BurmaNet News, April 1, 2008

[Editor]

April 1, 2008 Issue # 3434


INSIDE BURMA
AFP: At least 40 protesters convicted in secret Myanmar trials: Amnesty
Guardian UK: Burma draft constitution bars Suu Kyi
CNN via AP: Myanmar draft constitution backs the status quo
Mizzima News: Burmese opposition leader attacked
DVB: Pro-constitution leaflets circulating in Rangoon
DVB: Mandalay fire destroys 19 homes
Narinjara News: 10 Muslim community leaders arrested in Arakan
Kaladan Press Network: Thirty five boat-people jailed, 42 others detained
in Burma
Asian Tribune: Living to help his Shan people
Xinhua: Construction of GMS sectional highway begins in Myanmar

ON THE BORDER
Narinjara News: Maritime talks between Dhaka and Naypyidaw after 21years
Narinjara News: Burma Hands Over 30 Bangladeshi Migrants

BUSINESS / TRADE
The Nation (Thailand): Thaksin to issue statement to defend himself
related to soft loan for Burma
Irrawaddy: Rice price increase hits Burma
Mizzima News: Mekong countries focused on economic cooperation

REGIONAL
Asia Media Forum: Photos continue to tell the Burma story

INTERNATIONAL
Irrawaddy: Russian Ambassador opposes UN ‘presidential statement’ on
referendum

OPINION / OTHER
Hindustan Times: Engage, don’t isolate
DVB: Commentary: Yes or no?
IHT: Buddhists who stand up
Irrawaddy: Constitutional power in the hands of Commander in Chief


____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

April 1, Agence-France Press
At least 40 protesters convicted in secret Myanmar trials: Amnesty

At least 40 protesters in Myanmar, including seven Buddhist monks, have
been sentenced to prison after secret trials over last year's
pro-democracy marches, Amnesty International said Tuesday.

In September, Buddhist monks spearheaded the biggest anti-government
protests in Yangon in nearly 20 years, but the military regime violently
suppressed the movement by opening fire on crowds and beating people in
the streets.

Officially, more than 3,000 people were arrested during the crackdown. The
junta says the vast majority have been released.

But Amnesty said in a statement that at least 700 are still behind bars,
and at least 40 of them have been sentenced to prison after secret trials.

The rights watchdog said its research found protesters had been convicted
"for peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression and
assembly."

"Three people were sentenced merely for giving water to monks on the
street," the statement said.

The group urged the UN Security Council to pass a resolution reflecting
the international community's concerns over the country, after a visit in
March by UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari yielded no progress on the human rights
situation.

"Rather than comply with the Security Council's appeals, the Myanmar
authorities have instead moved to the next phase of their crackdown and
suppression of the human rights of the Myanmar people with these
sentences," Amnesty said.

"The Council cannot allow this to continue."

The United Nations estimates that at least 31 people were killed during
the crackdown six months ago.

In addition to the 700 jailed protesters, Myanmar has another 1,150
political prisoners held prior to the monks' marches in September.

Most famous among them is Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel peace prize winner
who has spent 12 of the last 18 years under house arrest.

She led her National League for Democracy party to a landslide victory in
1990 elections, but the military never recognised the result.

____________________________________

April 1, Guardian UK
Burma draft constitution bars Suu Kyi – Ian MacKinnon

Burma's proposed new constitution, due to be put to a referendum next
month, bars the detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from making a
political comeback.

The 62-year-old Nobel laureate, who has been jailed or under house arrest
for 12 years, will be excluded from elections planned for 2010 because she
was married to a foreigner. The stipulation is the most controversial
element of the 194-page document. It was finalised in February but its
provisions were not fully published and its scope only became known
yesterday when copies were leaked.

The draft, part of the military regime's seven-point "road map to
democracy", states that a "person who is entitled to rights and privileges
of a foreign government, or a citizen of a foreign country" cannot run for
office. Suu Kyi's husband, Michael Aris, a Briton, died in 1999.

Burma's last constitution was scrapped in 1988 after a huge student
uprising, matched by last September's pro-democracy protests led by monks
in which at least 31 people were killed when the army opened fire.

The proposed constitution, 14 years in the making, excluded Suu Kyi and
her National League for Democracy from the drafting process, fuelling
critics' claims that it is window dressing to consolidate the military's
45-year hold on power.

The document reserves a quarter of seats in both houses of parliament for
the military, which has yet to reveal the date of the referendum.

It says the constitution can only be amended with the support of
three-quarters of the parliament, making any changes impossible without
the backing of the military's faction.

The president will be given powers to transfer legislative, executive and
judicial powers to the military's commander-in-chief for "not less than a
year" if there is "sufficient reason" to declare a state of emergency. But
it also unexpectedly enshrines rights absent for years since the military
ignored the results of the 1990 election when Suu Kyi and her party won by
a landslide.

People would be allowed to form political parties and trades unions, and
freedom of the press would be guaranteed.

Burma's ethnic groups, many of whom have waged insurgencies since
independence from Britain in 1948, would also win the right to promote
their own languages and cultures.

The prospect of a constitution has left many in a quandary over the
referendum vote. Some judge an imperfect constitution is preferable to the
current vacuum.

"We can't expect it to be perfect at the initial state and we should not
delay till it is perfect," one lawyer told Reuters.

"There will be freedom of expression, press, association, procession and
so on that we haven't got now."

____________________________________

April 1, CNN via Associated Press
Myanmar draft constitution backs the status quo

Myanmar's draft constitution perpetuates military domination of politics
and protects junta members from prosecution for past actions, according to
a copy of the document obtained Monday.

Myanmar has been under mounting pressure over its crackdown on
pro-democracy protests.

The draft was completed in February and will go before voters in a May
referendum. It has not yet been made public, but a copy of the 194-page
text was obtained by The Associated Press.

The draft charter allots 25 percent of seats in both houses of parliament
to the military.

It also effectively bars pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from
becoming president or a lawmaker because she was married to a foreigner,
maintaining a controversial clause from guidelines used to draft the
charter. Her late husband, Michael Aris, was British.

Another clause in the draft protects members of the current junta, which
has been in power since 1988, from legal prosecution for any acts carried
out as part of their official duties.

In September a deadly government crackdown on pro-democracy protesters and
monks drew worldwide attention to the repressive regime, which has been
under international pressure to make democratic reforms. The U.N.
estimates at least 31 people were killed and thousands more were detained
in the crackdown.

The ruling junta has also long been under global criticism for its
detention of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Suu Kyi, who has been in prison or
under house arrest for more than 12 of the past 18 years.

After it was criticized for the crackdown, the junta announced it would
hold a referendum in May on the new constitution, followed by long-awaited
general elections in 2010. The junta calls the process its "roadmap to
democracy."

Critics have denounced the roadmap as a sham designed to perpetuate
military rule, noting that the drafting process did not include Suu Kyi or
members of her opposition National League for Democracy party.

The country's last election was held in 1990. The military refused to hand
over power after Suu Kyi's party won by a landslide.

