BurmaNet News, March 22-24, 2008

[Editor]

March 22-24, 2008 Issue # 3428


INSIDE BURMA
AP: Man sets himself ablaze in political protest in military-ruled Myanmar
Mizzima News: KIO likely to boycott referendum
Mizzima News: Taunggup NLD opposes referendum
Irrawaddy: How will the Burmese armed forces vote in the referendum?
Narinjara News: Township election commission formed in Western Burma
Shan Herald Agency for News: SSA former leader dies from hypertension
Shan Herald Agency for News: Tick ’em up or else, say referendum organizers

ON THE BORDER
Narinjara News: 13 Burmese nationals arrested in Bangladesh
Xinhua: Power resumed in quake-hit village

BUSINESS / TRADE
Mizzima News: Burmese gem sanctions: Doing good or just feeling good
Xinhua: Information technology exhibition opens in Myanmar

REGIONAL
Irrawaddy: Hundreds of Burmese migrants rounded up in Malaysia

INTERNATIONAL
New Zealand Herald: Disillusioned Burmese hope monk makes sense of killings
Fox 12 (Boise): Walking for Burmese freedom

OPINION / OTHER
Washington Post: Futile diplomacy: Burma scorns a U.N. envoy
Asian Tribune: The draft constitution of Burma's military rulers
Mizzima News: Don't count on the army to split
Irrawaddy: America’s role in Burma’s struggle for democracy
Irrawaddy: It’s time for Gambari to resign – Yeni


____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

March 24, Associated Press
Man sets himself ablaze in political protest in military-ruled Myanmar

A man set himself on fire at Yangon's most famous landmark in a political
protest against Myanmar's military junta, witnesses said Sunday.

Thousands of pilgrims were gathered at the city's famed Shwedagon pagoda
for a Buddhist holiday Friday when a 26-year-old man shouted "Down with
the military regime," doused himself with gasoline and set himself ablaze,
witnesses said. They spoke on condition of anonymity, citing fear of
official reprisal.

The man remained in critical condition with severe burns at a hospital
Sunday, a hospital official said on condition of anonymity because he did
not have the authority to speak to the press.

The incident was the first known case of self-immolation in Myanmar since
the military regime took over in 1962.

Shwedagon pagoda was one of the main gathering points for Buddhist monks
and pro-democracy protesters last September when at least 31 people were
killed and thousands more were detained when the country's military rulers
cracked down on peaceful demonstrations.

Myanmar's current junta seized control of the government in 1988 after
violently suppressing nationwide pro-democracy protests. It held a general
election in 1990, but failed to hand over power to the victors, the
National League for Democracy Party led by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung
San Suu Kyi

____________________________________

March 24, Mizzima News
KIO likely to boycott referendum – Solomon

The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), an ethnic ceasefire group, has
instructed its members to boycott the upcoming constitutional referendum,
sources in the organization said.

A source in the KIO said the group, in an internal meeting, decided not to
take part in the upcoming constitutional referendum and has notified its
members that they should abstain from casting ballots in May's poll. The
decision came despite the KIO having agreed to authorities registering its
members and the distribution of Burmese identity cards

The Burmese military junta, in preparation for its announced May
referendum and 2010 election, has reportedly begun issuing identity cards
to armed ceasefire groups, including the KIO and United Wa State Army
(UWSA).

The identity cards, which are widely called 'White cards', will enable the
holders to cast votes in both the referendum and election, according to
the source.

KIO leadership, from its headquarters in Laiza along the China-Burma
border, were unable to be reached for comment, and the group's Foreign
Affairs spokesperson based in Thailand, James Lumdau, declined to comment
on the group's decision.

Instead he remarked, "In my personal view and experience, the junta will
go ahead with its plans and the referendum in May and election in 2010
will be held no matter the amount of protest from inside and outside the
country."

He further urged the Kachin people to carefully analyze the consequences
of their actions and choose whether to vote or to stay out of the
referendum.

Lumdau told Mizzima he believes that the people should vote as there will
be no "result from abstaining but possibly some result could come from
casting votes."

However, he declined to suggest whether the people should cast a 'Yes' or
'No' vote.

While Lumdau wished not to comment on the KIO's decision, Naw Din, Editor
of the Thailand-based Kachin News Group said he has learned from KIO
officials that the group has decided not to participate in the upcoming
referendum.

"Yes it is right, I have been talking with the vice-president of the KIO,
Gauri Zau Seng and he told me that they will not participate in the
upcoming referendum."

But Naw Din did not rule out the possibility that members of the KIO will
participate individually, as opposed to a group, in the referendum.

Naw Din, however, said the KIO has not made any public statement on its
decision, except that they have ordered their members to register and get
the identity cards.

The KIO, an armed ethnic group which has waged a war for independence for
over 40 years, is one of the largest armed groups having signed a
ceasefire deal with the ruling junta and are among the 17 ceasefire groups
that participated in the junta's 14-year long National Convention.

The National Convention, which is the first step of the junta's seven step
road-map, was dubbed a sham by pro-democracy activists and Western
nations, including the United States and European Union.

The KIO, in collaboration with several other groups in the National
Convention, have demanded rights for Burma's ethnic minorities, a call
which, however, has to this point fallen on deaf ears.

In July 2007, about a month and a half before the conclusion of the
National Convention, the KIO again put forward a 19-point proposal
outlining their demands.

The KIO's proposal, which included the demarcation of governmental powers
between the states and the central government based on federalist
principles, was ignored by the junta.

____________________________________

March 24, Mizzima News
Taunggup NLD opposes referendum – Than Htike Oo

The Taunggup Township unit of the 'National League for Democracy (NLD)
made it clear today that it cannot accept the referendum to approve the
constitution to be held in May this year.

This decision was taken at the party's township level meeting held on
March 22. The meeting also discussed the policy and programmes of the
party and decided on electing and filling vacant posts.

"They have reserved 25 per cent of the seats in both houses for army
personnel. And they have also said that the presidential candidate must
have a military vision and military experience besides giving supreme
power to the army of staging a coup at any time they deem fit. We can't
accept these at all. All these provisions in the new constitution are
repressive. We can't accept any points and any provisions in this new
constitution. We won't accept this constitutional referendum to be held in
May this year," Thein Aung, acting secretary of the township NLD told
Mizzima.

The meeting was held at the residence of township party Chairman Kyaw Khaing.

"Detained members of our township party organizing committee, U Khin Hla,
U Min Aung and U Than Pe who is out of station were not able to attend the
meeting. The rest of the members, 11 in all attended," an organizing
committee member of NLD said.

The meeting appointed Tin Thein Aung to replace detained members Khin Hla
and Min Aung as acting secretary and another member Tun Kyi was appointed
acting joint secretary following a resolution.

The meeting demanded that the State Peace and Development Council release
NLD General Secretary Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at the earliest date as she is
a citizen of Burma by birth.

The meeting appealed to government employees and people to openly oppose
the ensuing constitutional referendum to be held in May and fresh
elections to be held in 2010.

