled to run from
December 26-27 at a gallery on Rangoon’s Kabar Aye Pagoda Road.

Performance art and installation art pieces that were created by
well-known artists such as Ba Win, Aung Myint, Aung Aung Tate, Tin Win,
CNK and Aye Ko were to be included in the “New Zero” exhibition.

No reason for the cancellation was officially offered to the artists,
according to several of those involved in the exhibition.

Some artists speculated that the cancellation was ordered because the
dates of the exhibit coincided with the dates in September when security
forces brutally broke up peaceful demonstrations.

Another possible reason given for the cancellation of the “New Zero”
exhibition is that the generals personally dislike modern art,
installation art and performance art.

In the past, holding an exhibition involved going through the government’s
notoriously fickle censorship board with details of the type of show, the
amount of works on display and other fine points.

However, artists said that the presentation of art is now much more
difficult than in days past. More regulations and requirements have been
introduced and the artists and sponsors most often face agonizing delays
in receiving any kind of feedback or authorization from the censorship
board.

____________________________________

December 28, Mizzima News
Theelaythee VCD popular in Rangoon - Maung Dee

The colourful Ahnyeint (variety dance) video compact disc (VCD) which
captures the performance of four comedians which mock and ridicule the
regime's weak points and appalling governance, is popular among Rangoon
residents and is being widely circulated.

The four famous comedians (Theelaythee) performed this 'Colourful
Ahnyeint' (Variety Dance Show) in Mhyaw Sin Kyun in Rangoon on October 24.
This VCD is easily available and is selling like hot cakes in Rangoon.
Residents are circulating it among themselves.

"This VCD is widely being circulated in Rangoon . Almost everyone has
watched this VCD and likes it. If someone has not yet watched the VCD,
those who have watched it give it to them. This way, the VCD is
circulating and everybody likes it," a woman student told Mizzima.

A student in Rangoon Eastern University told Mizzima that similarly the
famous sermons by Sayadaws (Abbots) and secretly recorded video footages
during the September Saffron revolution and uncensored foreign films are
available from roadside vendors in downtown Pansodan Street.

"But you cannot get these uncensored DVDs and VCDs easily. You have to
place an order and collect it the next day at the time given by the
vendors because the vendors are at risk of being arrested if they are
founding possession of these DVDs and VCDs," he said.

Though some are saying that the authorities are chasing and arresting
vendors who are selling such DVDs and VCDs, no one has been arrested yet.

Ko Tin Htay and Ko Than Tun from Nyaungdon were sentenced to four and half
years in prison on April 25 this year for being in possession of 'The
Night of Daimonds' a documentary VCD which compares the lavish and
extravagant wedding reception of Thandar Shwe, daughter of Senior General
Than Shwe, with the miserable daily life of the common people who live in
abject poverty.

____________________________________

December 28, Mizzima News
2007 Burma's lead Rock band to perform at Kachin State's day

Burma's leading rock band Iron Cross is all set to perform in what is to
be one of the biggest festivals marking the 60th anniversary of the
formation of Kachin State slated for next month in Myit Kyi Na, an
organizer of the festival said.

With an estimated budget of nearly 300 million kyat (USD 0.23 million),
ethnic Kachins in Northern Burma said they are gearing up to hold one of
the biggest historic festivals from January 5 to 11, 2008.

While the famous and traditional Kachin Manau Dance will be the main draw
of the festival, organizers said, the youths will be attracted to the
performance of Burma's leading rock stars.

"There will be Manau dances through out the festival and performance by
the Iron Cross as well," spokesperson of the Manau Dance committee told
Mizzima.

An official at the Iron Cross' office in Rangoon told Mizzima, "Yes, IC
will go to Myit Myi Na and perform on January 9 and 10. And all the
singers with whom IC has contracts will come along."

However, he added that the lead Rock singer Lay Phyu is not likely to join
the tour.

The Manau festival committee spokesperson, however, said the IC band,
which has not been officially invited, will come on its own and will
perform with a view to collecting all proceedings from the show.

The spokesperson added that the Kachin State's Day, which will be jointly
sponsored by the Kachin ceasefire armed groups and companies operating in
the state, will also be honoured by several junta officials and foreign
diplomats stationed in Burma.

"We have invited several government officials as well as diplomats and
also other ethnic groups who will join us in the Manau Dance," the
spokesperson said

Kachin, which comprises of six different ethnic groups, including
Jinghpaw, Lisu, Rawang, Zaiwa, Laovo and Lashi, gained statehood on
January 10, 1948.

Kachins along with Shans and Chins jointly signed Burma's historic
Panglong agreement initiated by General Aung San, through which Burma got
independence from British colonial rulers on January 4, 1948.

However, Kachis began one of Burma's earliest armed insurgency in 1961 by
forming the Kachin Independence Army. The KIA, which has been waging an
independence war, however, signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese
military junta in 1994.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

December 26, Irrawaddy
As 2008 approaches, Burmese economy in shambles - Wai Moe

As the New Year approaches, Burma’s economy has undergone a year of
skyrocketing commodity prices, touching a 50 percent inflation rate and
putting even more stress on average citizens.

Business sources told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that the average Rangoon
resident must think of their basic daily needs rather than take part in
holiday festivities or special ceremonies.

Most people simply buying food instead of extras, said an owner of a
medium-size business in Rangoon.

Rangoon, the nation’s largest city, has about a dozen shopping centers.
Many have put items on sale, but people flock to the centers mainly to
look at products rather than buy, said a woman who regularly shops at City
Mart, a large shopping center in Rangoon.

“If you see the number of shopping centers in Rangoon, you would think the
economy is good in Burma,” said one business source.