The draft constitution would legitimize a military takeover in the event
of an emergency. It would empower the president to transfer legislative,
executive and judicial powers to the military's commander in chief for a
year if a state of emergency arises.
It also stipulates that the text cannot be amended without the consent of
more than 75 percent of lawmakers -- making proposed changes unlikely
without support from military representatives in parliament.

The new constitution is supposed to replace the one scrapped when the
current junta took power in 1988

____________________________________

April 1, Mizzima News
Burmese opposition leader attacked – Than Htike Oo

A leader of Burma's main opposition party – the National League for
Democracy – in Rangoon was severely injured when an unidentified assailant
attacked him on Monday night.

Myint Hlaing, Chairman of Hlaingtharyar Township NLD, received three
stitches on his head after the identified man hit him on the head.

Myint Hlaing a resident of Ward 11 in Hlaingtharyar Township was attacked
at about 7:30 p.m. (local time) on Monday while he was strolling in front
of his house.

"I don't know the person who attacked me. But I am sure he is not from our
locality, he maybe from another ward, not from our ward," Myint Hlaing
said.

While the reason behind the mysterious attack is not clear, several people
in the locality said Myint Hlaing has a good reputation in the locality
and is loved and respected by many.

A local resident described him saying "He is admired by most of the local
people and is known to be a good person. He is gentle and is a devout
Buddhist and he always meditates, even when he is strolling."

The local said the attack on Myint Hlaing was surprising and he believed
that there was a political motive behind the attack.

"I think this is political violence against him," the local added.

Myint Hlaing, following the attack was treated at the Hlaingtharyar
government hospital and received three stitches on his scalp. He
complained of suffering from a mild headache.

Myint Hlaing said, "Earlier, Ko Maung Lay from Henzada, Ko Myint Aye of
'Human Rights Defenders and Promoters' (HRDP), U Than Lwin from Madaya
Township NLD and NLD members of Tungup Township were beaten up. Now this
has come to our township and I am being targeted". He was responding to an
apparent suggestion that the attacks on dissidents are organized and well
planned.

____________________________________

April 1, Democratic Voice of Burma
Pro-constitution leaflets circulating in Rangoon – Maung Too

Rangoon residents said unknown groups of people have been distributing
leaflets across the former capital urging people to vote Yes in the
national referendum in May.

The leaflets carried the headline “Let’s just vote Yes” and encouraged
people to vote in favour of the draft constitution in the upcoming
referendum.

Witnesses said government authorities seemed relaxed about the leaflets
being distributed, in contrast to their sensitivity about other groups who
have promoted a No vote.

Under the government’s referendum law, approved in February this year,
campaigning against the referendum is an offence punishable by up to three
years in prison.

____________________________________

April 1, Democratic Voice of Burma
Mandalay fire destroys 19 homes – Yee May Aung

A fire which broke out on Saturday evening near High School 13 between
81st and 82nd streets in Mandalay devastated about 19 houses, Mandalay
residents said.

A monk from Masoeyein monastery who helped put out the fire said it was
burning for about two hours.

A local resident who saw the fire said the fire brigade had difficulties
extinguishing the blaze.

"I went to the site and watched the fire at around 8pm. I think at least
10 houses were destroyed," the local said.

"About 30 fire trucks arrived on the scene. But some of them broke down
when they got there while some others ran out of water," he said.

"They did try hard to put out the fire immediately but they kept running
out of water so they had to go to the moat to get more water."

Another local said the fire had started at a local business premises.

"It was started by a gas-tank explosion at a shoe-maker on the block and
about 15 houses were destroyed," the local said.

An official from Mandalay fire brigade said a generator had started the
fire, which had now been completely extinguished.

"The fire started at around 7.42pm and was completely suppressed by
9.00pm. It was started by an overheated generator from a house in the
area,” the official said.

“The total cost of the damage is estimated at about 3.8 million kyat.
Fifty fire trucks from the Mandalay fire brigade and four from Mandalay
municipality were sent to the location."


____________________________________

April 1, Narinjara News
10 Muslim community leaders arrested in Arakan

Ten Muslim community leaders were arrested on Sunday in a raid by a
high-level team of army officials in the western border town of Maungdaw,
but there are no further details as to why they were arrested, reports a
witness in Maungdaw.

Among those arrested is president of the Maungdaw District Myanmar Muslim
League, advocate U Than Tun, also known as Muhammad Solin, and the owner
of three diamond and gold shops, U Niramad.

The witness said, "The arrests began at 10:30 am while the Muslim
community leaders were holding a meeting in the office of U Than Tun in
Maungdaw."

During the raid, the army authority seized many papers and documents from
U Than Tun's office after long hours of searching the room.

Townspeople in Maungdaw believe the arrest is related to politics, after
the authorities arrested them with what is apparently a lot of evidence,
although no one knows what was contained on the seized papers.

"The authority brought them to Nasaka headquarters in army vehicles at 4
pm on the evening and the family members had no chance to speak with
them," the witness said.

A source said the arrest was conducted under the supervision of a
commander form the army operation planning bureau in Buthidaung, and that
the commander personally took part in the raid.

It has also been learned that since the arrest, many other Muslim
community leaders in Maungdaw, including Dr. Tun Aung, are hiding in
unknown locations out of fear that further arrests may follow.

____________________________________

April 1, Kaladan Press Network
Thirty five boat-people jailed, 42 others detained in Burma

Thirty five boat-people were sentenced to three to seven years in prison
on March 23 in Sittwe and 40 others were detained on March 30, in
Maungdaw.

On March 10, 35 boat-people were arrested by immigration officials in
Sittwe when they were preparing to go to Malaysia in an engine boat from
Sittwe (Akyab), the capital of Arakan State.

Of the arrested 26 were men, seven were women and two were children. They
were residents of different parts of Sittwe Township.

On March 23, they were handed out jail terms. The men were jailed for
seven years while women were given three year jail terms.

Similarly, on February 11, seventy two people including 30 Bangladeshis
were traveling to Malaysia in an engine boat from Shapuri Dip in
Bangladesh. But the engine boat stalled and floating and reached to near
Rangoon.  People fishing in the sea saw the boat and informed the nearby
Burmese naval base.

Navy personnel went to the spot in two speed boats and seized the engine
boat and arrested the people. They were brought to Rangoon port and
detained in a guest house. They were later sent to Sittwe and then to
Maungdaw Town on March 29.

However, on March 30, Major Myo Nay Aung , the deputy director of Nasaka,
Burma's border security force, HQ of Maungdaw Township, handed over 30
Bangladeshi boat-people to the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR). But the 42 Burmese
Rohingya boat people were detained in Maungdaw Town.

____________________________________

April 1, Asian Tribune
Living to help his Shan people – Antonio Graceffo

"Inside Shan State we cannot teach Shan language. And, when youth talk
about politics there is retaliation. Even talking about the meaning of
democracy, even thinking about the meaning of democracy is dangerous."
Said twenty year old Kawn Wan.

After his family was murdered and his village Burned, Kawn Wan completed
his education and became a teacher and caretaker of orphans in Shanland,
Loi Tailang, Shan State Army (SSA) Headquarters.