____________________________________

March 24, Irrawaddy
How will the Burmese armed forces vote in the referendum? – Min Lwin

The Burmese military rank and file may not vote as a solid block in the
May constitutional referendum, even though officers have ordered the
troops to vote “Yes,” according to military sources.

An order has been issued informing members of the military and their
families—estimated to number about 1.2 million—to vote “Yes,” but many
will vote “No” if they are allowed to vote at polling stations outside
military compounds, sources say.

Referendum observers say the May vote may not provide the approval the
junta is counting on to continue its rule, and the armed forces vote could
be crucial.

A sergeant stationed with the Central Command in Mandalay said, “Our
officers have ordered us is to vote ‘Yes,’ and they have taught us how to
vote in the referendum.”

“If I have a chance to go to a polling station out of the army compound, I
will vote ‘No,’” he said, “but if the voting is held in my battalion, I
have no choice but to vote ‘Yes.’”

Observers in Rangoon noted that Burmese military personnel, like the
general public, have almost no detailed knowledge about the draft
constitution. In addition, many in the military are involved with
businesses, often illegal, run by ranking officers, or they are involved
in kickbacks or bribes, which can create loyalty within the ranks.

Another factor is income and priorities. “The lower ranks in the military
earn too little to provide even a meager living for a family,” said a
source. “And Burmese soldiers who work with outlaw businesses, I don’t
think they will make their bosses angry by voting ‘No.’”

The son of a Warrant Officer 1st Class at Rangoon Command said, “I am
thinking of which way to vote, but actually I have not read about the
draft constitution yet.” Actual details of the constitution have still not
been published, and the exact date of the election has not been announced.

“I just want changes,” said the officer’s son. “We have suffered for years
under the military dictatorship, and recent generals haven’t taken real
responsibility for the troops. They are below standard.”

A doctor who has a clinic located near a battalion stationed in Rangoon
told The Irrawaddy on Sunday that he sees little interest in politics
among the military.

“They are not interested in the referendum as much as they concerned about
the struggle to provide for their family because of low incomes,” he said.

Of all the branches of the armed forces, the air force may have the most
independent-minded troops, say observers.

“The officers’ orders on how to vote are not as important as our
discussions with one another,” said a corporal at Meikhtilar Air Base in
Mandalay Division.

Speaking for many of his comrades, he said, “We can not accept the draft
constitution which, if approved, would result in a long-term guarantee for
military rule.”

During the 1988 uprising, some troops stationed at Mingaladon Air Base and
Hmawbi Air Base took part in demonstration, and they were active in the
1990 election, voting for National League for Democracy (NLD) candidates.
Troops stationed at Mingaladon, Hmawbi, Dagon, Maymyo, Meiktila voted in
favor of the NLD, but the junta ignored the 1990 election results when it
was clear the NLD had won by a landslide.

A retired sergeant in the Burmese navy, said, “I understand the referendum
will allow the Snr-Gen Than Shwe to become U Than Shwe (U designates a
civilian).” Many people believe Than Shwe will assume the leadership role
in a civilian-led government, although it is expected to be packed with
former military officers who would hold key posts.

“I think it [a civilian government] would not be different from what we
have now,” he said.

Observers speculate that Snr-Gen Than Shwe’s speech on Armed Forces Day on
March 27 could include important comments about the referendum and the
general election.

____________________________________

March 24, Narinjara News
Township election commission formed in Western Burma

Burma's military authority on Friday formed a township election commission
comprised of many government officials for the upcoming referendum in
Maungdaw Township, said an official on condition of anonymity.

According to the anonymous source, "The township chairman of Maungdaw
became the president of the election commission and the township secretary
has also become the secretary of the election commission in the township."

According to the election rules for the referendum, the village chairmen
automatically become president of the respective village election
commissions, and the village administrative clerks become the secretaries
of the commissions. The members of the village council will also become
members of the village election commissions.

During the formation of the election commission in Maungdaw, the authority
distributed a guide for the referendum to those in attendance.

"There are 27 pages in the guide and it mentions many things related to
the referendum. It was published for election commissioners on how to hold
the referendum in May," the official said.

The guide says of the ballot boxes during the referendum that ballot boxes
are to be placed in polling booths, and voters must cast one ballot in the
box whether they vote 'yes' or 'no' on the draft constitution.

The Burmese military authority is now forming township election
commissions in all townships in Arakan State, but has not yet announced
the specific date for the polls, even though the referendum is set to be
held in May.

Moreover, the military government has not yet disclosed the content of the
draft constitution to the people, despite that they are expected to vote
on it in nearly one month.

The official said, "People have not decided whether they will cast votes
in the referendum or not, because there has been no draft constitution to
be studied by the people. There is a question of how people can cast votes
on the draft constitution unless they know its content."

People in Arakan State are now facing a dilemma over the referendum, and
are asking questions about how to cast votes in the polls if they do not
know what is in the draft constitution that has been drawn up by the
military government.

____________________________________

March 24, Shan Herald Agency for News
SSA former leader dies from hypertension – Kwarn Lake

A former leader of Shan State Army – North yesterday died from high blood
pressure in Ruili, Yunnna, reports Shan Herald reporter Hawkeye, better
known as U Sein Kyi.

Lieutenant-Colonel Hsarm Moon Tom, 57, passed away on 23 March at 17:30
(China standard time) in his home in Nawng Seng village, Nawng Tao, Ruili.

A doctor diagnosed that his blood vessels in the brain were damaged by
hypertension. His body will be cremated today.

Hsarm Moon Tom, a native of Kyaukme, joined the SSA-N in 1979 and had
served army as a high-ranking officer.

He resigned three years ago after he was demoted by SSA-N to be a Major
for his refusal to continue attending the Burmese military regime's
National Convention, according to a source close to SSA-N.

He was a member of delegation that represented SSA-N to attend the NC in
2005. He refused to continue attending the NC because constitutional
proposals submitted by ceasefire groups were not taken for consideration
by the regime.

Shan State Army – North is a ceasefire group currently led by
Major-General Loimao. It concluded truce with the Burma Army in 1989. It
is officially known as Shan State Special Region # 3 by the ruling
military council.
____________________________________

March 22, Shan Herald Agency for News
Tick ’em up or else, say referendum organizers

The May constitution referendum is still some two months away but dry runs
to initiate the public into its procedure has already started in northern
Shan State, reports Shan Herald reporter Hawkeye, better known as U Sein
Kyi:

On 15 March, village headmen in Panghsai, opposite China’s Wanding, were
summoned by the deputy township immigration and national registration
officer Kyaw Thet Han. Each was handed out a mocked ballot paper with a
square in it.

“They were instructed to put a tick in the square. The deputy was emphatic
that no crosses, designating objection to the draft constitution which
none of them have ever come across, were to be entered in it.

“Anyone caught putting in a cross or any symbols other than a tick would
be liable to a 3 year imprisonment with or without K 100,000 ($90) fine.”

Kyaw Thet Han had one of his staffers first give a demonstration of the
procedure and started the drill from 09:00-14:00 with a lunch break at
12:00. “It appeared there would be only one ballot box unlike 1973 when
they had two, one for votes in favor and the other for votes against,”
recounted a source.