City Mart has expanded its number of branches, he said, “but total income
is lower.”

Regular customers at shopping centers tend to be the wealthy, commercial
brokers, gamblers and government officials, according to sources.

“Most people cannot afford good things, but they can look around a
shopping center and have a good feeling about all the expensive things,”
said one Rangoon resident. “Poor people in Burma see rich peoples’
pleasures but their own lives are a disaster, and they know they must show
patience.”

Business conditions were fairly good before the mass uprising in August
and September. Sales dropped as much as 50 percent after the
demonstrations, according to business sources.

In mid-August the government increased the price of subsidized fuels,
creating severe problems for transport operators and people already
struggling with soaring prices for food and other essential goods and
services.  The inflation rate approached 50 percent at the end of 2007,
according to The Economist Intelligence Unit.

“Owners are afraid to extend their businesses at the moment,” said a
successful businessman who works in one industrial zone. “We [businessmen]
think all business situations are uncertain after the crackdown on
protesters.”

An additional factor is the lack of electricity. Since November,
electricity distribution has been irregular in Rangoon with long outages.
Disruptions grew worse this month, with many residents experiencing about
five hours of electricity daily.

In many industrial zones there is no electricity from 5 p.m. to 8 a.m.,
forcing factories to operate only in the day time.

Running private generators to supply electricity is no longer an option
for many businesses, since diesel fuel sells for around 5,000 kyat (about
US $3.9) a gallon, said a factory owner.

“But we cannot complain about electricity,” he said. “If we complain, we
might face more income tax. It is like a fine for complaining. We are
lucky if our businesses are not nationalized,” he said.

Many people turn to astrologers during bad times.

“Many astrologers say there will be a new government or a change in
government in the next year,” said one businessman. “We are waiting for
that time to extend our business. At the moment, we are keeping our
savings rather than expanding.”

Meanwhile, The Economist Intelligence Unit noted in its year-end report
that the junta’s management of the economy remains poor, and its policies
will continue to contribute to economic instability

____________________________________

December 28, Irrawaddy
Weekly business roundup - William Boot

China's Burma Trade Soars with 'Cooperative Ties'

China has become Burma's second-largest trading partner with growth of
nearly 38 percent in the first nine months of 2007.

The bulk of the US $1.43 billion trade was exports from China into Burma,
according to the official Chinese news agency Xinhua.

China sent goods to Burma worth $1.21 billion, while it imported $220
million of Burmese goods.

This was due to growing "neighborly and friendly cooperative ties" between
the two countries, said Xinhua.

Analysts note that for the first time, China appears to be acknowledging
that it does still import timber from Burma, despite reported bans across
the land border with China's Yunnan Province.

"China's exports to Myanmar are based primarily on value-added products
which are mainly textile, steel and oil refined products, while its
imports from Myanmar are led by primary products such as raw wood,
processed timber, natural rubber and cane products," said Xinhua, quoting
an official at its embassy in Burma.

Legislation to ban timber imports from Burma is presently moving through
the U.S. Congress.

Chinese engineering companies have also "played a positive and boosting
role in Myanmar's economic development," Xinhua said, quoting the economic
and commercial counselor of the Chinese Embassy in Myanmar, Tang Hai.

The trade figures coincide with a just-finished trade fair in the Chinese
town of Ruili, on the Yunnan border with Burma, which Xinhua said also
involved Thailand, India and Bangladesh.

The official Chinese news agency said that 100 Burmese companies took part.

Thailand remains Burma¦'s biggest trading partner, due to Bangkok'¦s large
purchases of gas. China supplants Singapore which falls to the
third-largest trading partner position with two-way trade for the 2006-7
financial year ended last March totaling $1.21 billion.

Regime Turns to India, China for IT Development

Burma is increasing its reliance on India and China for technology as
other sources have been cut off by Western sanctions.

The two neighbors are cooperating with the regime in developing Yadanabon,
the so-called cyber city near Mandalay.

China has already developed a cross-border fiber optics link with
Yadanabon, and India is set to follow, according to the director of
India¡¦s Institute for Topical Studies in Chennai, B. Raman.

India and China have been competing with each other not only in helping
Myanmar'¦s military junta in the exploitation of its vast gas reserves in
the Arakan area, but also in strengthening its IT capability,¨ Raman said
in a report. "The [Burmese] junta, which is keen to develop an IT
capability which will not be dependent on Western companies, has sought
the help of India and China. Both have responded positively.¨

India is a noted global developer of computer software, and the Burmese
regime wants to tap into this for its so-called cyber city plans, Raman
said.

His comments come as the regime announced the opening of the Yadanabon
Information and Communication Technology center at a site near the old
town of Pyin Oo Lwin about 70 kilometers from Mandalay.

Observers say the location is extraordinarily remote for an "information
city.¨

Chin Deaths Illustrate Plight of Illegal Immigrants

The drowning of more than 40 Burmese in a boat accident in the Sea of
Andaman on December 20 underlines the surreptitious commercial movement of
people out of the impoverished country.

The dead were among more than 90 Chin reportedly being smuggled from
southern Burma to Malaysia.

The vessel sank after colliding with a fishing boat, according to news
reports.

With refugee camps along the Thai border overloaded, along with reports of
exploitation, more people fleeing Malaysia are heading for Malaysia.

According to the Kuala Lumpur government, there are about 25,000 Burmese
in Malaysia seeking refugee status, but aid agencies have said the real
figure is double that.

Many Burmese are illegal immigrants, hiding from the authorities while
being exploited as cheap labor by harsh employers, says the NGO Altsean
Burma, which campaigns for better human rights in the 10 countries of
Asean.