"You foreigners, when you aren’t happy with something, you go and change
it. You protest and fight. But here in Burma, it is impossible for us." He
explained.

Kawn Wan sits in the bamboo hut he shares with several other teachers. The
orphan dormitory is just across the way, and the boys are busy hiking a
mile, down the mountain to bath in the river and wash their school
uniforms for the next day. The uniforms are comprised of Shan trousers and
pressed white shirt.

"It takes an hour to get the shirt clean." Said a boy, toiling to bang out
the wrinkles with a rock. Life in Loi Tailang is predicated on schedules.
Kawn Wan and a few other grown-up orphans are the official caretakers of
the young kids, but the children know their daily chores and for the most
part, they do them. This includes the two mile river hike, daily, as the
thrice daily hike all the way back to the school, on the other side of the
camp, where they get their meals.

Some boys who have finished with their laundry are playing takraw, a game
similar to volleyball, where the feet, rather than hands, are used to get
the rattan ball over the net. The orphan area is surrounded by defense
trenches and air raid tunnels, where the boys know to take refuge in the
event of an attack. Further down the hill is a line of punji, sharpened
stakes, designed to keep out the enemy. The steaks serve as a warning, to
keep innocent people from walking into the landmines.

Seeing the boys laugh as they struggle to kick the ball over the net, you
would think this was a normal school, at recess, anywhere. But it isn’t
anywhere. The school, the dormitory, the base, and Shanland itself are
inside of Burma. And, if it wasn’t for the thousands of Shan State Army
soldiers protecting them, the orphans, as well as all the other refugees,
would be killed by the forces of the SPDC, the junta that rules Burma.

“In Shanland, even the little children when you ask, what your dream is,
they say, I want to go home.” Said Kawn Wan.

Most of the children came to Shanland because the SPDC burned their
villages or killed their parents. They seem happy to be living in a place
where they have so many brothers to play with, but like people everywhere,
their instinct is to want to go home. Unfortunately, there is no home to
go back to. And, until the war is over, or until Shanland wins its
independence, a trip to Loi Tailang is one way. It would be too dangerous
for the children to consider going back.

Kawn Wan came to Loi Tailing in 2001, and has now spent nearly half his
life living as an orphan and Internally Displaced Person (IDP).

When the SPDC killed his mother and forced Kawn Wan to leave his village,
in 1996, he was so young he couldn’t carry his own gear.

“The SPDC soldiers came to our village and told us we had to move into the
town.”

The Burmese government forces frequently forcibly relocate villagers in
order to better control them. Those who resist relocation are often
murdered, and their homes are burned. In Kawn Wan’s case, his village was
forced to move into a city.

“In the city it is hard for us to survive because we are countryside
people. We don’t know how to get food in a city. Some people escaped from
the town. From when I left until now, I didn’t hear anything about my
family. They left the town to look for food. Then people told me the SPDC
caught them.”

Eventually, Kawn Wan made it to Loi Tailang. He finished school and Shan
college. Now, in addition to taking care of the other children, he works
as a teacher of English and Shan Kung Fu. Kawn Wan teaches the nearly lost
Shan martial art to the children in the hopes of preserving their culture.

"If we do not win," said a Shan military officer, "Some day, if you want
to know about Shan culture, you will need to go to a museum."

Some of the boys living in the orphanage are not orphans in the strictest
sense of the word. One or the other of their parents was still alive when
they came to live in Loi Tailang. Inside Shan State, the SPDC has made
life very difficult. Parents cannot take care of their children the way
they want to. Shan children don’t have access to education. At Loi
Tailang, at least the parents know that their children can attend school
and get three basic meals per day.

"They come day by day." Says kawn Wan. "Some come alone, and some come
with a relative. Their Uncle or the headman brings them here, because
inside Shan State life is so bad. The government doesn’t allow us to teach
Shan language at school."

The orphans here are not only Shan, but also Lahu, Pa-O and Palong. The
student body is composed of all of the ethnic groups who live in Shan
State. Colonel Yawd Serk, the military and political leader of Shan State
Army stresses the importance of racial tolerance. All of the many ethnic
groups in Burma have suffered at the hands of the Burmese Army, but the
SPDC has long used disunity as a tool for controlling the ethnics. If they
combine their forces, under a single military ruler, the many tribes far
outnumber the Burmese in the tribal areas. The Burmese soldiers are
conscripts, who suffer oppression at the hands of their superiors. The
tribal people, on the other hand, are fighting for their homes and
families. United, there is no way they would lose.

“All the ethnics can bring children here to study.” Explained Kawn Wan.
The term Shan State Nationalities is often used to describe the many
peoples living in Shan State. "Some of them can’t speak Shan when they
arrive here. So, they learn it. We also teach them English, Thai, and
Burmese."

"When I lived in Shan State I didn’t know what is democracy, what is human
rights, what is other countries do. I didn’t know. I came here and I was
sent to Shan college, and I learned. And now I can use my skill to help
other people."

Between leaving his village and coming to Loi Tailang, Kawn Wan lived as a
novice monk in Thailand.

"I was a temple boy, cleaning the temple and studying with the monks, but
could not go to regular school because I had no Id card."

Many of the Shan leaders were monks in Thailand at some time in their
lives. Up to about age fifteen the Thai police are rather forgiving about
asking for ID. But, once the boys reach adulthood, they have to have legal
papers to remain in Thailand, or they have to go home. The problem for the
Shan, of course, is that they have no home to go back to. Luckily, Kawn
Wan found a home at Loi Tailang.

“When we live here, our heart is warm. These children don’t have parents,
so I love to help them and be an older brother for them.”

What is the future for Kawn Wan’s young students?

“When they graduate, they don’t have to be soldiers.”

The Colonel gives the boys freedom to chose their own career.

“They can be teachers. They can be whatever they want. They can go to work
in an NGO, or in a government department.”

The government of Shanland is called the Reconciliation Council of the
Shan State (RCSS). The governmental departments are in place, and staffed
with bright young Shan waiting for the world to recognize them as an
independent country.

“If we have only soldiers, we cannot build our country. So, we need to
educate our people, to have skills, to help develop our country. Even me,
I lived with soldiers for a long time, but I didn’t want to be a soldier.
I want to be a teacher. I don’t want to have a high position. I just want
to stay with the orphans and take care of them. This is my dream.”

“It is important to teach the children what are human rights so they know
the good way for them.”

The Shan all respect Aung San Suu Kyi, but they are realists.

“I think the NLD (National League for Democracy) cannot do anything for us
inside of Shan State. We have never seen them. They haven’t visited us.

“I like other countries, they have democracy. I like Thailand. I only
don’t like that I don’t have the ID card, but our food and everything
comes from Thailand. I like the Thai King.” All Shan people respect His
majesty, King Rama IX of Thailand. On the day of his 80th birthday, no one
worked in Shanland. The villagers put on their best clothes and met at the
temple to pray for the King’s health.

“We teach the children to respect Him.”