The headmen were then instructed to organize balloting drills each in his
own jurisdiction. “On the day of the referendum, no eligible voters must
be allowed to be absent,” the deputy warned his audience in his closing
speech. “Not only anyone who fails to appear or vote against will be
imprisoned but the headman concerned will be imprisoned also.”

Another similar drill was reportedly conducted in Muse, opposite Jiegao on
20 March.

Sub-commissions to oversee the referendum, according to the referendum law
#1/2008 issued on 26 February, have also been formed at the ward or
village-tract formed levels, comprising 5-20 members each. “All of them
are handpicked,” said another source.

In Namkham, 19 miles southeast of Muse, militia leader Kyaw Myint had
reportedly exhorted the local populace to vote in favor of the draft. “We
will become fair game for the Army’s harassments including forced
relocations if we vote against it,” he was quoted as saying.

Burma’s first constitution was ratified by the elected constituent
assembly on 24 September 1947. The second was put to a nationwide
referendum held 15-31 December 1973, 11 years after the 1962 coup.
According to official announcement on 3 January 1974, 90.19% had voted for
it. But critics say the 1973 referendum was an “out-and-out rigged”
affair.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

March 24, Narinjara News
13 Burmese nationals arrested in Bangladesh

Bangladesh border security forces arrested 13 Burmese nationals on Tuesday
when they attempted to enter Bangladesh without any documents, according
to an official report.

"They were arrested by BDR in a village of Okia Township in Cox's Bazar
District after they entered Bangladesh," the official said.

The arrestees are currently being questioned by authorities at the Okia
police station after BDR handed them over to the police.

A source said the arrested Burmese nationals proclaimed that they were
UNHCR recognized refugees living in Rohingya refugee camps along the
border. The authorities however, say there were no UNHCR documents on them
and they have been unable to show any documents verifying their identities
or their stories.

The 13 arrestees are Burmese Muslims from Buthidaung and Maungdaw
Townships in Arakan State.

____________________________________

March 23, Xinhua
Power resumed in quake-hit village

Power supply resumed in the quake-stricken area in the southwestern
province of Yunnan by Sunday evening, said the local government.

An earthquake measuring 5.0 on the Richter scale hit Tongbiguan Township,
about 40 kilometers from the Yingjiang County seat at 8:36 p.m. on Friday.

Twenty-seven houses collapsed and 4,541 others were damaged in the quake,
affecting 3,735 households with 18,403 people in 15 townships. But no
casualties have been reported by 3:00 p.m. on Sunday, the county
government said.

The earthquake also damaged parts of rural roads, forced evacuation of
4,800 people and caused power cuts in some villages of Tongbiguan
Township.

The area, at China-Myanmar border, has been hit by nearly 100 aftershocks
since the Friday quake, the heaviest measuring 4.0 magnitude, said the
provincial seismological bureau.

The area, prone to quakes, has undergone three tremors above 5.0 magnitude
since 1900.


____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

March 24, Mizzima News
Burmese gem sanctions: Doing good or just feeling good? – Gary Horvitz

The place of the Burmese gem trade in the overall economy of Burma is an
issue under little dispute. Burma is acknowledged to have huge stocks of
jade and colored gemstones which are in great demand in China, Hong Kong
and other parts of Asia. In turn, Asian traders supply other parts of the
world, responding to demand in Europe and the United States. But the vast
majority of jade is sold in Asia to Asians. Rubies are a distant second,
most of which are sold in the United States and European Union.

The Burmese military government maintains control of much of the
extraction, either through state operations or through concessions to
private contractors who pay the government royalties. Private traders are
authorized by the government to sell gems as long as they pay ridiculously
high taxes on their earnings.

A percentage of the jade makes its way to Hong Kong and China on an ad hoc
basis, while most of the rubies and other gemstones mined in the northern
states find their way to Thailand where they are refined before sale. The
majority of the gem stock is sold directly to large trading concerns at
state-sponsored auctions.

Since the primary buyers of Burmese jade are Chinese, a Western boycott
may have little effect on the overall trading volume. While some jade
undoubtedly finds its way to retailers around the world, a few large and
well known chains in the jewelry business – Cartier, Tiffany's & Bulgari,
as well as the entire European Union – have agreed to boycott Burmese
gems. Cartier even does random laboratory testing to verify the origin of
its gems and to document its compliance with the embargo.

It is not entirely clear whether the recent delay in government auctions
and the reduced volume of gems traded was a reflection of external market
factors or whether it was due to internal production delays. There may
indeed be turmoil and production problems due to internal politics, but
it's very difficult to determine the effect of any such problems.
Nevertheless, private gem concessions must continue production in order to
generate the income necessary to service their debt and maintain their
capital. It is difficult to predict whether reduced demand for rubies in
the West will reduce prices or whether internal production problems will
reduce inventories of jade in the East and cause prices to rise.

Jewelers of America, a voluntary retail association that supports a ban on
Burmese rubies, advised its more than 11,000 members in October of 2007
"to source their gemstones in a manner that respects human rights." But
the association has no enforcement arm and can apply no penalties to any
retailer wishing to sell rubies.

While the Association advises its members to ask for documentation of the
source of the gems they purchase, there is no American law preventing them
from purchasing gems of any source. In fact, since most rubies undergo
significant transformative processing in Thailand before export and sale,
it becomes almost impossible to identify the origin of any particular
stone except by detailed laboratory analysis.

Therefore, even though the 2003 Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act signed
into law by President Bush prohibited direct importation of Burmese gems,
pressure from key members of the jewelry industry convinced the United
States Customs service to issue a ruling a year later that made an
exception for items of Burmese origin that had been "substantially
transformed" in a third country.

"The U.S. embargo has almost nothing to do with the Myanmar side of
smuggling. Gems are smuggled by individual miners, private companies that
partner with the government, army officials, drug dealers, and rebels.

Gem smuggling from Myanmar to Thailand is even more dangerous than from
Afghanistan to Pakistan, but it is also one of the only ways many Myanmar
citizens have to break out of extreme poverty. The two primary starting
points for colored stones are Mogok and Mong Hsu. "Mules" move a few gems
at a time by hiding them on themselves. They then take a two-day trip by
foot, motor scooter, or horse to deliver the gems to a dealer in a Thai
border town. During the trip, the "mule" — usually a woman — will have to
cross several official border crossings, where lackadaisical government
officials will conduct a cursory inspection. The smuggler pays a bribe to
the official and is waved through; whether an individual is carrying
contraband or not is irrelevant.

Once in Thailand, Myanmar smugglers, Thai brokers, and international
buyers meet to sell gems. Most gems then go to Bangkok, where they are
cut, treated, and sold to international purchasers.

Although Myanmar gems are embargoed by the United States, the reality is
that it is impossible to spot a Myanmar gem or for customs agents to take
any action to stem the flow. Even in Thai border areas, Myanmar stones are
mingled with gems from Africa, India, Cambodia, Australia, Thailand, and
elsewhere. There is no certificate of origin at this stage. Once the
stones have moved to Bangkok, they are further mingled. This is where the
certificate of origin or authenticity often appears. By that time, only a
practiced gemologist can offer an opinion on where the gemstone
originated."1

If the above reflects reality, it is impossible for a United States
Customs agent to determine the origin of a gem that is declared, let alone
stop the flow of gems that are not declared. This effectively means that
any seller could easily disguise the origin of any gem with virtual
impunity.

