BurmaNet News, May 1, 2008

[Editor]

May 1, 2008 Issue # 3456


INSIDE BURMA
Irrawaddy: UNLD calls for referendum boycott
Irrawaddy: Burma's political transition needs people power
AP: Than Shwe urges workers to vote ‘yes’
Mizzima News: Factory workers to vote in special booths

ON THE BORDER
New Statesman: Forgotten Burma
Mizzima News: Survivors of container accident to be deported soon

REGIONAL
VOA: Cyclone more likely to hit Burma than Bangladesh
Mizzima News: May Day celebrations in Thailand, India and Burma

INTERNATIONAL
AP: Lonely Planet defends Myanmar guidebook
Newsweek: Hitting the junta

OPINION / OTHER
The Wall Street Journal: Democracy, Burma-style
The Nation (Thailand): Human rights issue not on Samak's agenda

PRESS RELEASE
HRW: Referendum is a sham, governments should not endorse vote on new
constitution
The Seven Alliances: Vote “no” global protest week
ECDF: New Report Reveals Biofuel Fiasco in Burma



____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA


May 1, Irrawaddy
UNLD calls for referendum boycott – Saw Yan Naing

While many political campaigners in Burma are calling for a “No” vote in
the forthcoming referendum, the United Nationalities League for Democracy
(UNLD) is calling for a complete boycott of the polls on May 10.

Leaders of the UNLD, a Rangoon-based umbrella organization of political
parties representing ethnic minority peoples, said that casting a vote in
the constitutional referendum is a form of following the regime's orders
and supporting their "Seven-step road map" to democracy.

Speaking with The Irrawaddy on Thursday, Thawng Kho Thang, a senior member
of the UNLD and the Committee Representing People’s Parliament (CRPP),
said: “As we never supported the ‘Seven-step road map,’ why should we go
and vote? If we cast a vote, it means we support Step Four of the road
map. So, we won’t go and cast a vote in the referendum.”

The national referendum is the fourth step on the junta’s so-called
“Seven-step road map” toward democracy in Burma. The junta has also
announced the fifth step of the road map—multi-party elections in 2010.

Thawng Kho Thang said that no leader or member of the UNLD will cast a
vote in the national referendum. The group called for a boycott of the
referendum on May 10 and urged Burmese citizens to join the boycott.

Senior leaders of the UNLD also include: Aye Tha Aung, the chairman of the
Arakan League for Democracy and the secretary of the CRPP; Thar Ban of the
Arakan League for Democracy; and veteran politician Aung Tin Oo.

Thawng Kho Thang said that even if a majority of Burmese citizens vote
“No” in the referendum, the junta will try to legitimize the draft
constitution somehow.

The UNLD leader also said that the military regime was holding the
national referendum too early after releasing the draft of the
constitution, which gave voters insufficient time to read the 194-page
document. He said many citizens were unclear about the new constitution
and didn’t know whether to support it or oppose it.

"The junta should allow another two years for people to study the
constitution,” he added. “If possible, they should translate the draft
constitution into ethnic languages, because some ethnic minority people
can’t read Burmese."

Thawng Kho Thang predicted that the majority of Burmese citizens would
vote “Yes” in the referendum out of fear of repercussions from the
security forces.

He also criticized the National League for Democracy, saying that the
opposition party did not launch its “Vote No” campaign widely enough in
Burma nor seek to educate people about the junta's constitution.

UNLD senior member Aye Thar Aung also confirmed that he would not
participate in the May 10 referendum. He said that to solve the conflict
in Burma, the military regime should create a genuine dialogue with the
opposition parties—not hold a constitutional referendum.

The UNLD leaders condemned the draft constitution as a one-sided document
written by the military generals alone, which lacked the suggestions of
the 1990 elected members of the CRPP.

Meanwhile, Rangoon-based veteran politician Amyotheryei Win Naing
suggested that Burmese citizens should seriously consider casting a vote
on May 10 based on two points.

He said that if 32 million people are eligible to vote in the referendum,
then a turnout of 16 million plus one person would legitimize the
referendum.

If half of the participants, 8 million plus one person, vote “Yes,” the
draft constitution would be legitimized, he said.

“If people don’t vote, the junta cannot legitimize the draft
constitution,” Amyotheryei Win Naing said in a letter received by The
Irrawaddy on Thursday.

____________________________________

May 1, Irrawaddy
Burma's political transition needs people power – Min Zin

The notion of political transition initiated by a country’s elite has been
a dominant discourse in Burmese politics since the late 1990s. The model
advocates that a peaceful transition can be facilitated by negotiations
between the regime’s “doves” and opposition moderates. It would involve
the opposition initiating a concrete proposal to the military in order to
persuade the latter to sit at the negotiating table.