On the wall in his bamboo hut, just above his Buddhist shrine, Kawn Wan,
like so many other Shan, has a trinity of kings. These include, the last
Shan King, King Rama V of Thailand, and King Rama IX.

“Even if we don’t know the future, our leader is trying his best to find
our victory. Some of us work in different ways, but we have the same goal.
Some work like soldiers. Some have skills and can help a lot of people.
Even if we cannot go live inside Shan State we can have our school, and we
can teach the children freely. Inside Shan State we cannot teach Shan
language. And, when youth talk about politics there is retaliation. Even
talking about the meaning of democracy, even thinking about the meaning of
democracy is dangerous.”

Kawn Wan is fully committed to the path he has chosen.

“I don’t think about getting married. I think about my students. I
sacrifice my life to help them.”

I asked Kawn Wan what message he would like to send to the American people.

“I want the American people to know that we have a country, but we cannot
live in it. We have no human rights. The Burmese government doesn’t do
anything for us. We want the Americans to help us, to tell the SPDC to
give us democracy. We want the power in the hands for our people. We want
to live freely, like other countries. I think because in America they have
freedom, and in democracy country, they have rights, and they will use
their rights to help us. Please share our information with other people.”

Antonio Graceffo is an adventure and martial arts author living in Asia.
He is the Host of the web TV show, “Martial Arts Odyssey,” Currently he is
doing a film and print project to raise awareness of the Shan people.

____________________________________

April 1, Xinhua
Construction of GMS sectional highway begins in Myanmar

Construction of one more sectional highway, which is included in the
East-West Economic Corridor and covered by the Greater Mekong Subregion
(GMS) Economic Cooperation Program, has begun, the local Voice news
journal reported Tuesday.

Quoting Minister of Commerce Brigadier-General Tin Naing Thein who met
local entrepreneurs recently, the report said the 22-km road to be built
lies between Thingan Nyinaung and Kawkareik in southeastern Kayin state
after a ground survey was made earlier this year.

The overall Myanmar section in the GMS East-West Economic Corridor, which
stretches as Myawaddy-Thingan Nyinaung-Kawkareik-Mawlamyine with a total
length of about 1,400 km, stands on the Asian Highway.

The prior 18-km Myawaddy-Thingan Nyinaung section was completed with the
assistance of Thailand last year, it said.

The East-West Economic Corridor under the GMS program links the South
China Sea to the Bay of Bengal, which is from Vietnam's Danang Port in the
East to Myanmar's Mawlamyine in the West. The Mawlamyine-Danang land route
will take only 1,000 km whereas the sea route which passes through the
Malacca Straits takes 4,000 km.

Once the remaining 1,360-km section from Kawkareik to Mawlamyine, where a
planned deep-sea port locates, is built, it will provide a link to Europe
through Asia's China, India and Thailand, experts said.

The deep seaport project at Mawlamyine in Myanmar's southern Mon state,
which will contribute to the development of the East-West corridor in
terms of regional cross-border transportation and trade, has been
underway. On completion of the project, Myanmar will become a key seaport
in the GMS region and will benefit from being lying in the corridor.

The development of the East-West Economic Corridor constitutes part of the
strategic program for the current decade starting 2002of the six GMS
countries -- Cambodia, China, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam.

The GMS economic cooperation program was initiated by the Asian
Development Bank in 1992.

Meanwhile, the Asian highway constitutes a network of 140,000 km of roads
crisscrossing the continent and linking up to Europe. The network, which
will signify promotion of regional integration and cooperation, is
expected to be completed by 2010.


____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

April 1, Narinjara News
Maritime talks between Dhaka and Naypyidaw after 21years

Delegations from Burma and Bangladesh started talking on Monday about the
maritime boundary between the two neighboring countries while in Dhaka,
Bangladesh, after a 21-year break in communications on the issue, stated
an official report.
According to the report, a bilateral committee tasked with redrawing the
maritime border between Bangladesh and Burma met on Monday at the state
guesthouse Padma for the first such talks in 21 years.

The Burmese delegation at the meeting is being led by Commodore Maung Oo
Lwin, while the Bangladesh team is led by Additional Secretary to the
Foreign Affairs Ministry MAK Mahmood.

The long-awaited talk between the two countries will last for two days.
The last meeting between Burma and Bangladesh on the issue took place in
1986. Prior to that, the two countries had discussed their mutual sea
border eight times between 1974 and 1986.

The talk has come about after a disagreement about gas exploration in the
Bay of Bengal. Bangladesh authorities have accused Burma of planning gas
exploration in several offshore blocks within Bangladesh waters.

The meeting also comes in the wake of increasing concern from Bangladesh
over the exact location of its maritime border with its Southeast Asian
neighbor as environmental issues are becoming increasingly important in
the situation.

According to a Bangladesh Foreign Affairs report, Bangladesh will strongly
present its rationale for the delimitation of the sea border to try and
resolve the issue.

The military government in Burma responded positively to Mahmood's request
to discuss the matter during his visit to Rangoon last January.

____________________________________

April 1, Narinjara News
Burma Hands Over 30 Bangladeshi Migrants

Burmese border authorities handed 30 Bangladeshi migrants over to
Bangladesh Rifles on Sunday at the Maungdaw - Teknaf border point, said a
Bangladeshi official.
He said that Burma's border security force, Nasaka, brought the
individuals from the Burmese town Maungdaw to Teknaf in a machine boat at
noon on the day to hand over to Bangladesh authorities.

Bangladeshi authorities received the group at a BDR outpost located on the
banks of the Naff River, but immediately transferred the 30 to a Teknaf
police station to verify their nationality.

A police official from the Teknaf police station said the migrants are
being detained at the Teknaf station while it is determined whether or not
they are Bangladeshi citizens.

He also added that if any turn out to not be Bangladeshi, they authority
will take action in accordance with the law.

According to information from Burmese authorities, the 30 migrants were
arrested by the Burmese navy two months ago in Burmese waters when they
entered Burmese territory in a machine boat.

It has also been learned that the migrants were arrested in Burma en route
to Malaysia via sea, in order to look for work there.


____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

April 1, The Nation (Thailand)
Thaksin to issue statement to defend himself related to soft loan for Burma

Former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra will issue a statement to deny
corruption allegations involving Bt4-billion soft loan to Burma, his
lawyer said Tuesday.

Chatthip Tanthaprasat, a lawyer of Thaksin, said the former prime minister
would issue a statement to defend himself now that the Assets Examination
Committee decided to indict him related to the loan.

A panel headed by Sak Korsaengreung will recommend to the attorney-general
within two weeks that Thaksin be charged with violating Articles 152 and
157 of the Criminal Code, for dereliction of duty and malfeasance by
seeking a vested interest for the Shinawatra family.

The panel alleged Thaksin had instructed Export-Import Bank of Thailand to
extend the loan to Burma to secure business interests of Shin Satellite
(ShinSat) and Shin Corp, which be-longed to Thaksin's family.

But Chatthip said Thaksin was empowered by the law to provide the loan
because the Burmese government extended Thailand an exclusive right to
develop a natural gas reserve site in Burma.