Since the raw stones go through several hands before becoming suitable for
export to the United States or the European Union, it is false to say that
sanctions will only hurt independent artisans. As long as there is a
demand for the stone and as long as the origin of the stones is disguised
in the present manner, there will always be a demand. Only the most
scrupulous of buyers, willing to meticulously track the origin of these
stones could possibly differentiate a stock that might be free of the
taint of human rights abuse. Such an effort would require dealing with
traders willing to comply with a standard of documentation that is very
unlikely to be met.

Peggy Jo Donahue, from Jewelers of America, believes there is strong
support for changing the 2003 Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act to close
the loophole established by the Customs Service. This is what House
Resolution 3890, passed by the House Foreign Policy Committee, chaired by
the late Tom Lantos, was supposed to do.

She claims not to know of any opposition strong enough to stall this bill.
But the fact is that there was opposition to the 2003 Act that was strong
enough to influence the Customs Service and clarify the loophole. I doubt
the Customs Service acted on its own in making its ruling.

If the Burmese Democracy Promotion Act of 2007 which recently passed the
United States Senate were to become law, it could very well have the
effect of limiting the flow of rubies into the United States because the
Customs Service is well aware that they all undergo processing before
export, therefore all rubies would become suspect. However, it would be
unfair to embargo all rubies regardless of origin, since many may come
from areas other than Burma. The logical consequence of closing the
current loophole would be a demand for and scrutiny of more specific
documentation of gemstone origin, which could easily become a serious
headache for that department. In fact, it's not out of the realm of
possibility that the Customs Service itself might lobby against passage of
this legislation.

If higher scrutiny was to become the case, then the large traders who
normally buy at Burmese government auctions might become reluctant to
purchase stones they know they will have difficulty selling. Considering
the creative lawlessness for which the Burmese junta is known, I can only
speculate that a more aggressive worldwide embargo on Burmese rubies would
only spur the army to transition from being the auctioneer to becoming the
smuggler, leading to the widespread false documentation of origin.

Different versions of the Burmese Democracy Promotion Act of 2007 have
been passed by the House and Senate. The Senate version blocks rubies and
timber. The House version also terminates tax deductions for Chevron
investments in Burma. So these differences must be resolved before the
legislation can be signed by Bush. It's possible that no substantial
action will occur before the presidential election in November, which
would mean that this legislation may not be signed before a new Congress
is seated in 2009.

Jewelers of America is not the only trade association that has rendered an
opinion on the issue. The American Gem Trade Association, with over 1,000
members in the United States and Canada, issued a press release on
November 6, 2007, supporting a stronger embargo of "materials originating
in Burma."

The International Colored Gemstone Association (ICA), with 500 members in
46 countries worldwide, qualified its statement of support for the embargo
saying it "exhorts its members to desist buying Burmese gemstones from any
government sources and marketing organizations," while simultaneously
strongly recommending "that all parties cautiously consider the negative
impact and collateral damage that indiscriminate measures could inflict
upon independent and poor populations engaged in mining, processing and
trading activities in Myanmar."

Attempting to target specific entities that might be deliberately
circumventing any sanctions is problematic, since obtaining evidence of
such behavior would be next to impossible for someone outside the
industry. Targeting small concerns would be a waste of time, while making
inquiries with large jewelry chains is likely to be met by smokescreens
and secrecy. Meanwhile, the Burmese government has recently made public
comments to the effect that the European Union embargo is having no
effect.

What, then, is to be done? Practically speaking, a sanction against
Burmese gems may only have a negligible or at best a mixed effect. Its
main value may be political in that it remains an appealing and effective
organizing issue to maintain an awareness of Burma in the public
consciousness. Yet no true political leverage exists until a sanction
becomes law, which has not yet occurred. So, for now, we must await the
resolution of legal motions before determining the path forward.

____________________________________

March 24, Xinhua
Information technology exhibition opens in Myanmar

A three-day information and communication technology (ICT) exhibition was
inaugurated at the Tatmadaw Convention Hall here Sunday, aimed at
promoting the development of the advanced technology.

The Myanmar ICT Exhibition 2008, co-sponsored by the Myanmar Computer
Federation, Myanmar Computer Professionals Association and the Myanmar
Computer Industrialists Association, will last until next Tuesday.

A total of 90 local and foreign companies showcase accessories of
computers, new technology for networking, software solutions, computer
courses and books at the exhibition where computer-related equipment will
also be sold, according to the sponsor.

Myanmar has been striving for the development of ICT to contribute its
part to the national economic development. In December last year,
Myanmar's first largest ICT park, also known as the Yadanabon Cyber City,
was introduced in Pyin Oo Lwin, a northern city of Myanmar in Mandalay
division. The launching of the cyber city was attached with an ICT week
exhibition activities joined by over 100 local and foreign ICT companies
then.

Myanmar has also been implementing an ICT development master plan under
the Initiative for ASEAN Integration (IAI) and detailed programs to link
international networks are also being carried out in accordance with the
master plan drafted by the MCF.

Being a signatory to the e-ASEAN Framework Agreement initiated at the 2000
Singapore summit, Myanmar has formed the e-National Task Force to support
the IT development.

Besides, the country has also signed a series of memorandums of
understanding since 2003 with such companies as from Malaysia, Thailand,
China and South Korea on ICT development.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

March 24, Irrawaddy
Hundreds of Burmese migrants rounded up in Malaysia – Violet Cho

Hundreds of Burmese illegal migrant workers were rounded up on Saturday by
Malaysia’s “People’s Volunteer Corps,” the feared RELA.

The Burma Workers’ Rights Protection Committee (BWRPC) said the Burmese,
who included individuals recognized by the UN High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR), were among more than 500 undocumented migrants arrested
in a RELA crackdown. They included some 200 Rohingya refugees, pregnant
women and about 50 children who were participating in basic education
classes organized by the UNHCR.

Ye Min Tun, a leading BWRPC member, said the RELA crackdown was
terrorizing Burmese undocumented migrants in Malaysia, who feared for
their security.

The RELA crackdown came shortly after the release of a report by two human
rights organizations criticizing the Malaysian government’s policy towards
migrants.

The report by the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and
Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) lamented the lack of protection for
refugees and asylum seekers. It accused employers and agencies of
exploiting and deceiving migrant workers.

FIDH President Souhayr Belhassen said migrant workers accounted for up to
half Malaysia’s labor force, and they included about 5 million
undocumented migrants. “In spite of the important contribution that this
represents to the Malaysian economy, the authorities have not put in place
any consistent national immigration policy,” he said.

According to the report, apart from temporary residence permits, the state
legislation does not give specific protection for refugees, asylum seekers
or trafficked persons. No protection is afforded refugee children.

The activities of RELA also come in for criticism in the report, which
says its 400,000 members lack training and supervision, despite working
for the Malaysian immigration authorities.