This political strategy gained currency in the early 2000s since it
coincided with the political ascendancy of former Intelligence Chief Gen
Khin Nyunt. At the time, talks between opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi
and the junta seemed to offer a glimmer of hope. However, simultaneously,
the opposition movement was losing its strength in "people power"
campaigns, such as the unsuccessful Four Nines (September 9, 1999) Mass
Movement, and in armed struggles due to ethnic armies signing ceasefire
agreements and the fall of the Karen National Union stronghold in 1992.

Any optimism in Burmese politics is never sustained for long. However, the
transitional model remained popular as the only way out for the Burmese
people. Proponents claimed there was "No alternative!"

"Many diplomats who we met always encouraged and even pressured us to
initiate a proposal to the regime," said Nyan Win, a spokesperson for the
opposition National League for Democracy (NLD). "In fact the party has
always called for dialogue and has always been ready to negotiate."

In early 2006, the NLD proposed a transitional plan urging the junta to
convene parliament with the winners of the 1990 elections in return for
giving the regime recognition as an interim executive power holder. Though
the party's call for a negotiated transition was rejected by the regime,
the opposition forces—including the 92 MP-elects from the 1990 election
and notable veteran politicians—continued to offer flexible transitional
packages to the junta. None of them worked.

The proponents of the transition model often downplay the role of public
action and mass movement. Some believe it will not happen because more
than 20 percent of the population has been born since the uprising in 1988
and are therefore much less affected by the people’s power movement of
those times. Others worry that mass movement could be counterproductive to
a possible negotiated transition—often the momentum of a protesting crowd
will spiral out of control and threaten the careful process of
negotiation. They all conclude that the army doesn't respond to public
pressure.

Then, all of the sudden, the September protests broke out. The so-called
“experts” and “policymakers” failed to see it coming. In the wake of the
crackdown, UN-led mediation efforts were revived and Snr-Gen Than Shwe and
his generals, once again, were called on to sit at the negotiating table.
And once again they declined.

The question now to the advocates of the elite-driven transition model is
what to do when the regime refuses to negotiate with the opposition? What
it is to be done when the military insist on a referendum to approve a
constitution that will allow the perpetuation of military rule in the
country?

Almost all supporters of the model say the people of Burma must accept
whatever offer the junta makes. They say "something is better than
nothing." Some suggested using the generals’ flawed model of democracy as
a starting point from which to pursue a more acceptable long-term
solution.

"We must give consideration to possible generation change within the
military," said Harn Yawnghwe, a well-know lobbyist and director of the
Brussels-based Euro-Burma office. "The new blood of the army must have
options available on the table when their time comes. This constitution
and referendum, though they are flawed, can give reform options to a new
generation of military officers. It will create a new dynamic for the
country to get out of the current deadlock."

That’s why many advocates of the elite-initiated transition advise the
Burmese public to accept the constitution and hope it will lead to
amendments with the objective of the military's gradual withdrawal from
politics at a later period.

Tun Myint Aung, a leader of 88 Generation Students group, disagrees.

"It is such disgraceful advice. The so-called experts and policy makers
are pushing our people to live in slavery," he said from his hideout in
Burma. "We do not accept the military's constitution; not because we don't
want gradual transition, but because the constitution is too rigid to make
any change possible. The military holds a veto over any amendments."

Critics said it is now clear—after a series of rejected proposals from
oppositions groups and the UN—that rather than political carrots, it is
much more likely that effective public action will compel the new military
generation to choose the path to reform.

"Unless a mass movement challenges the corrupted military leadership,
divisions within the military will not surface," said Kyaw Kyaw, head of
the Political Defiant Committee under the National Council of Union of
Burma, the umbrella opposition group in exile.  "Besides lacking local and
international legitimacy, the corrupt leadership is now losing its loyalty
from within military ranks since the September protest. In a historical
Burmese context, public action, or mass movement, has played a decisive
role ever since the struggle for independence to the 1988 democracy
uprising to the monk-led protests last September. It will continue to do
so until we gain a genuine resolution."

In fact, only when mass movement with strategic leadership rises up
against the current military top brass, then the elite’s calculations,
regime defection and international pressure will become relevant issues in
facilitating a negotiated transition. In other words, political transition
is not likely to take place within a framework of proposed constitutional
means. Even amendments to the constitution with the hope of gradual reform
will not be possible within a military-dominated parliamentary debate. It
will happen only when the people challenge the status quo with public
pressure.

However, although mass action is believed to be necessary to bring about
change in Burma, its inherent dangers mean the possibility of its success
remains a big question.