Large numbers of Burmese are now working illegally in Malaysia'¦s
construction and agricultural sectors.

The Malaysian government has turned a blind eye to the influx because the
country has a labor shortage, but illegal immigrants have no rights to a
minimum wage or basic working conditions.

Some reports say there are more than 1 million illegal migrant workers in
Malaysia from various countries in the region.

Malaysia has refused to sign the United Nations Convention Relating to the
Status of Refugees, which guarantees basic human rights.

Burma is now the largest source of refugees in East Asia.

____________________________________

December 27, Aljazeera
Gem industry feeds Myanmar military - Szewah Leong in Yangon

An international corruption watchdog is calling for a complete ban on the
purchase of gemstones from Myanmar.

Human Rights Watch says the gem industry is Myanmar's third largest
earner, but that revenue helps finance military abuses across the country.

Many buy ruby, a gemstone, in the belief that it will bring them good luck.

But in reality, rubies and other precious stones have brought nothing but
misery to the vast majority of the country.

Tight controls

Gems are the third largest revenue earner for the military government,
which tightly controls the entire industry. And it is cash that is crucial
for funding the government.

Arvind Ganesane of Human Rights Watch told Al Jazeera: "[Gems] provide
hundreds of millions of dollars to commit abuses, repress its own people
and resist international pressure to change, to allow opposition parties
to function and allow democratically elected leaders."

About 90 per cent of the world's rubies can be traced back to Myanmar.

Myanmar has vast deposits of gems. Like the military cabal that has been
in power for more than four decades, the gemstone industry is shrouded in
secrecy.

Most gems are mined in high-security areas in northern Myanmar. Miners
work with no protection and in conditions where HIV and malaria are said
to be widespread.

The US banned gem imports from Myanmar in 2003. It has recently tightened
up the law in a bid to pressure the Myanmar government into making
political changes.

The EU also imposed sanctions after the government's military crackdown
three months ago.

But the embargos has been hard to enforce and has barely had any effect.

Stone confusion

Most rubies are treated in Thailand and can easily be confused with stones
from Africa once they are cut and polished.

And state gem auctions, which pull in thousands of international buyers
each year, are on the increase.

"I don't think the Burmese are worried about the American market alone,"
says PJ Joseph of the Asian Institute of Gemological Studies.

"As long as you have the Chinese, southeast Asian and the Indian market,
there will always be demand for Burma's stones."

A typical gem craftsman in Myanmar earns a dollar for each piece he makes.
Some observers fear that if the embargo works at all, it will be the
craftsmen who suffer the most.

But others argue it would be hard for conditions to get much worse for one
of the poorest and most oppressed countries in Asia.

____________________________________

December 28, Kalandan Press Network
Authorities ban buying and selling rice in Arakan

Akyab, Arakan State: Higher authorities in Arakan State have banned people
from buying rice to stock up for 2008. Farmers cannot sell rice to the
public either, according to an order issued in December 2007.

The authorities have ordered officers in the town not to allow people to
carry rice from one town to another and not to allow them to buy rice to
stock for rice mills or rice traders, said a rice trader from Akyab.

The authorities have also ordered officials to collect and buy rice from
the farmers for the armed forces who are stationed in the area for the
year 2008, said a said from arm force from Akyab.

In Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships, the order was issued in the first
week of December. The people of Maungdaw town have started facing a
shortage of rice after the order was issued.

The authorities of Maungdaw and Buthidaung, the Township Peace and
Development Council (TPDC) have requested to the higher authorities of
Arakan State to allow carrying rice between these two townships, but it
has not given its approval yet, said a closed aide from Maungdaw.

"We bought one kilogram of common rice at 350 Kyats on December 4, but now
we are buying this rice at 550 Kyats. Rice is unavailable in Maungdaw
Township after the ban on carrying rice from Buthidaung," said a daily
labourer in Maungdaw.

"We can't sell our rice when ever we want to as the authorities have
ordered us not to sell rice to any person except the government agent,"
said a farmer from Buthidaung.

____________________________________

December 24, Los Angeles Times
Toiling for scraps in Myanmar's mines - Paul Watson

The government keeps most of the country's mineral wealth from its
citizens. Children toil alongside prospectors for bits of gold and jade,
and resentment gleams dully below the surface.

Squatting along the rocky banks of the Nmai Hka River, villagers labor
from dawn till dusk over large wooden pans, scrounging for crumbs from the
junta's table.

Children barely big enough to swirl the heavy slurry toil alongside men
and women, doing backbreaking work that exposes them to toxic mercury.

Every few minutes, they pause and tilt their dripping pans to catch the
sunlight, hoping for the glint from a few golden flecks that haven't been
scooped up with the rest of Myanmar's vast mineral wealth by the ruling
generals and their cronies.

On a recent day by the river, Ja Bu, 46, strained to lift shovel loads of
slurry as a 10-year-old boy, ankle-deep in the cold, muddy water, worked a
pan big enough for him to bathe in.

Sixty miles west, Ja Bu's younger brother was searching for jade in the
drainage ditch of a mine exhausted years ago by the junta. The few dollars
that Ja Bu and her brother manage to scratch together each day from what
the generals didn't take buys food, clothes and shelter for 10 people.

During 45 years of military rule, the generals have steadily consolidated
control over the country's most lucrative mining areas. They have amassed
enormous wealth from gems, minerals, timber and other vast natural
resources, and left most of Myanmar's people poor.

The junta tightly controls access to its large gem and jade mines, but
remote places such as Kharbar offer a glimpse of a struggling people's
helpless, yet strengthening, rage against the government.