Swee Seng Yap, executive director of SUARAM, charged: “RELA carries out
raids against migrants, without distinction between undocumented migrants,
asylum seekers and refugees and with unnecessary use of force. The
Malaysian authorities should immediately cease the use of RELA officers in
the enforcement of immigration law.”

Ye Min Tun also claimed RELA members abused and beat arrested migrants.

FIDH and SUARAM recommended the Malaysian government to reconsider its
position on the ratification of the Refugee Convention and to review
government department activities related to immigration and employment.

The report also documented the poor conditions of detention.
The FIDH urged the Malaysian authorities to abolish whipping as a
punishment, saying it was prohibited under international human rights
laws.

Cynthia Gabriel, vice-president of FIDH and a board member of SUARAM,
said: "Up to now, the government has been adopting a punitive approach to
the issue of migration: the poor conditions of detention of migrants in
the immigration detention centers and the fact that they can be condemned
to corporal punishments (whipping) are part of this policy.”

And she added: “The time has come for a comprehensive policy on migration,
based on international human rights standards.”


____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

March 24, New Zealand Herald
Disillusioned Burmese hope monk makes sense of killings – Lincoln Tan

Members of New Zealand's Burmese community are hoping one of their revered
religious leaders, Venerable Abbot U Pannya Vamsa, can help them make
sense of the killings in Tibet during his visit to Auckland this week.

Venerable Vamsa is considered the Burmese equivalent to the Dalai Lama,
said Naing Ko Ko, a former political prisoner of Myanmar's military
government, who came here as a political refugee last year.

"Many of us Burmese can feel the same pain when we hear about what
happened in Tibet because we were in the same situation just a few months
ago.

"Many Burmese are disillusioned by the New Zealand Government's soft
response on the Tibet issue and we are hoping Venerable Vamsa can help us
make sense of it all," said Mr Naing, who last Wednesday organised a
protest outside Prime Minister Helen Clark's electorate office against the
free trade agreement with China.

Last September, at least 31 people including Buddhist monks were killed
when Myanmar rulers broke up pro-democracy demonstrations.

Although this is Venerable Vamsa's fourth visit to New Zealand, it will be
his first as leader of the International Burmese Monks Organisation
(IBMO), an organisation set up last October after monks were killed in the
violence in Myanmar.

Mr Naing said many Burmese hoped that he could help them see the violence
happening in Tibet and at home in a Buddhist light.

During his three-day visit from Wednesday, the 83-year-old abbot plans to
meet MPs, other religious leaders, supporters and the local Burmese
community. He will discuss a way forward in making peace a reality in
Myanmar and putting the situation in Tibet into context.

"It is not only the Buddhist and Burmese who are looking forward to his
coming; many locals and people of other religions too are looking to him
in hope to help us find a direction," said Rev Sumanasiri, a Burmese monk
and IBMO member based at the Yadanadipa temple in New Lynn.

Historically, Buddhist monks in Myanmar have always been at the forefront
of protests including those against British colonialism and military
dictatorship.

Last month, the Myanmar government unveiled what it called a "road map to
democracy" saying it will hold a referendum on a draft constitution in May
and a general election in 2010.

But it has been widely dismissed by diplomats, dissidents and human rights
group as a sham

"The referendum is just window dressing by the military government and
designed to keep people like detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi
from standing," Mr Naing said.

____________________________________

March 22, Fox 12 (Boise)
Walking for Burmese freedom

It's been more than three weeks of walking. An estimated 800,000 steps as
two men fight to make a difference in a county torn apart by injustice.

They've taken a vow to walk from Portland, Oregon to New York City to hand
deliver a signed petition to the United Nations Security Council. It's day
number 21, more than 400 miles for 27 year old Zaw Htwe - and he's tired.

"Just whole body pain, but we gotta keep walking and you know," said Htwe.

They are two Burmese refugees escaped from a country they describe as an
in-humane military monopoly. Burma is located in Southeast Asia, nestled
between India, Thailand, and China and has been run for the last 19 years
by the State Peace and Development Council, although the country has been
anything but peaceful.

"Our country is genocide and torture the human violation you know, child
soldier, and labor forced, the woman raised and killed," said walking
partner Ethein.

In 1988 at only 7 years old Htwe remembers one of Southeast Asia's darkest
moments. Millions of students, professionals, and civilians were gunned
down and imprisoned in response to a peaceful march to bring an end to the
social dictatorship. So now, twenty years later, he is marching peacefully
in remembrance of his fallen brothers and sisters.

"Right now the military government trying to arrest people who like to
make peace, freedom, and democracy and human rights, and they arrest and
torture people," said Htwe.

Upon arriving in New York the men will implore the United Nations to make
a change in Burma...they say this is the year for a revolution.

"So I believe that for 2008, bring freedom to our country, and our
people," said Ethein.

They have also created a web site explaining their mission, with the
letter they hope to present to the UN Security Council.

If you'd like to find out more information or support their petition with
your signature, go to www.free.burma.us.


____________________________________
OPINION/OTHER

March 24, Washington Post
Futile diplomacy: Burma scorns a U.N. envoy

UNITED NATIONS special envoy Ibrahim Gambari just returned from Burma. It
was his third visit since the Saffron Revolution -- in which the
government imprisoned, tortured and slaughtered hundreds of its citizens
who were engaged in peaceful protests -- and his first since Burma
announced a referendum on its faux-democratic constitution. World leaders
had hoped this visit, delayed by Burma for months, might at last convince
the regime to make its "road map to democracy" more democratic. They were
wrong.

After months of delays, Mr. Gambari was granted a visa after the junta
announced it had already scheduled the referendum for this May and
elections for 2010, both of which serve to falsely legitimize the current
military dictatorship. His suggestions for creating a more inclusive
constitution and referendum, for allowing international observers during
the referendum, and for releasing Burma's 1,900 political prisoners were
all thoroughly rebuffed. Yes, Mr. Gambari was allowed to meet with Nobel
laureate and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who is under house
arrest. But he was denied meetings with the senior leadership, which
further snubbed the United Nations by meeting with Thai Prime Minister
Samak Sundaravej just a few days later. (Mr. Samak's takeaway from that
meeting: Burma's brutal leaders "meditate," just as good Buddhists should.
He declared this after signing a lucrative investment pact.)

The junta needs to know that the world still cares about the fate of the
abused Burmese people. One way to convey this message would be to extend
targeted banking sanctions against the Burmese leadership and state-owned
companies, an action that the United States pioneered but has been slow to
fully roll out, and that the European Union has been reluctant to take at
all; to impose arms embargoes; and to urge countries such as China that
are cozy with Burma to pressure the junta into true reform. Of course,
China has been reluctant to "meddle" in another country's "internal
affairs" -- especially when those "internal affairs" involve a violent
crackdown on pro-democracy protests led by monks. Still, well before the
recent uprising in Tibet, China allowed a U.N. Security Council
presidential statement last October that outlined elements for Burmese
human rights reforms and "national reconciliation." China should
recognize, then, that Burma's continued destruction of its own people
means the junta is defying not only the West but Burma's Asian allies as
well.