He said the Burmese government used the loans to buy equipment from Shin
Satellite on its own and Thaksin had sold his shares in the company.

____________________________________

April 1, Irrawaddy
Rice price increase hits Burma – Wai Moe

Soaring rice prices across Asia have hit Burma as well, with sources in
Rangoon reporting price hikes of nearly 14 percent over the past week,
from 22,000 kyat to 25,000 kyat (US $19.80-$22.50) for a 38 kg bag.

Despite the drastic increase, however, observers say there is no immediate
fear of a crisis, as most of the rice consumed in Burma is produced
domestically.

A Burmese rice trader at his shop in a wholesale market in Rangoon.
“There was a big rise in the price of rice this week, but I don’t see a
big impact at the moment,” said a businessman who spoke to The Irrawaddy
on Tuesday.

“There should not be a rice shortage in Burma, because the authorities
know that rice is a strategic commodity,” said Rangoon-based economist
Khin Maung Nyo. He added: “This is a very sensitive issue for everyone.”

He cited the increasing use of bio-fuels as one possible cause of the
soaring price of rice in Asia, at a time when many experts are debating
whether the use of agricultural products as sources of alternative energy
could have a negative impact on food supplies.

By the end of March, rice prices had risen 50 percent over a period of two
months; since 2004, they have more than doubled. Experts blame the rising
price of fuel and fertilizer, as well as disease, pests and climate
change. There are concerns that prices could rise a further 40 percent in
coming months.

The World Bank warned in a press release on Tuesday that food and fuel
prices that have soared in recent years have become a pressing problem for
governments in Asia. Since 2003, oil and many other commodity prices have
doubled or tripled.

“While the subprime crisis will have its impacts—possibly on some
countries more than others—the more immediate concern is that in virtually
every East Asian country, inflation is climbing to uncomfortable levels,”
Jim Adams, vice president of the World Bank’s East Asia and the Pacific
region, said in the press release.

Higher fuel costs, with crude soaring above US $100 a barrel and
threatening to stay that way, have been a major factor in the crisis,
making fertilizer more expensive and increasing transport costs.

In Southeast Asia, disease, pests and an unparalleled 45-day cold snap
that extended from China to Vietnam in January and February have also hurt
harvests. Flooding in the Philippines and Vietnam has added to the growing
crisis.

Medium-grade rice exported from Thailand, the world’s biggest rice
exporter, reached $760 a metric ton, up from $360 a ton at the end of last
year. Meanwhile, governments of rice importing countries, such as the
Philippines and Indonesia, are expressing concern that rising prices could
spark unrest.

____________________________________

April 1, Mizzima News
Mekong countries focused on economic cooperation

Meeting in Vientiane, Laos, leaders from the six Mekong River countries,
including Burma, forged ahead with plans to enhance regional economic
development and coordination.

At the third triennial summit of the Greater Mekong Sub-region (GMS), held
March 30 and 31, leaders from China, Thailand, Burma, Laos, Cambodia and
Vietnam agreed to build upon what they described as a prosperous era in
the region's history.

The primary achievement of the summit is a five-year Plan of Action for
2008-2012, which is solely concerned with bringing the countries closer
together in an interconnected web of economic interests.

Future projects that are to incorporate the government of Burma include
accounting and billing training as well as raising awareness of Internet
technology decision makers. With respect to regional tourism, Burma is to
be involved the development of river cruises and a project entitled, "In
the Steps of Shiva and Lord Buddha," which will link monument heritage
sites of the member states.

The Burmese delegation was led by Prime Minister Thein Sein, who duly
hailed the economic developments and prospects for not only the greater
sub-region but also his own impoverished Southeast Asian nation.

Thein Sein, speaking to peers in Vientiane, praised Burma's hydropower
projects with Thailand and Naypyitaw's drive to induce foreign direct
investment to assist in improving Burma's infrastructure.

To the latter's end, a Burmese delegation is due to sign an agreement in
New Delhi this week which will permit India to develop Sittwe port on
Burma's west coast as well as improve internal water and land
transportation links.

Burma's hydropower deals with Thailand, relying on the construction of
several dams inside Burma, have been loudly criticized for not simply
displacing local residents but abetting in Burmese army violence and human
rights abuses directed at ethnic communities.

The Prime Minister also noted that the private sector "will be an
effective mechanism for enhancing infrastructure development." However it
is well known that private contracts in Burma are often awarded to those
with close ties to the military regime, such as companies associated with
business tycoon Tay Za, himself a target of United States-led economic
sanctions.

The congregation appeared in no mood to draw lines between themselves or
to point out shortcomings in some members, preferring instead to erect a
front of a unified, prosperous and symbiotic relationship.

"Fifteen years ago, when many Mekong nations were mired in conflict and
poverty, few would have dared to predict that these countries would make
such unprecedented progress in alleviating poverty and enhancing economic
prosperity," Asian Development Bank Vice President C. Lawrence Greenwood,
Jr. said at the summit yesterday.

The consortium further contended that the region is one of the fastest
growing in the world, with annual growth at over six percent and a
burgeoning tourism industry.

Burma's New Light of Myanmar, meanwhile, ran a headline today proclaiming,
"Myanmar, Lao share pleasure to witness each other's development." For its
part, Lao authorities voiced their recognition and support for Burma's
economic progress.

Such grandiose claims obviously fall well short in the face of individual
country statistics.

In both Burma and Laos, approximately one-third of the population is
estimated to live below the poverty line. Whereas, in 1997 less than a
quarter of Burma's population subsisted in poverty. Meanwhile Burma's
tourism industry continues to be heavy hit in the wake of last year's
widespread unrest.

Founded in 1992, the GMS has as its principle goal the betterment of
trade, investment and development cooperation among the six countries.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

April 1, Asia Media Forum
Photos continue to tell the Burma story – Bruce Lim

Six months may have passed since the the Burmese regime’s crackdown on the
monk-led protests in Burma last year, but the photos taken by citizen
journalists continue to tell the story of this South-east Asian country
under military rule.

The photos they took to inform the world about the protests, thereby going
around the usual restrictions on tightly controlled media in Burma,
included those of the last moments of 50-year-old Japanese photographer
Kenji Nagai, who was shot on Sep. 27 when authorities opened fire on
protesters on the streets of Rangoon, Burma’s capital. He later died from
gunshot wounds in the chest.

These photographs are on exhibit at the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of
Thailand until the end of March.

For Yuki Akimoto, who directs the Burma Information Network (BIN), news of
the fellow journalist’s death came as a shock. Akimoto said, ‘‘I'm also
appalled at how the Burmese military regime has not shown sincerity in
investigating the murder, returning Nagai-san's equipment including his
video camera, and has generally tried to play down the incident by calling
it an accident.’’

The exhibition consists of two parts – ‘Burma 2007 - Uprising, Crackdown,
and Now’, which has been co-organised by the BIN and Human Rights Watch,
and ‘Free Burma’s Political Prisoners Now!’ sponsored by the Assistance
Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) and the Forum for Democracy in
Burma (FDB).