The junta's violent crackdown against pro-democracy street demonstrations
in September, the largest in two decades, sparked new calls for an
international boycott of the government's biggest moneymakers, including
rubies, sapphires, oil and natural gas.

First Lady Laura Bush has urged jewelers not to buy gems from Myanmar,
also known as Burma. Some of the world's biggest names in precious stones,
such as Cartier, Bulgari and Tiffany, say they won't sell Myanmar's
blood-tainted treasures anymore.

The U.S. Senate passed legislation Wednesday to tighten sanctions against
the junta by banning imports of that country's rubies and high-quality
jade. The House already passed its version of the bill but must act again
on the Senate-passed version to approve minor differences.

But as Western shoppers shun Myanmar's jewels, buyers from neighboring
China are rushing in to scoop up the country's gold and jade, highly
prized by the growing middle class and by the fabulously wealthy, eager to
find more ways to flaunt their new wealth.

It's one of the main reasons why the junta is still strong after years of
sanctions: When Western countries try to tighten the economic noose,
neighbors led by China, India and Thailand loosen the knot by increasing
trade and investment in Myanmar.

Government officials say jade replaced rubies as the main attraction at a
state-run auction held last month in Yangon, the country's principal city,
also known as Rangoon. The fourth auction this year, it raised about $125
million for the junta in badly needed foreign currency.

But the junta doesn't let much trickle down to places like Kharbar, a
remote northern stretch near the Himalayan foothills, close to the Chinese
border.

It's a spectacularly beautiful, unforgiving place where villagers live in
thatched huts with walls woven from bamboo. Thin as cardboard, they are
flimsy shelter against frigid winter winds. And as the cost of food and
fuel rises, so does the villagers' resentment, which roils like the rapids
of the Nmai Hka that taunts them with tiny gifts of gold.

Dong Shi, a wiry man in a green sweater splitting at the seams, has been
working the brown slough and bamboo sluices here for three years.

On a good day, he finds $8 worth of gold flakes, the biggest about the
size of a pinhead. Like other prospectors, he must pay $250, or more than
half an average person's annual income here, to the owner of the land for
permission to pan just 10 square feet of riverbank.

After Dong Shi pays his stake's owner, his share of the diesel to run a
generator and sluice pumps, school fees for his four kids and other
mounting expenses, he has little left.

"We eat all that I earn," he said. "I have nothing left in my pocket.
Tomorrow I go back to work on the river, just to have some more food."

It is grueling, risky work. To separate gold particles from the slurry,
miners squeeze drops of mercury from strips of cloth soaked in
quicksilver, exposing them and the river fish they eat to dangerous levels
of the heavy metal, which can damage kidneys and the nervous system.

For all the prospectors' pain and risk, most pans come up bust. So they
dig deeper, push the limits harder.

Desperate to hit pay dirt, dreaming of finding a rare nugget instead of
just flecks, some villagers rig up hand pumps onshore to homemade
breathing hoses, and wade to the middle of the river. They work up to
three hours at a time underwater.

As the economic chasm widens between Myanmar's people and their corrupt
military rulers, places that were once synonymous with the sparkle of
precious stones are now earning a darker reputation as hotbeds of
political dissent.

One is Mogok, for centuries the entrance to the Valley of Rubies, which
lies 200 miles south of Kharbar but might as well be a thousand, because
the government rarely allows foreign visitors to see for themselves what
is happening there.

Some of the earliest protests against rising fuel prices were held in
Mogok this summer before they spread to the capital and grabbed world
attention. Last month, more than 50 Buddhist monks defied the junta's
crackdown and marched peacefully through Mogok.

Anger has been boiling beneath the surface there for years as the junta
pushed out more small-scale miners, who are left to search the dregs of
abandoned mines, said Soe Myint, a leader in exile of detained opposition
leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy.

"Most of the gems are mined by government firms, or those affiliated with
the junta, the generals' relatives and cronies," added Myint, who was
elected to Myanmar's parliament in 1990 and then jailed for 14 years when
the military rejected Suu Kyi's victory at the polls.

"Whether it's jade, rubies or sapphires, locals cannot mine them anymore.
They only get a very small portion. That's why Mogok is at the forefront
of the demonstrations. The local people have nothing else to do because
all the land has been confiscated by the government and government
companies."

The trade in gemstones, the country's third-largest source of revenue, is
dominated by the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd., a consortium
co-owned by the Defense Ministry and military officers who hold the bulk
of the firm's shares.

The government tightly controls access to the country's gem and jade
mines, but it's possible to get a hint of the suffering that has stirred
so much anger against the junta by traveling north to the rough roads and
fast-moving rivers around Kharbar. Here, two rivers fed by Himalayan
glaciers converge to give birth to the Irrawaddy River, the broad backbone
of Myanmar.

Long canoes with ear-splitting motors are the only way into the region's
most promising gold panning sites, one of the last places where
small-scale miners can legally eke out a living. The area is also home to
some of the world's best jade deposits.

But the junta shut down the biggest operations two years ago, and the
flood of cash from Chinese businesspeople suddenly dropped off. The local
economy suffered more as most of the jade trade moved south to Mandalay,
where more than 100 factories cut and polish the stones, mainly to supply
growing demand in China.

Child labor is an essential part of production at the bottom end of
outdoor factories that surround Mandalay's jade market.

Children huddle on their haunches around glowing embers in metal braziers,
melting doping wax on the end of dop sticks, plucking small pieces of jade
from a cup, and carefully placing them on the wax blobs. They blow gently
to harden the seals and then hand the sticks up the line to other
children.