____________________________________

March 23, Asian Tribune
The draft constitution of Burma's military rulers – Ahmedur Rahman Farooq

Once upon a time, a lion, a leopard and a jackal entered into an alliance
to go on the hunt together. They went out around the forests and hunted a
deer, a goat and a hen. At the end of the day, they sat together to share
the preys. The lion asked the leopard to distribute the preys into three
shares with fair justice. The leopard said, it would be justifiable to put
the deer for the lion, the goat for himself and the hen for the jackal.
But before, he could finish his verdict, the lion jumped upon the leopard
with a big roar and torn his body into pieces. The jackal was standing
near by trembling in fear. Then the lion asked the jackal to distribute
and then the jackal said, it would be the best if you take the hen for
your breakfast, the goat for your lunch and the deer for your dinner. Then
the lion said to the jackal with a smile, "You are really wise. Where did
you learn such a nice distribution with fair justice". The jackal
retorted, "I have learned it from your paws reddened with the bloods of
the leopard".

Such is the case in the pro-military constitution which has been drafted
by a military appointed forum and now which is set for approval during the
May plebiscite to be followed by elections in 2010. The only difference is
that the jackal was deprived of his share and here those who have drafted
the constitution enjoy all types of modern amenities and gracious life
styles, taking part in keeping the military machinery of repression alive
decades after decades. The ruling generals provide them unlimited
opportunity to let them pass their life in celestial delight while these
people pave all the ways for the army to perpetuate their gun control,
pushing the common people to destitution and widespread poverty
accompanied by the destruction of the entire political system and the
administration of justice.

However, on February 19.2008, Burma's military government announced that
work had been completed on writing the draft of the proposed new
constitution. The state radio and television said the 54-member
Constitution Drafting Commission finished the draft after working on it
for more than two months. Burma’s Chief Justice and Chairman of the
Constitution Drafting Commission, Aung Toe, announced the charter's
completion on state radio and television news broadcasts. Aung Toe said
the draft was drawn up with the objective of ensuring a leading role in
politics for the military. The guidelines for a new constitution were
adopted by a stage-managed farcical National Convention last year after 14
years of on-and-off meetings, where the military hand-picked delegates
have attended.

In fact, the draft constitution contains all the provisions to glorify the
militarism in the governance in the guise of so-called "disciplined
democracy". It is a blue-print for the army to legitimize its grip on
power for indefinite period and where the head of the army will be the
most powerful person in the country, with the ability to appoint key
cabinet figures and suspend the constitution in the event of an emergency
that he defines. It also bars Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from running in
election whose party NLD won more than 80 percent of the vote in the
general elections in 1990, a total of 392 out of the 485 seats contested
in the 492-member assembly. And most importantly, the military rulers did
not allow any input from Daw Aung San Suu Kyi or her party NLD as well as
other democratic and ethnic groups while drafting the state constitution.

Burma has been in a political deadlock since the military refused to
recognize the election results of 1990 and in order to facilitate a
national reconciliation on the democratic reforms, the UN Chief has
appointed Ibrahim Gambari as an special envoy to Burma, after the military
rulers violently quashed peaceful protests last September 2007 which was
led by the revered monks. But during the recent visit of the UN envoy to
Burma, it became further clear that the military rulers will not accept
any role of the United Nations in determining the course of the country’s
political transition to what the ruling generals call "seven-point road
map to democracy".

Ibrahim Gambari, the Nigerian diplomat, who has recently completed his
third visit to Burma, proposed a more inclusive process of political
change in the country and offered to send monitors to ensure that the
outcome of the junta’s planned referendum on the draft constitution is
accepted as legitimate. The junta said "no" to both suggestions.

Gambari met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi twice during his five-day trip, but
was denied a meeting with the junta’s supreme leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe.
Instead, he met with the members of the regime’s “Spokes Authoritative
Team,” consisting of Information Minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan, Foreign
Minister Nyan Win and Culture Minister Maj-Gen Khin Aung Myint.

During the meeting with the UN Envoy Ibrahim Gambari, junta's Information
Minister Kyaw Hsan gave a clear message that the junta does not appreciate
international interference in its affairs. He accused the UN of being
biased against the regime. The state-run mouthpiece, The New Light of
Myanmar, published the full text of Kyaw Hsan’s indignant reaction to
Gambari’s role in releasing a statement from Aung San Suu Kyi following
his last visit. “Sadly, you went beyond your mandate,” said the
information minister in his carefully worded reproach. “Some even believe
that you prepared the statement in advance and released it after
coordinating with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.” he added.

Kyaw Hsan went on to accuse the UN envoy of trying to “frame a pattern
desired by western countries.” He also turned down a request by UN
Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon that the regime amend the draft constitution
to "ensure inclusiveness". In a letter dated February 19.2008 to Burma's
military supremo Senior General Than Shwe, the UN secretary general called
for an amendment to the current draft constitution that would drop a
clause excluding all Burmese nationals married to foreigners from running
for election - paving the way for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to contest the
planned 2010 polls. He urged the UN envoy to support the junta's "seven
step" road map and stop pursuing alternatives suggested by western
democracies. "We shall not accept any attempt to hinder or reverse the
process of the seven-step Road Map. However, we will heartily welcome the
positive suggestions of the UN to help implement the seven-step Road Map,"
Kyaw Hsan said. Asked by Gambari to consider releasing political
prisoners—estimated by the UN and human rights groups to total more than
1,100—Kyaw Hsan said Burma has no political prisoners and that Suu Kyi was
detained because she tried to disrupt the country's stability.

Similar arrogant remarks came from Thaung Nyunt, a member of the
commission responsible for holding the referendum when Gambari met with
him after meeting with Kyaw Hsan's team and offered UN technical
assistance and help with facilitating observers at the planned referendum.
Rejecting the offer of Gambari for international monitoring of the
forthcoming referendum in May, Thaung Nyung said, "Holding the referendum
on the constitution is within the country's sovereignty and for internal
affairs in the past, we have never had observers from outside." He also
said, "We have enough experience, but we take note of your offer."

Nevertheless, the junta's rejections of Gambari's suggestions caused a
death blow to the mission of the UN envoy. It gave clear message that the
ruling generals will do everything in their own way and they are not at
all interested in listening to what the international community says. The
junta’s snub of Gambari made it further clear that the door for national
reconciliation is no more open and that there can be no more development
in the mission and mandate of the UN envoy.

However, the announcement of referendum of the military rulers is, in
fact, a declaration of war against the people of Burma. It will further
aggravate the country's political, economic and social crisis. Now, it is
time for all the democratic forces of Burma to take pragmatic actions to
foil the referendum bid of the military rulers on this pro-military draft
constitution and to turn it into a flashpoint for unprecedented
anti-government protests both at home and abroad.#

Ahmedur Rahman Farooq, Chairman, Rohingya Human Rights Council (RHRC).
____________________________________


March 24, Mizzima News
Don't count on the army to split – Maung Htun

After reading Larry Jagan's "Splits emerge in Burma's army over country's
roadmap," [Mizzima News – March 21, 2008] I want to relate some of my
personal experiences and observations. As for myself, I am a distant
relative of Brigadier Aung Gyi, a one time close confidant of Burma's
military dictator Ne Win who later became an outspoken critic of the
dictator, and my father worked at the Defense Ministry for many years.