"The calls for public action are getting louder since the prospect of
elite-initiated negotiation became impossible," said Nyan Win. "If the
regime rigs the referendum result, it could spark mass protests."

A recent history of democratization shows that vote-rigging and stealing
elections create favorable conditions and the opportunity for the outbreak
of a democratic uprising or, in a worst case scenario, violence.

In fact, vote rigging might not only trigger public outrage in Burma, but
also test the loyalty of the regime's staff. It could create divisions and
weaken the standing of Than Shwe, who is solely responsible for the
decision to move ahead with the unilateral implementation of the current
political process by ignoring the UN's call for inclusiveness.

Whether or not public action leads to a negotiated transition depends on
the opposition's leadership. No process of democratization has evolved
purely and solely from a civil movement or people’s uprising.

It would nevertheless be shortsighted to exclude the role and power of the
people in a Burmese political context where elite-driven transition is no
longer relevant.

____________________________________

May 1, Associated Press
Than Shwe urges workers to vote ‘yes’

Burma's junta chief urged workers on Thursday to approve a draft
constitution in the upcoming referendum while the main opposition party
implored them to reject the document, which critics call a sham intended
to cement military rule.

In his May Day message appearing in The New Light of Myanmar newspaper,
Snr-Gen Than Shwe said workers should approve the proposed charter in the
May 10 referendum because labor groups participated in drafting it.

The charter "was drawn in accordance with the guidelines laid down by the
National Convention, which was participated in by delegates of workers,"
Than Shwe was quoted as saying in the state-run newspaper.

A military-managed national convention was held intermittently for 14
years to lay down guidelines for the country's new constitution. The
junta's hand-picked delegates included those representing workers.

The new constitution is supposed to be followed in 2010 by a general
election. Both votes are elements of a "roadmap to democracy" drawn up by
the junta.

Meanwhile, the country's main opposition party, the National League for
Democracy (NLD), led by detained Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu
Kyi, urged workers and farmers to vote against the draft.

"The proposed constitution mentions very little about the rights of
workers and farmers," the NLD statement said.

The NLD earlier said the draft charter was written unilaterally by those
hand-picked by the military government and would not guarantee democratic
and human rights.

Dissidents inside the country as well as exiled groups have urged voters
to reject the constitution, saying it is merely a ploy to perpetuate more
than four decades of military rule.

Opponents have staged scattered, mostly low-profile protests against the
draft charter, but harassment of pro-democracy activists and restrictions
on freedom of speech have made a mass movement difficult.

The government has launched an aggressive campaign in the state-controlled
media with songs, cartoons, articles and slogans urging voters to approve
the constitution.

The draft constitution guarantees 25 percent of parliamentary seats to the
military and allows the president to hand over all power to the military
in a state of emergency.

It also bans anyone who has enjoyed the rights and privileges of a foreign
county from holding public office—a rule that would keep Suu Kyi out of
government because her late husband was British.

Suu Kyi, the leader of the NLD, is under house arrest and has been
detained for 12 of the past 18 years.

Burma held its previous general election in 1990. Suu Kyi's party won, but
the military refused to hand over power.

The international community increased pressure on the junta after it
violently quashed peaceful mass protests last September. At least 31
people were killed and thousands more were detained.

____________________________________

May 1, Mizzima News
Factory workers to vote in special booths – Nem Davies

Factories in Rangoon industrial zones have been ordered to arrange special
polling stations for their workers by the Burmese military junta
authorities.

An official from Mingaladon industrial zone on Khayaybin Street told
Mizzima that the authorities had instructed the industrial zones to
arrange special polling stations for their workers who hail from elsewhere
in Burma.

"The authorities said that they will arrange for the workers to vote at
the factories. But they haven't yet told us the exact date, maybe it will
be on the scheduled polling date on May 10," he said.

"The workers of the industrial zone administrative office are not among
them because they are from Rangoon. They meant only workers who come from
other places. There are over 1,000 workers at each factory", he added.

This instruction covers all factories with over 500 workers and all these
votes must be transferred to the authorities by the factory management, he
said.

Thai based Burmese observer U Win Myint pointed out that forcing the
workers, government employees and retired army personnel to vote in the
presence of their employers and their departmental heads is contrary to
free and fair voting and is aimed at  trying to avoid getting 'No' votes
in the referendum.


____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

May 1, New Statesman
Forgotten Burma – Rachel Aspden

As the country prepares to vote in a discredited referendum, Rachel Aspden
visits the forgotten Burmese resistance - the eastern ethnic groups
promised independence 60 years ago

As the sun sinks over the steep jungle hills of the Thailand-Burma border,
a saffron-robed monk walks towards his temple's golden shrine. Across a
shallow gully, four grey- uniformed Burmese soldiers watch him through
binoculars, their rifles poised. Below them is a huddle of abandoned,
burnt-out houses.