On a recent day, one boy sat on the edge of a stool, stretching his leg to
reach a wooden pedal that he pumped to spin a bamboo cylinder, wrapped in
sandpaper, as he ground pieces of jade to a refined sheen. Once they'd
done their best with small hands scraped by the grinders, the boys passed
the jade along to men.

It takes an experienced hand to get the shimmering polish that will bring
the best price, a small piece of the profits that keep Myanmar's military
in power. That can't be left in the shaky hands of children.

____________________________________
ASEAN

December 28, Jakarta Post
Asean lets Myanmar hijack 2007's achievements - Abdul Khalik

Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should have celebrated a
triumphant 2007 for at least two reasons: it turned 40 this year, and it
signed a legally-binding charter that will define its existence going
forward

Reaching the age of 40 is in itself a worthy achievement for a regional
grouping. More surprising, is the fact that ASEAN has progressed beyond a
mere gathering of officials toward integration and functionality. The
grouping's leaders have reiterated that to be functional the organization
must benefit people in the member countries

In stark contrast, other regional organizations have been dissolved, gone
into inactivity or simply ended up as an annual gathering of leaders and
officials. The African Union (AU), the South Asian Association for
Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and several regional groupings in Latin
America can be given as examples. In this sense, ASEAN can compare itself
to the European Union, which is considered the most successful regional
organization in the world

Ironically, many criticize ASEAN as too slow in its integration, pointing
to the way it lags far behind the EU

However, there is a contrary notion: that the two groupings are
exceptionally different and the most relevant comparison between them is
that both are still alive and kicking. This popularity of this notion is
growing

As for the differences between ASEAN and EU, first there is the diversity
among their respective members. The EU is generally homogeneous as regards
in culture, religion and economic conditions

This smoothes the integration process. ASEAN countries, on the other hand,
are different from each other in almost every respect

While Greco-Roman and Judeo-Christian traditions characterize EU members,
ASEAN has yet to uncover the shared values that can unite its members

In terms of history and culture, each of the 10 ASEAN members is quite
unique. Some were colonized by the British, others by the French or Dutch.
In each case, the former colonizers left behind different influences

Christianity, Islam and Buddhism are all predominant religions in ASEAN
countries. Malaysia, Indonesia, and Brunei are Muslim-majority countries;
the Philippines is mostly Catholic; and Thailand, Myanmar, Laos and
Cambodia embrace Buddhism

As for systems of government, ASEAN comprises a military junta, a
communist state, and an absolute monarchy -- in addition to quasi and full
democracies

Against this backdrop of diversity, ASEAN has plenty of reason to be proud
that of turning 40 without ever having experienced serious conflict among
members

It is the search for common values that underlines the significance of the
signing of the constitution-type charter in Singapore in November

ASEAN has tried to convince the world that its central values are
democracy, respect for human rights and adherence to a market-oriented
economic approach. And the text of the charter clearly refers to these,
including provisions for a human rights accountability body

Many have said, though, the charter represents a watering down of original
ideas to such a point that it becomes only a description of the status quo
in ASEAN member countries. Criticism generally centers on continuing
deference shown for consensus-based decision making and the
"non-interference principle"

While the critics are justified, the charter should be seen as the first
step toward establishment of a genuine legally-binding set of ASEAN game
rules - not a final score. It should seen as the evolution, instead of the
instant remaking of the Southeast Asian system

Most ASEAN leaders have represented that their countries will ratify the
charter, which converted the organization into an international legal
entity governed with bylaws from a body whose resolutions were entirely
voluntary and non-binding. So, by any standard, the 40th anniversary and
the signing of the charter are landmarks

However, 2007 passed without ASEAN having received much in the way of
congratulations from the international community or the international
media. They seemed to play down these significant two landmark
achievements

Instead, all attention has been focused on one issue: Myanmar. That
country, instead of ASEAN, has become the brightest star in Southeast
Asia. Even worse, some have called the charter a joke just because Myanmar
signed it

The critic's reasoning is lucid enough. The grouping failed -- at least in
the eyes of the U.S. and EU -- to take any meaningful action against the
reclusive country, despite thousands of monks marching in the streets of
Yangon for weeks, and many being killed

The grouping, some argue, should suspend Myanmar until the junta decides
to show respect for democracy and human rights. This would make ASEAN bold
in the eyes of the international community and prove the grouping was on a
course toward democracy and respect for human rights in accordance with
its new charter

It is widely admitted that the whole world has failed on Myanmar

ASEAN hasn't sanctioned Myanmar for reasons of brotherhood, and after
seeing the failure of sanctions imposed by Western countries. After years
of attempts at constructive engagement, the junta in Myanmar doesn't
listen to ASEAN, nor are they likely to in the future

Meanwhile, ASEAN would have realized that there was a crucial shift on
Myanmar early in the year when it survived a critical UN Security Council
resolution on sanctions, thanks to a veto from China and Russia

For its part, the junta would have known, at that point, that China -- and
to a lesser extent Russia -- was the one to be heeded

The veto was a true turning point as the junta is afraid only of concerted
international legal action against them -- UN sanctions that could lead to
economic paralysis and catalyze unrest on a scale even greater than what
they experienced last year

So, if the Myanmar junta will not listen to ASEAN, what is the use of
engaging the country? What has ASEAN to win from acting boldly only to be
embarrassed by the junta? The real challenge in the coming years, then, is
whether, how, and to what extent human rights and democratic values -- and
the planned human rights body stipulated in the new charter -- will be
applied in the Myanmar case

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

December 28, Irrawaddy
Pointing the finger at Than Shwe - Min Zin

The political conflict in Burma has long been noted for its
intractability. It is intractable not because it is irresolvable, but
because it is resisting resolution. Of course, conflict in itself does not
resist anything—people do. And the people of Burma know very well who the
culprit is.