One day in July 1988, my father came home with a sad face and told me what
he heard in a meeting. Colonel Aung Thein, of the Defense Ministry, had
criticized Aung Gyi's open letters to Ne Win, imploring the dictator to
enact economic and political reforms. At the end of the meeting Aung Thein
told those present that they would defend their government at any cost and
if necessary they would kill one million people. Aung Thein reportedly
went on to say that the killing of a million people out of a population of
38 million would simply mean the military would then find it, "Even easier
to control the country."

My father and other veteran, low ranking officers just shook their heads
and returned to their offices, sadly discussing what would happen next
with all of them believing that there would be bloodshed in the coming
months. A few days later Aung Gyi and colleagues were arrested and
sentenced to death.

Then, in 1988, came the most famous uprising in Burma's history and Aung
Gyi was released from Insein prison. He said to me, "There may be a
handful of extremists in the army, but they cannot do anything except
listen to Ne Win's orders to hold an election and hand over power to the
newly elected government." I was quite excited by his comments and joined
the National League for Democracy (NLD), working for the NLD until the
election.

Aung Gyi would often mention that when he was in charge of the Defense
Services Academy (DSA) in Ba Htoo, Tun Kyi and Maung Aye were cadets of
the DSA's 1st batch. Both of them had held the Union flag and sworn to
defend democracy. Therefore the regime, the State Law and Order
Restoration Council (SLORC), in his mind would definitely hold an
election." He believed in those two commanders and hoped they would
cooperate with him, as Chairman of the NLD.

But it was not to be. Instead, he was humiliated and impeded on his trips
to Upper Burma and Shan State before the election. Aung Gyi had tried to
garner army support with the words, "Do not think wrong about Tatmadaw,"
which only earned him the hatred of the people. He truly believed that Tun
Kyi and Maung Aye would stand firm for democracy. But, in reality, they
were so corrupt and never thought about what Aung Gyi expected.


>From the outside we think there can be moderate generals or some that may

have some sympathy toward the opposition. Actually, we are dreaming and it
will never happen. We have to understand the mentality and attitude of the
army officers. They always want to make sure that their role is important
and their wealth is well maintained. They will not risk anything that
could harm these two interests.

Aung Gyi was second chief of staff in the Burmese army in 1962. He later
knew that Ne Win was heading the wrong way and no longer saw things eye to
eye with him like before 1962. Aung Gyi was quite popular and the U.S.
government was watching him as a potential, new flamboyant leader of
Burma. On several occasions Ne Win left the country in Aung Gyi's hands as
he journeyed to England to relieve stress, attend horse races and go for
medical check-ups. Aung Gyi had a chance to assume power and steer the
country's future in a different direction. But, he did not. As a
consequence, he was sent to prison and the country was ruled by the whims
of Ne Win for 26 years, in the process becoming one of the poorest nations
in the world.

In 1974, General Tin Oo was chief of staff of Burma's army and he too was
quite popular throughout the country and recognized as a good soldier.
People expected him to take over power from Ne Win, but that also didn't
happen. Like Aung Gyi, he was sent to prison and several young army
officers were sentenced to death.

Many world leaders regarded Khin Nyunt as a moderate leader among the
generals of SLORC, or the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) as
the military junta came to refer to itself as in 1997. He was Secretary 1,
in charge of Military Intelligence and later appointed Prime Minister. But
Khin Nyunt, as with those before him, didn't and couldn't do anything to
take over power.

What I want to say is that in the Burma army the high ranking officers are
just happy in their positions even though they know the country is not in
good shape under their rule. They will not risk anything unless their role
and wealth is guaranteed. They will not harm each other as they have the
same interests. Khin Nyunt was a danger to a majority of them and thus he
was forced out. To make sure that happens, they also arrange marriages of
their children among themselves. A majority of the top ranking generals
and their families are related to each other through marriage.

Younger army officers may get frustrated with the current situation or the
growing power of the junta-backed mass civilian organization Union
Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), but they will not do
anything due to respect for their elders and in the interest of the
security of their positions. They have been trained like that for many
years.

Many of my friends were in the DSA 19 and 20 intakes and some of them are
now regional commanders. I had a good discussion about the situation of
the country with some them in 1988 just before the 8-8-88 uprising. Their
view was as long as they can look after their families, they don't care
about anything else. They will just obey orders. Soon, this generation
will come into power.

Challenging leadership is quite common in Western society but with the
traditions and nature of Buddhism and the Burmese people, I don't believe
that someone will stage a soft or hard coup in Naypyitaw, even though
there may be a rift or split among the ranks of the military.

Historically, Burmese people need full support from an outside power to
foment change. Aung San sought the Japanese army's help to fight against
the British and the aide of the British in ridding the Japanese from
Burma.

Nothing has changed. As I mentioned in the beginning, regarding the
ominous words of Aung Thein in 1988, the army will again move to use all
violence necessary in suppressing the aspirations of the people. They
won't hesitate to kill more as their hands are already soaked with blood.

Many political leaders, including Aung Gyi, Aung San Suu Kyi and Tin Oo,
underestimate this fact. Many times these leading figures have said that
with the economic crisis, the army officers can no longer hold the power.
But, actually, they have held on to power for almost 20 years already and
nothing will change for years to come. The poorer the country, the easier
it is for them to rule. There is no shortage of thugs for whom a daily
wage will ensure their work on behalf of the military regime whenever
there is political movement calling for change.

Naively, we were hoping that there would be a change after Ne Win's death,
but nothing happened. We believed that Ne Win was the puppet master and
when he died the SPDC generals would not know what to do.

We were hoping for a change with the help of U.N. envoys Razali and
Gambari, yet nothing has happened.

Now, as per the referenced article, are we to hope that Maung Aye or Shwe
Mann will get rid of Senior General Than Shwe and implement true reform?
How long do we have to wait? Is it really going to happen? I don't think
so.

In my view, unless there is an uprising even bigger than 1988 and many
powerful international actors simultaneously pressure the regime – with a
few missiles hitting Naypyitaw, the junta's administrative capital – there
will be no split in the Burma army, even with a change of leadership.

____________________________________

March 24, Irrawaddy
America’s role in Burma’s struggle for democracy

Many in the world disagreed with the US invasion of Iraq and are not
impressed with George W Bush’s foreign policy. But on Burma, the US
administration has taken the moral high ground and remains an important
ally to many Burmese democracy groups at home and abroad.

Since last year’s uprising, the Bush administration has imposed targeted
sanctions on cronies working closely with Burma’s military leaders. US
First Lady Laura Bush has also taken a serious interest in the Burmese
democracy movement, holding meetings with dissidents in the White House or
video teleconferences with prominent exiles. She has also issued several
statements condemning the regime and asking Snr-Gen Than Shwe to step
down.

America’s high-ranking officials have never shied away from criticism of
the regime’s human rights violations, and when the regime announced plans
to hold a referendum in May, they made it clear that the US government
regarded the referendum as undemocratic.