The aim of the exhibit is simple – to inform and honour. Akimoto says that
it hopes to examine and pay tribute to ‘‘the Burmese people's bravery and
willingness to confront Burma's military regime armed only with their
commitment to non-violence and fierce desire for freedom and democracy’’.

AAPP director Bo Kyi said, ‘‘I want the people to know about what’s
happening in prisons in Burma, that tortures are being carried out in
these prisons. I feel that the Thai people, who are largely of Buddhist
faith, should know that Buddhist monks are being tortured as well.’’

 With a referendum on the ruling junta’s draft constitution set at an
unconfirmed date in May, along with the fact that details of it have yet
to be disclosed to the public, the situation in Burma continues to
fester.

Akimoto said, ‘‘We are already seeing an increase in the arrests and
harassment of activists whom the military regime perceives as disruptive
factors for the referendum, and this will continue, if not worsen, at
least through the referendum. The regime will do anything to make sure
their constitution is ‘approved’, and for them, that is not going to
happen by releasing activists or giving the opposition more freedom.’

Bo Kyi said that he does not expect much from the referendum, believing
that it will most likely be one-sided. He cited 1974 as the year when “a
one-sided constitution contributed more trouble to Burma, leading to its
economic decline from being one of the richest countries in the region”.

In order to end political unrest in Burma, Akimoto said that ‘‘the
military regime must begin to include the pro-democracy opposition in the
process of genuine political reform’’.

“The Burmese people will have to continue their demonstrations, and
therefore we need people from the other countries to continue putting
pressure on the Burmese junta regime,” Byo Ki said. He added that
political prisoners must be released.

According to the AAPP, there are currently 1,860 political prisoners in
Burma as of March 28, 2008, but the government denies this. Bo Kyi
expressed his respect for the people who are involved in the struggle.
‘‘These people know about the possibilities of being arrested and
tortured, yet they continue in their cause.’’

‘Burma 2007 - Uprising, Crackdown, and Now’ is currently touring in Japan
and other countries. ‘Free Burma’s Political Prisoners Now!’ goes to
Malaysia in mid-April.


____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

April 1, Irrawaddy
Russian Ambassador opposes UN ‘presidential statement’ on referendum –
Lalit K Jha

A tentative move by the United States to have a new UN Security Council
presidential statement on the Burmese constitutional referendum was met
with opposition by the Russian ambassador to the UN, Vitaly Churkin, on
Monday.

Churkin made his remarks on his last day as president of the Security
Council, which rotates each month among its 15 members. South Africa takes
over the presidency for the month of April starting on Tuesday.

A meeting of the United Nations Security Council. (Photo: Reuters)
The Russian ambassador indicated that his country, which has the power of
veto in the Security Council, would oppose any proposal to issue a new
presidential statement in regard to the referendum on a draft constitution
in Burma in May.

The Burmese draft constitution is loaded heavily in favor of the military
junta, say critics. It would prevent Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the
National League for Democracy opposition group, from running in the
election and does not include safeguards for democracy and ethnic groups.

Referring to the UN Security Council meeting on Burma last month, which
was addressed by the UN Special Envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, the
Russian ambassador said: “In the course of the consultation, one
delegation said that maybe we should have another presidential statement.”

The statement was made by the US ambassador to the UN, Zalmay Khalilzad.

“In fact, the way it was described by the authors of that idea was that
the presidential statement should be focused very heavily on the way the
referendum is going to be conducted in Myanmar [Burma]: listing some
criteria for the success or openness or the democratic nature of that
referendum,” Churkin said.

“Responding off the top of my head, I said to the members of the Council
that the way I heard this idea, to me it is somewhat improper for the
Security Council to go into describing modalities for a referendum or an
election because we are not an election board,” he said.

“We are the Security Council; we are dealing with issues of threats to
international peace and security,” he said.

Noting that there are other institutions within the UN that can provide
recommendations or set criteria for elections, Churkin said: “To involve
the Security Council in this kind of exercise, to me, did not sound like
something which is justified; not because of the Myanmar situation but as
a general proposition of the role of the Security Council and prerogative
of the Security Council.”

Churkin noted that there has been no proposal for a presidential statement
so far.

“If they were to propose something, we would be looking into it, but I
would like to remind you that we do have a Presidential Statement on the
Security Council on Myanmar (October 2007), and Gambari’s mandate derives
from the General Assembly. So we have to keep those two things in mind
when we look at things that could be done by the Security Council,” he
said.


____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

April 1, Hindustan Times
Engage, don’t isolate

This week’s visit of the Burmese junta’s vice-Chairman, General Maung Aye,
who is also the army chief, will formalise an agreement to launch an
India-funded multi-nodal transportation corridor linking north-east India
with Burma’s Sittwe port. The $ 135-million Kaladan Corridor has been made
imperative by Bangladesh’s refusal to grant India transit access — a
blinkered approach holding up the BIMSTEC free-trade area accord.

Maung Aye’s visit is an occasion to remember that Burma today is one of
the world’s most isolated and sanctioned nations — a situation unlikely to
be changed by its junta scheduling a referendum next month on a draft
constitution. The junta’s reclusive chairman, Than Shwe, announced last
week that the military would hand over power to civilians after elections
in two years’ time. But the junta still holds out the threat to debar
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from contesting.

Burma is an important State. First, size matters: this is not a Bhutan or
a Brunei but a country that boasts the largest Indochina land area.
Second, it is a resource-rich nation with copious natural-gas reserves.
And third, it is a natural land bridge between South and Southeast Asia,
and thus critical to the economic advancement of India’s restive
north-east. Such is its vantage location that Burma forms the strategic
nucleus between India, China and Southeast Asia.

Burma’s present problems and impoverishment can be traced back to the
defining events of 1962, when General Ne Win deposed elected prime
minister, U Nu, an architect of non-alignment. Ne Win, a devotee of Marx
and Stalin, sealed off Burma, banning most external trade and investment,
nationalising companies, halting all foreign projects and tourism, and
kicking out the large Indian business community.

It was not until more than a quarter-century later that a new generation
of military leaders attempted to ease Burma’s international isolation
through modest economic reforms. Such attempts, without loosening
political controls, came after the military’s brutal suppression of the
1988 student-led protests that left several thousand dead or injured — a
bloodbath that coincided with the numerology-dedicated Ne Win’s
announcement of retirement on the ‘most auspicious’ day of August 8, 1988
(8.8.88).

Twenty years later, China, also addicted to the power of number 8, may be
courting trouble by launching the Beijing Olympics on 8.8.08 at 8.08 am.
The Games — communist China’s coming-out party — have already been
besmirched by the brutal crackdown on the monk-led Tibetan uprising, just
six months after Burmese monks spearheaded a challenge to authoritarianism
in their own country through street protests that had an underlying
anti-Chinese tenor. In fact, Burma’s majority people, the ethnic Burmans,
are of Tibetan stock. The resistance against repressive rule in both Burma
and Tibet is led by an iconic Nobel laureate — a symbol of soft power
standing up to hard power.