"In Burma, Snr-Gen Than Shwe is an autocrat," said a well-known lawyer in
Rangoon who spoke on condition of anonymity out of fear for her safety.
"He is not responsible to anyone else for what he does. He alone calls the
shots."

In fact, Than Shwe is a typical Aristotelian tyrant—his despotism is
conducted purely for his own personal benefit.

"Many foreigners I have met are not sufficiently aware of the real face of
Burma's dictatorship," said Bo Kyi, joint secretary of the Assistance
Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) and a human rights activist.
"Than Shwe deserves a name that is loathed in international politics and
media, similar to that of Saddam Hussein of Iraq, Kim Jong Il of North
Korea and Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe. We must put a name to the Burmese
regime."

In this regard, the US government seems to have taken the initiative. A
closer reading of the US State Department's latest press statement on
Burma revealed a new trend of “naming the name.”

"The Burmese regime, led by Than Shwe, continues cracking down on
democracy activists for peacefully expressing their political beliefs,"
opened the statement dated December 21, 2007, regarding the regime's
arrest of six 88 Generation Students group activists. Instead of speaking
about Burma's dictatorship in vague and faceless terms, the statement
pinpointed the villain: "We deplore the regime’s actions and call on Than
Shwe to release all political prisoners."

Sources close to the US State Department said that the three-sentence
statement was well crafted to isolate Than Shwe as the person solely
responsible for what happens in Burma.

It was probably the first time that the State Department has pointed to
Than Shwe as a culprit, said a lobbyist in Washington.

Several military analysts in Rangoon as well as abroad have said that
there is growing resentment within the military toward the erratic
behavior of Than Shwe and his family ever since the uncovering of his
daughter's lavish wedding, and the harsh crackdown on the peaceful
protests led by Buddhist monks in September.

Meanwhile, some experts have started floating the idea of going a step
further—isolating Than Shwe and using the language of "justice and
accountability" against him. They estimate that holding Than Shwe
personally accountable for the regime’s crimes against humanity may have a
strategic impact in Burma's political transition. It might even help
create a power balance between the junta and other potential partners in
dialogue.

"Raising the prospect of justice and accountability for mass violations of
human rights, along with corruption, can help to balance out the power
difference and weaken the regime," said Patrick Pierce, a senior associate
at the International Center for Transitional Justice. "The international
community—the UN and Asean in particular—seems to be all carrot and no
stick. There needs to be a balance."

However, the validity of the whole calculation will rest mainly on whether
or not such strategic moves will encourage other generals to distance
themselves from the aging Than Shwe, and facilitate some basic political
and economic reforms.

Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese military analyst living along the Sino-Burmese
border, dismisses such prospects. "It will be counterproductive," he said.
"Instead of being a positive incentive to other generals, these moves will
give Than Shwe a chance to rally his hardliners by pointing out the common
threat."

A Rangoon-based lawyer also noted that although Than Shwe is an autocratic
supremo, he has plenty of hardline people around him. Any talk of a
prosecution against him will deter potential political transition in
Burma. Moreover, it will remind the generals of late opposition party
leader Kyi Maung's reference to the “Nuremberg-style trial” against former
military intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

However, some activists argue that if there is no chance of political thaw
under Than Shwe's autocratic leadership, why bother waiting in vain
without accumulating pressure to remove him? They advocate any action that
will target Than Shwe and his family.

Jared Genser, president of Freedom Now and co-author of the 2005
“Havel-Tutu Report” on rampant rights abuses in Burma, doubts the
effectiveness of this strategy.

"Anyone can press for justice and accountability against Than Shwe under
international law," said Genser. "But the problem is how seriously he will
take such a threat. Ultimately it will only impact his behavior if he
believes there is a risk of being investigated, prosecuted and convicted.
Unless that risk is real, we would be issuing an idle threat."

The effectiveness of the threat must be weighed not only in terms of the
message, but also in terms of the agent who attempts to speak the language
of justice to Than Shwe.

"Right now, Ibrahim Gambari, the UN's special envoy to Burma, is the only
UN representative getting an ear—if that—and he is a political broker,"
said Pierce. "We need multivocality in the UN and in the international
community. Others can and should play an effective role in raising the
issues of justice and accountability if Mr Gambari deems it inappropriate
for his role as a negotiator."

Some advocates suggest that UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise
Arbour could bring such messages of justice to the regime. In her recent
statements on Burma, the UN human rights chief frequently cited
international law and urged the military junta to abide by it. In her
statement on Burma dated October 2, 2007, Arbour recalled the
international community's "responsibility to protect civilians against
serious international crimes," according to the agreement of world leaders
at their 2005 summit. She also pressurized the Burmese government "to
account publicly for past and on-going violations."

Of course, if a person of high stature such as Louise Arbour was able to
engage in justice and accountability dialogue, it would give more weight
and leverage to other UN organs, including Gambari, in dealing with the
junta. However, it would still be an uphill struggle in transforming these
aspirations of justice into practice within the UN mechanism.

"Unfortunately, in the short to medium term, without any rapid
deterioration of the situation in Burma, it is highly unlikely we will see
the UN Security Council willing to refer the situation to the
International Criminal Court," said Genser. "Beyond China and Russia's
opposition, even the US does not currently support the ICC. I do not see
any government on the Security Council with the political will and
persuasive ability capable of making this happen any time soon."

Some observers are concerned that pressure will offer the Burmese regime
an excuse to disengage from the UN. "Than Shwe would even be thinking
about stopping all political cooperation with the UN, if he felt like he
was under siege," said a military source inside Burma.