White House spokesperson Dana Perino said, “We call on the Burmese
government to comply with the United Nations call, last October, that this
be an open and inclusive process that allows the Burmese people a fair say
in the structure and form of their new government.”

Sean McCormack, a spokesperson for the US State Department, was even
harsher in his assessment: “No referendum held under these conditions—a
pervasive climate of fear in which virtually the entire population,
including Aung San Suu Kyi, is under detention, and the Burmese people not
being allowed to participate in or even discuss the drafting of a
constitution—can be free, fair or credible.”

Recently, a Congressional resolution has called for President Bush to
pressure the UN Security Council not to recognize the junta-drafted
constitution.

The US has joined forces with fellow permanent members of the Security
Council, the UK and France, to send a clear message to the regime and the
world. Last January, for instance, the three countries issued a rare joint
statement at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland reminding the
world of “the urgent need for progress towards a transition to democracy
and improved human rights in Burma.”

Meanwhile, Burma’s neighbors have taken a very different approach to
Burma. Surin Pitsuwan, the new head of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (Asean), expressed support for the regime’s referendum: “It has to
begin somewhere and now it has a clear, definite beginning. I think it is
a development in the right direction.”

Burma’s bilateral relations with a number of countries have been governed
primarily by economic or strategic considerations, and completely
disregard the political wishes of the country’s people. Thailand and China
both enjoy favorable trade relations with Burma, India seeks the
assistance of Burmese leaders in its efforts to pacify its restive
northeast, and Russia sells nuclear technology to the junta.

Even the EU, which appointed a special envoy on Burma after the September
uprising, has no policy on the referendum.

In the absence of unity and a formal policy on Burma, America is taking
the lead.

Christopher Hill, the US assistant secretary of state, recently warned
that the US would continue to put diplomatic pressure on Burma. The
measures include sanctions until a legitimate solution to the country’s
problems is found.

“So let’s see if the Burmese authorities understand that we have a lot of
options for dealing with Burma, but we do not have the option of turning
our backs and forgetting the problem,” he said.

The senior US diplomat told CNN this year, “Burma, historically, is a
country where, you know, one could have expected a lot of good things from
Burma. In fact, if you look back to the 1950s, Burma was supposed to be
one of the great success stories. So here it is, 50, 60 million people,
bigger than the Republic of Korea, and yet it has had such a sad history
in recent decades. So that’s a country that I would like to spend more
time on.”

It is impossible to imagine China or India, or even Asean, expressing such
a commitment to Burma.

America’s Burma policy is in line with Burma’s democratic forces inside
and outside of the country. The US has consistently called for the release
of Aung San Suu Kyi and an inclusive road-map process. So far, the US has
given no indication that it intends to move away from its policy of
supporting Burma’s people and its democratic forces. Without US support,
only the sometimes indecisive EU governments would offer some sort of
counterbalance to the regime’s relations with China, India, Asean, Russia
and North Korea.

Since 1988, America has taken a strong stance towards the repressive
regime in Burma. Thus, Burmese have always looked to the US in times of
crisis. In 1988, students and activists gathered in front of the American
Embassy in Rangoon to protest against the regime, believing the army
wouldn’t dare shoot them there. They were subsequently killed by soldiers.

In 1988, US Congressman Stephen J Solarz flew to Rangoon to seek dialogue
and political settlement. Although he failed to make a breakthrough, US
policy on the regime since then has been consistent.

It is not just lip service that the US has been giving to Burma’s
pro-democracy struggle. America’s aid agencies along the border with
Thailand continue to provide assistance to refugees and political and
moral support to groups inside and outside of Burma.

US officials and diplomats have actively sought to establish contacts and
make friends with Burmese refugees and exiled groups taking refuge on Thai
soil. This strong friendship has helped to protect these Burmese whenever
they faced serious security problems.

As powerful and opportunistic neighbors exploit Burma’s natural resources
and back a regime that has locked up and killed thousands of innocent
people, the US has continued to take the high moral ground. Even if
American efforts have yet to produce the desired results, they have played
a crucial role in keeping the pro-democracy struggle alive.

When Burma celebrated the third anniversary of its independence in 1951,
then-US ambassador David Mckendree Key said: “The people and government of
the United States are sincerely interested in you and will continue to
offer you what they can of their experience and resources to assist you in
restoring stability and building Burma into a prosperous nation.”

This special interest expressed by the former US ambassador still lives on.

The American ambassador also said, “I am sure that the cordial relations
which exist between our two democratic peoples will continue to flourish
and contribute to the international understanding which all freedom-loving
peoples feel is so necessary today and so important in the future.”

Although history has proven this prediction wrong, we believe that Burma
will someday be able to restore its relationship with the world’s most
powerful nation to a normal one based upon shared democratic values and
genuine friendship.

____________________________________

March 22, Irrawaddy
It’s time for Gambari to resign – Yeni

The UN Special Envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, said this week he was
disappointed that his latest visit to Burma yielded no tangible results in
a briefing before the 15-member UN Security Council in New York.

Gambari's visit was his third to Burma since the military government
crushed pro-democracy demonstrators in September 2007 in a crackdown that
sparked worldwide outrage and a new, major international diplomatic push
for political reform.

But instead of making some progress in convincing the military junta to
implement democratic reforms, the junta rebuffed all the UN proposals
brought by Gambari.

The junta's spokesman, Kyaw Hsan, told Gambari his request to
establishment an office in Rangoon for the UN special envoy was
unnecessary. Pleas for "inclusive" participation in Burmese politics,
which Ganbari and the UN have repeatedly called for, were also dismissed.

Kyaw Hsan said the Burmese draft constitution has been completed and the
National Convention, which created the document, is the most credible and
all-inclusive political discussion forum for the country.

During his visit to Burma from March 6-10, Gambari met detained opposition
leader Aung San Suu Kyi twice. But the details of their discussions are
still not known. And he was not allowed to meet opposition groups, such as
the "88 Generation Students," representatives of ethnic groups or top
members of the junta.

Assessing the obstacles in dealing with the wily Burmese generals, Gambari
said: "Indeed, over time, my engagement with my interlocutors has been
difficult, complex, frustrating," but, looking on the positive side, he
said there has been some slight progress, "nevertheless incremental and
continuing."

Many observers can only wonder how Gambari can take such a view without
any tangible accomplishments after three missions to Burma?  He’s clearly
arrived at a stalemate where he’s proven the UN’s Burma strategy has
failed.

Without a well-defined and convincing Plan B, Gambari should resign from
his office, if only to maintain his reputation.

His resignation, if nothing else, might provide some encouragement to
segments of the Burmese public who believe the UN is still the best hope
to end the brutal rule of the generals.

Many observers have long maintained that with the diplomatic backing of
Burma’s allies, China and Russia, the generals can manipulate envoys like
Gambari and the good offices of the UN for decades.

Who knows? Gambari's resignation might embarrass some UN members and serve
as a catalyst to come up a new, concrete strategy that goes beyond the
toothless, paper tiger diplomacy the UN has offered for the past decade.