Western penal actions against Burma began no sooner than the junta refused
to honour the outcome of the 1990 elections, won by Suu Kyi’s party. But
Burma became a key target of the US sanctions policy only in this decade,
as underlined by the 2003 Burma Freedom and Democracy Act (which bans all
imports from that country) and a series of punitive executive orders. The
new missionary zeal is due to a Burma activist in the White House — not
the president but his wife.

Laura Bush’s activism has only been aided by the junta’s remarkable
short-sightedness. The regime invited a new wave of US-led sanctions by
killing at least 31 people during last September’s mass protests. It
continues to detain Suu Kyi, besides isolating itself from the public by
moving the national capital to remote Nay Pyi Taw. With Burma’s 58 million
people bearing the brunt of the sanctions, China — a friend to every
pariah regime — has emerged the only winner.

The oversized military fancies itself as the builder of a united Burma. In
a country that has been at war with itself since its 1948 independence,
the military has used the threat of Balkanisation to justify its hold on
politics. It trumpets its successes between the late 1980s and early 1990s
in crushing a four-decade-long communist insurgency and concluding
ceasefire agreements with other underground groups that left just a few
outfits in active resistance. The period since has been viewed by the
military as a time to begin state-building, while to the opposition it has
been an unending phase of repression.

Given Burma’s potent mix of ethnicity, religion and culture, democracy can
serve as a unifying and integrating force, like in India. After all, Burma
cannot be indefinitely held together through brute might. But make no
mistake: the seeds of democracy will not take root in a stunted economy,
battered by widening Western sanctions.

Also, if the Burmese are to break their military’s vise on power, why has
much of the world accepted the 1989 name change to Myanmar? As was evident
from Ceylon’s 1972 renaming as Sri Lanka to give it a distinct Sinhala
identity — a move that helped further alienate the Tamil minority — a name
change represents powerful symbolism. The junta restored the traditional
name, Myanmar, for nationalistic reasons. But a name change ought to have
an elected government’s imprimatur.

The grim reality is that sanctions have put Burmese society in a downward
spiral of poverty and discontent while strengthening the military’s
political grip. Burma is proof that sanctions hurt those they are supposed
to protect, especially when they are enforced for long and shut out
engagement. A calibrated approach is called for, with better-targeted
sanctions and room for outside actors to influence developments within.
Instead of targeting the junta, the widening sanctions have sought to
choke off industries — from tourism to textiles — on which the livelihood
of millions of Burmese depends. Many female garment workers made jobless
by sanctions are being driven into prostitution, as one US official,
Matthew Daley, warned as far back as 2003.

Yet, in the face of a visibly deteriorating humanitarian situation in
Burma, Laura Bush has championed more sanctions, roping in the EU. Her
husband, underscoring how power respects power and the weak get bullied,
spits fire at Burma but accepts despotic China’s invitation to the
Olympics. He should see how the Burma sanctions are holding its people
“economic hostage”, as Burmese author Ma Thanegi told Stanley Weiss in an
interview.

Such is Laura Bush’s ability not only to influence US policy but also to
orchestrate an international campaign that she announced last December 10
that, “India, one of Burma’s closest trading partners, has stopped selling
arms to the junta”. New Delhi has still to confirm that. Nor has it
repudiated the ban. Who can contradict a first lady whose fury on Burma
reputedly flows from a meeting with a minority-Karen rape victim and
information from a relative with an erstwhile connection to that country?

If the Burmese are to win political freedoms, they need to be first freed
from sanctions that rob them of jobs, cripple their well-being and retard
civil-society development. Years of sanctions have left Burma bereft of an
entrepreneurial class but saddled with the military as the only
functioning institution. To avert a humanitarian catastrophe, the same
international standard applicable to autocratic, no-less-ruthless regimes
in next-door China, Laos and Bangladesh should apply to Burma — engage,
don’t isolate.

____________________________________

April 1, Democratic Voice of Burma
Commentary: Yes or no? – Meelyin

Referendum: It is a big word and a big opportunity for the Burmese people.
Unfortunately, it doesn't seem to be a genuine one.

The State Peace and Development Council has officially announced that it
will hold a national referendum on its draft constitution this coming May.

How are Burmese people inside and outside the country going to respond?
Will the majority say yes to this referendum organized by the so-called
government, or will they vote No?

The referendum this May is the talk of Burmese communities inside and
outside the country.

People are advocating various responses to the referendum, with some
activists campaigning for people to boycott the vote, while others are
urging them to vote No.

What is certainly true is that no one except the followers of the SPDC and
the regime’s leaders accepts the current dictatorship system.

There is a wealth of evidence which shows the Burmese people's desire,
including the U Thant demonstration, labour protests, the historic 1988
uprising and most recently the September 2007 protests, initiated mainly
by the monks.

People definitely comprehend the military regime’s cruelty and
mismanagement on a daily basis, which can be seen in rising levels of
poverty, human rights abuses, forced labour, high migration rates to
bordering countries, more refugees and more political prisoners, just to
name a few.

Furthermore, the uncountable abuses and killings of monks and civilians in
last September’s protests show how the brutal military regime known as the
SPDC doesn't even care about the religion which it pretends to believe in
and respect.

Mixed messages

What will people decide to do in the referendum? Opinions published and
broadcast by the media are divided.

On the radio, people hear messages such as, "Vote No in the Referendum"
and "The constitution drawn up by the SPDC does not represent the people".
In the journals and newspapers, they read, "Don't go to the polls" and
"Vote No to the constitution".

So many different campaigns and advocacy directed towards the Burmese
people are currently appearing in the media, in addition to the
government’s pro-constitution propaganda in the state media outlets.

However, there are many people who aren't aware of political issues,
tripartite dialogue or their right to freedom of expression, since all
semblances of a free media and genuine education system have been
destroyed by the military regime.

Even though people know the true nature of the SPDC, and because of this,
they are already living in a world of fear.

Fear and propaganda

Of course people absolutely oppose the military regime, a real
dictatorship which always solves problems with guns.

Some say they will use guns again to force people to say yes to them.

The SPDC can take advantage of people’s lack of political awareness and
use propaganda to disguise their genuine intentions.

Even if the people vote No in the referendum, the SPDC has many dirty
tricks up its sleeve, so there is no difference between voting Yes or No
in the referendum if the outcome will be rigged by the SPDC.

Another important factor is that the SPDC already has many well-organized
groups like the Union Solidarity and Development Association, Swan Arr
Shin and other so-called civil organizations, such as the Myanmar Women’s
Affairs Federation.

All are under the SPDC's control, and as a result, the majority will vote
Yes out of fear of reprisals.

Fighting back

It is true that people lack awareness of politics and of the constitution.
And of course everyone is afraid of being killed or living in fear amid
gunshots.

Even so, the people are always ready to express their aspirations when it
is needed.

By looking back again to protests such as the 1988 uprising and the
September 2007 protests, we can see the courage of the people to stand up
to the regime.

The best evidence to show the bravery of the people is the 1990 election.
Even the groups thought to be followers of the SPDC such as soldiers,
civil servants and other public officials directly voted for the National
League for Democracy.

More recently, people have already had enough confirmation from seeing how
the army tortured the monks in September to know that the SPDC doesn't
even care about religion in its determination to stay in power.