However, the Burma Lawyers' Council, an exiled group, which has
persistently called on the international community to hold the military
regime's leaders criminally accountable before the ICC for their past
atrocities and recent crackdowns, refutes the false notion that one may
not have both criminal accountability and active engagement with the
regime.

In their statement released on October 10, BLC cited the case of Sudan as
an example and said "there is no dichotomy between active engagement with
the principal parties and seeking accountability for the crimes committed
by one or more of those principals."

Of course, any strategy needs to be carefully balanced with the domestic
realities of Burma so that it will not become counterproductive. However,
as all victims of oppression demand, truth must be sought and justice must
be done. "If justice could be achieved through a strategic ploy to
facilitate transition, it would be better," said Bo Kyi.

At a minimum, the international community must make sure that nothing
should foreclose the efforts to ensure accountability for gross violations
of human rights.

____________________________________

December 28, Bangkok Post
Migrant policy could be better [Editorial]

The plight of poor Burmese working in our country has been underscored by
numerous reports in the local and foreign media. It makes sensational
headlines, but that is all there is to it.

All previous Thai governments have chosen to take a pragmatic course with
Burma, ignoring the political and human rights situation in the
neighbouring country and focusing on cooperation in matters of mutual
benefit. This has resulted in agreements to curtail the smuggling of
narcotic drugs from Burma into Thailand, and cross-border trade.

But on matters concerning the more than one million Burmese working here,
government policy has fluctuated widely.

Not so long ago there was little attempt to regulate the number of
illegals coming in. There followed a period where all illegals were
supposed to be expelled. Since 1997, the Thai government has allowed for
registration of these migrant workers, though the numbers allowed to
register have been far fewer than those who are actually working here.

The number reaches millions. Ten years ago, government officials and
academics attending a National Seminar of Policy Options for the
Immigration of Foreign Labourers in Thailand in 1997 at Mahidol University
recommended that Thailand should immediately develop a comprehensive
national strategy to deal with the problem.

Ten years down the road, the strategy is anything but comprehensive, or
clear, although there has been some constructive progress.

In 2001, the government introduced a leniency programme to allow an
unrestricted number of immigrants to register with the Ministry of Labour
and Social Welfare to work in the country.

When the registration period ended, more than 500,000 foreign workers were
registered, of which 451,335 were Burmese. An equal number stayed away,
probably wary of being documented.

The then labour minister, Dej Boonlong, said that the registration would
be used to plan long-term measures to deal with problems associated with
illegal immigrants from neighbouring countries, particularly Burma.

Obviously there are no easy solutions here, but there have been some
proposals worth considering, one of which is to give each province full
authority to deal with migrant workers. A provincial job recruitment
centre could be set up at the border, bypassing brokers who demand high
commission fees.

Another idea is to set up special economic zones along the border in
Thailand and/or in Burma, where Thai businesses could be given incentives
to operate.

On a national level, a dialogue between the governments of Thailand and
Burma should be held to set a clear joint policy on immigration. In any
agreement, the objective must be that all workers are given adequate
wages, and that they and their families are fairly treated and have access
to health care and schooling.

Critics are right to point out that there is no real remedy to the problem
of illegal Burmese workers in Thailand without greater freedom and
prosperity in Burma.

There is also the feeling that government officials are not serious in
solving the problem or even the feeling that government officials
themselves are the problem. But these obstacles can be eliminated.

The next Thai government may set the problem of Burmese migrant workers as
one of its priority issues. It can enlist the support and cooperation of
Thai businesses using Burmese workers as well as concerned Thai citizens
and non-governmental organisations already handling this matter.

Through such cooperation and a deep understanding of the problem, all
stakeholders can develop a strategic operational plan and establish close
cooperation between government officials and local communities for dealing
with these workers, who are an essential part of the growth of the
national economy.

____________________________________

December 28, Herald Sun
Stop helping the junta - Dr Myint Cho

Recently the world's attention has again been captured by Burma's plight
with another withered olive branch held out by its dictatorial regime.

It is unlikely that their consent to talking about a future role for
democracy rings true.

There, many of my fellow countrymen and women are persecuted by a violent
military-led regime that has been in occupation of my country for almost
50 years.

At such a time it is particularly painful, as a resident of this country,
to have to acknowledge the role of the Australian taxpayer, via the
federal government, in placating the heinous generals in Burma.

Since 2004, AusAID, Australia's official aid organisation, has been
responsible for directly funding the military.

In that year, millions of taxpayers' funds was earmarked to provide
training to the Burmese "government" officials.

(The term government must be used in Burma with some caution. The true
government, a coalition led by the National League for Democracy, led by a
Nobel Peace Laureate, was victorious in a full election in 1990, but was
crushed by the heavy-handed generals.)

For example, about $480,000 has been used nominally for the purposes of
counter-terrorism.

Through this channel, high-level training of senior military officials has
been offered by Australian Federal Police personnel working in Burma.

Another program is funded to the value of $6 million a year and is
purportedly intended to provide training in intelligence, via the Jakarta
Centre for Law Enforcement Co-operation.

Through these programs, high-ranking Burmese military authorities are able
to attend yearly training and have access to the tools and techniques
developed by the AFP in the name of national security and justice.

Hundreds of Burmese military officials have benefited from these programs.

The same officials have been behind the brutal crackdowns the world has
witnessed in Burma in recent months.

Given the Burmese military maintains its position largely on the back of a
systemic program of intimidation, incarceration and violence, it is hard
to understand why they are considered a target of the funds, not of the
counter-terrorist techniques being promulgated.

It's a case of the AFP training the foxes to guard the chicken coup.

This is particularly galling in the wake of the crackdown of peaceful
pro-democracy demonstrations in Burma over the past few months.

It's unknown just how many Burmese have been killed by the military, and
many also have been terrorised, imprisoned or forced into exile. Many of
those officers involved may well have received training from the AFP.

If the Burmese military, the body responsible for the suppression of
democracy in Burma, is an organisation to be trusted to use Australian
taxpayers' funds, then AusAID has some odd views on its obligations in the
use of public funds, due diligence and, indeed, on just what constitutes
terrorism.

Ironically, in late September, the Howard government enacted hard-hitting
sanctions aimed at hurting the same generals who profit from taxpayer aid
funds.

Surely such sanctions are designed to subvert the un-elected military
junta, yet, the provision of free training at taxpayers' expense tends to
do the opposite and in fact bolsters a regime that is considered now a
regional embarrassment and a global shame.

It may be no surprise that people of Burma and pro-Burma activists would
seek to end the training of the Burmese military by an Australian
government body.

But we believe all those with an abiding interest in justice and basic
human rights will join us in condemning these programs and call on the
Rudd Government to cease them immediately.

Dr Myint Cho is a former Burmese dissident and is now director of the
Sydney-based Burma Office

____________________________________

December 27, United Press International Asia Online
An excessive sense of justice - Awzar thi

Some months ago, Le Monde reported that a man in Russia had been jailed
for an "excessive sense of justice." Nikolay Skatchkov, the French
newspaper said, had protested against the brutal treatment of
demonstrators during 2006. Recalling Soviet days, police in Omsk sent him
for six months of psychiatric treatment.

An excessive sense of justice among citizens implies its opposite among
officialdom. Certainly, the absence of a sense of justice is a key feature
not only of governments but of so-called justice agencies in most
countries across Asia.

A new study has hit upon this, and applied the notion of mental illness
not to persons but to legal and political life in Burma. The study, by the
Asian Legal Resource Center, is the first to look at how chronic disorders
have forced rationality out of the country's courts and public offices. It
treats the recent protests and the response to them not as aberrant but as
consonant with Burma's case history. Institutional -- not individual --
lunacy is the real cause for concern.

One poignant story relates how a mother's sense of justice led her from
the country's hospitals and government offices to police stations and army
barracks, and finally, beyond its borders, offering many small glimpses
into the maladjusted behavior of the state apparatus along the way.

In March 2006, 28-year-old Maung Ne Zaw and two buddies were travelling by
motorcycle near the border of China when a special narcotics unit stopped
and searched them. The police allegedly assaulted the three and charged
them with possession. Ne Zaw later died in custody.

His mother, Daw Mi Mi Htun, knew nothing of it until she came back from
travelling on business. She immediately went to get her son's body, but
found that he had already been cremated. She says that when she asked the
doctor about the cause of death, she was told, "It's not my job to tell
you." No death certificate was provided.

Mi Mi Htun grew suspicious and began to investigate. At the site where the
police had arrested the three, she found a teenager who had witnessed the
assault and arranged for him to testify during the trial against the two
surviving accused. Then she began to lodge formal complaints with higher
authorities. In May, she wrote a letter to the regional army commander
requesting legal action against the accused.

When the police got wind of it, they began searching for her.
Terrified, she fled to an army compound and stood at the gate, crying and
begging to meet with the deputy commander, whose wife she knew from
schooldays. Finally she was able to confer with an intelligence officer,
who told her to get the necessary documents to support her claims. She
brought these and the eyewitness as well.

In June, Mi Mi Htun was called to the officer's room. There two doctors
told her that her son had died from a cocktail of AIDS, malaria and
pneumonia. She refused to believe them, alleging that had it been so they
would not have concealed the truth from her in the first place.

But realizing that the doctors' version of events undermined her own, she
submitted a second letter in the same month instead calling for action
against the police for planting drugs and falsely accusing the young men.
She flattered the army and echoed state propaganda in an effort to win
favor, but to no avail. When contacted by special investigation police
they instead asked her about political party links.

Mi Mi Htun had thought that if she stuck close by the army then she could
succeed, but she was wrong. Although under army orders, when protecting
one of their own the police could hold their ground. After narrowly
escaping another search, her lawyer advised that she couldn't possibly
win, and should flee. "They killed your son, they will kill you too," he
stressed.

Daw Mi Mi Htun sold her jewelry and used the money to get to Thailand,
where she obtained assistance to apply for asylum abroad.
What began with a complaint over her son's death ended with her becoming
another refugee; and another victim of an excessive sense of justice.

Most people in Burma don't have as much going for them as Mi Mi Htun did.
She had some knowhow, some knack and at least one friend in a high place.
Her son was a victim of the police, not the army; of a routine search and
assault -- the sort that goes on daily everywhere from Dhaka to Manila --
not a political killing. She had a better chance of getting some redress
than many. Yet justice was still too much to ask.

In Burma, as in many of its neighbors, an excessive sense of justice is
apparently any sense of justice at all. Afflicted persons may not end up
in an asylum, but they could wind up dead, imprisoned or in hiding. The
problem is that it is not they who are really sick. It's the system
suffering the malaise, and there is no immediate cure.

(Awzar Thi is the pen name of a member of the Asian Human Rights
Commission with over 15 years of experience as an advocate of human rights
and the rule of law in Thailand and Burma. His Rule of Lords blog can be
read at http://ratchasima.net.)

http://www.upiasiaonline.com/Human_Rights/2007/12/27/an_excessive_sense_of_justice/1874/