Thus, in the May referendum, the majority of people will unquestionably
say No again, despite their fears.

Before you decide to vote Yes or No, think of the young generation and
consider how they are living under the military regime. Think of how the
SPDC has killed people and how they are destroying various religions,
especially in the September protests inside Burma.

How about you? How would you vote: Yes or No?

____________________________________

April 1, International Herald Tribune
Buddhists who stand up – Matthew Weiner

Westerners tend to think of Buddhism as a passive religion, focused on
silent meditation and personal spiritual growth. The image of the Buddha
seated with a smile sums it up.

So while the West is highly familiar with conflict and activism in other
religions, the "saffron revolution" in Burma and the "high altitude
revolt" in Tibet have come as a surprise to many.

In fact, there is a healthy tradition of Buddhist activism. Often called
"engaged Buddhism," a term coined by Thich Nhant Hanh, a Vietnamese Zen
Buddhist monk, it encourages a Buddhist critique of governmental and
economic structures and other efforts to alleviate social suffering.

In Sri Lanka, the Sarvodaya Movement works in over a thousand villages to
empower the poor. Maha Ghosanand, a revered Cambodian Buddhist monk, led
thousands in peaceful walks through the "killing fields" to seek
reconciliation with the Khmer Rouge. Nhant Hanh himself called on both
North and South Vietnam to stop their bloodshed.

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 In Thailand, the "Forest Monk" Prachak "ordained" trees in the forest by
wrapping monks' robes around them to save them from loggers. The
Taiwan-based Tzu-Chi movement has thousands of volunteers who respond to
natural and man-made disasters.

The Reverend Nakagaki of the New York Buddhist Church holds an annual
service on the anniversary of the bombing of Hiroshima. After 9/11, he
recalled America's use of internment camps in World War II and called on
all Buddhists to help Muslim citizens. Nakagaki is fond of showing an
image of the Buddha who is standing up.

He says that Buddhism is about having a peaceful mind, but not just
sitting there.

Buddhist activists cite Buddhist scriptures to argue that they say they
are simply following what the Buddha taught. In one, the Buddha confronts
a murderer who was on the verge of killing his mother; in another, he
stopped a war between two tribes.

A third example is the idea of the Bodhisattva: a being who works
tirelessly to save all other beings from suffering.

One source of the Western misunderstanding of Buddhism is our fascination
with meditation. While meditation is as critical to Buddhism as prayer is
to Christianty, Judaism and Islam, it does not preclude action, any more
than prayer does.

In fact, the Buddhist focus on meditation emphasizes a state of mind that
can lead to a particular kind of activism - walking meditation and
nonviolent resistance - as demonstrated by the Maha Ghosandanda in
Cambodia or the monks in Burma.

The misunderstandings continue with the term "Buddhist monk." "Monk" is a
Christian term for religious ascetics who generally practice their faith
in isolation from the world. The word comes from the Greek "monos,"
"alone."

But "Bikkhu," the Buddhist term for monk, translates literally as "beggar."

Bikkhus are required to teach and guide the lay community and to beg for
their food. From their very inception in Buddhist practice, Bikkhus have
had a deeply recriprocal relationship with the lay world - including the
government - as teachers and spiritual models. They have always been
active in the world.

Another notion that does not stand up under historic scrutiny is that all
active Buddhists are peace activists; indeed, there are those who argue
that there has never been a Buddhist war. But there are also unfortunate
examples throughout history of Buddhist participation in government
oppression and violence.

Yet it is the peaceful activism for which Buddhist monks are best known
and most respected. That they have opposed injustice in Burma and Tibet
should not be a surprise; that they have not met violence with violence
should be commended.

Matthew Weiner is director of programs at the Interfaith Center of New York.

____________________________________

April 1, Irrawaddy
Constitutional power in the hands of Commander in Chief – Kyaw Zwa Moe

Is something always better than nothing? If that’s the case, the Burmese
people might be better off soon. The draft constitution for the
military-ruled country that has had no constitution for 20 years surfaced
last week.

The draft surfaced unofficially, and still has yet to be made public. The
exact date and details of the May referendum haven’t yet been announced
either.

Though the draft constitution stipulates that the president is the head of
state, the first analyses of the draft constitution show that the real
power to run the country is given to the military commander in chief,
instead of vesting it in the people under the basic tenets of a democratic
system.

The commander in chief, according to the draft constitution, is given the
power to appoint 25 percent of the seats in both the upper and lower
houses of parliament with handpicked military officials.

To be specific, 110 members of the 440-seat lower house, called People’s
Parliament, and 56 members of the 224-seat upper house, called National
Parliament, will be filled by military officials chosen by the commander
in chief.

In essence, that means the appointed members are above the law. Their
loyalty is to the commander in chief. With that clause alone, the
constitution is undemocratic, but that’s not all.

Three vice president positions would be filled by a presidential electoral
college comprised of members selected by the People’s Parliament, the
National Parliament and the group of military officials in both houses of
parliament who were appointed by the commander in chief. The electoral
college would then elect a president from among the three vice presidents.

Thus, at least one military appointee will definitely become a vice
president. That vice president could even be elected president because a
clause in Chapter 3 of the draft constitution requires the president to be
acquainted with not only political, administrative, economic but also
military affairs of state.

The draft constitution says the commander in chief will also occupy a
position on the same level as that of the two vice presidents.

The draft constitution clearly differs from Burma’s previous
constitutions, in 1947 and 1974, when it states in Chapter 1, titled
“State Fundamental Principles,” that the state is constituted to enable
the armed forces to “participate in the national political leadership role
of the State.”  The draft constitution also has a chapter titled
“Tatmadaw” (armed forces) which is new in Burma’s constitutional history.

In that chapter, it’s stated that parliament has no right to oversee
military affairs, including defense spending.

Under the draft constitution, “The Tatmadaw has the right to independently
administer all affairs concerning the armed forces.” The commander in
chief is also given full control over military justice.

In Chapter 12, “Amendment of the Constitution,” it’s stated that a
proposed amendment must be sponsored by at least 20 percent of parliament
members, to be followed by a parliamentary vote that would require more
than 75 percent support before the proposed amendment could be put to a
national referendum.

More than 50 percent of voters would then have to approve the amendment
before it could become law.

With 25 percent of the seats of parliament going to the military, it would
be impossible to pass an amendment that was not supported by the commander
in chief.

Moreover, in the chapter on the powers of the tatmadaw, it stated that the
armed forces bear responsibility for “safeguarding the State
Constitution.” That principle could be invoked at any time to prevent
amendments that the military sees as inimical to its interests.

And in the event of a “state of emergency,” which the military is given
the authority to declare at any time, the commander in chief would assume
full legislative, executive and judicial powers.

Clearly, the draft constitution gives the commander in chief and the armed
forces the dominate role and the real power.

The May referendum will determine if the Burmese people believe something
is better than nothing. They have suffered under decades of military rule
without a constitution.

If the draft constitution is approve in May—as flawed as it is— how might
the lives of the Burmese people be improved?