"Six years ago, they destroyed the temple and ran the new border straight
through the middle," says the monk. "On the Thai side we are safe for the
moment. On the other . . ."

Pra Preecha is a refugee from Shan State in eastern Burma. Last September,
when his fellow monks led 50,000 street protesters against the military
government in Rangoon, the international media heralded a "saffron
revolution". It seemed that one of the world's most brutal and insular
regimes was about to crumble. But the ruling State Peace and Development
Council (SPDC) clamped down hard on protesters and sympathisers - "scores,
perhaps hundreds, of monks were abducted, tortured and killed", says Pra
Preecha - and the moment for change passed.

Since then, for Pra Preecha and his monks, the situation has only
worsened. They have fled the world's longest-running civil war, a 60-year
conflict between the Burmese government and armed ethnic groups led by the
Shan, the Karen, and the Karennis of Kayah State, who all live along the
eastern border.

When the British left Burma in 1948, they promised its ethnic minorities -
one-third of the population - the option of independence within ten years.
But the promise was not honoured and fighting broke out immediately. Since
1962, ethnic-minority civilians have borne the brunt of brutal repression
by successive military regimes. While Aung San Suu Kyi and her National
League for Democracy are known worldwide, this is the forgotten face of
the Burmese resistance.

In a concession to international criticism of its vicious suppression of
the September protests, the SPDC has scheduled a referendum on a new draft
constitution for 10 May. But international observers have already been
banned, dissidents rounded up and imprisoned, and a vast "Yes vote"
propaganda campaign launched. Few believe the referendum offers any real
prospect of change.

I ask Pra Preecha if there will be more protests in May and he glances
towards the watching soldiers.

"Now, our people's first thought is fear," he says.

A mile from the temple, the owners of the burnt-out houses live in the
ramshackle bamboo huts of the Goong Jor refugee camp. For civilians like
these, the impact of the regime's "Four Cuts" policy - designed to deprive
rebels of access to information, supplies, recruits and food - has been
catastrophic.

"The SPDC steal crops, burn villages, enslave villagers as army porters or
roadbuilders, sow fields with landmines, rape women and children and
murder villagers and anyone connected with the resistance," says Charm
Tong, a 26-year-old Shan activist, as she leads the way along the camp's
red mud paths, past children playing in the dirt and boys washing at a
pump stencilled "Rotary Club". Aid agencies estimate that at least half a
million people have been internally displaced in eastern Burma, and that a
fifth of them live in hiding in the malarial border jungles. The 160,000
living in Thai refugee camps are the lucky few - many, including most
Shan, are denied asylum and must either return to Burma or fend for
themselves as illegal immigrants.


Hazardous

Life in Goong Jor is hard. Prohibited from leaving the camp by the Thai
authorities, refugees are trapped in a limbo, dependent on aid from a
handful of courageous small NGOs such as the Humanitarian Aid Relief Trust
(Hart), which works for those trapped in conditions too hazardous, remote
or obscure for the large agencies. But the conditions the refugees have
fled are far worse than life in the camp. Sitting outside her hut under a
spiderweb shade of bamboo and thatch, 40-year-old Ba Yoong remembers the
warm May day, six years ago, when SPDC soldiers came to her village.
During heavy fighting between government and rebel troops, her farmer
husband, Loong Mayta, was seized by a drunken officer who demanded money.
As Ba Yoong ran to him, holding her six-month-old baby, the officer shot
him in the chest. As Loong Mayta lay on the ground begging the officer to
spare him, he shot him in the throat, killing him instantly. Tears spill
over Ba Yoong's deeply lined face as she tells her story. "I cannot
forget," she says. "We cannot go back, but there is no future for us
here."

Refugees such as Ba Yoong are a growing embarrassment to the new Thai
government, which took power in February after 17 months of military rule.
The administration is keen to build links with a regime that offers an
alluring abundance of natural resources to energy-hungry neighbours. In
2007, Burma provided Thailand with $2.7bn (£1.4bn) worth of natural gas -
45 per cent of its total exports. But Thailand is increasingly forced to
compete with China and India for access to Burma's reserves of gas,
hydroelectric power, gems, teak, heroin and methamphetamines. The Salween
River, which flows through Shan, Karenni and Karen lands, is being
harnessed in huge hydroelectricity projects such as the Law Pi Ta power
station, co-sponsored by Chinese and Thai companies.

Early this year, construction started on a 900-mile pipeline carrying
Middle Eastern and African oil from the Burmese naval port of Kyaukphyu to
Kunming in southern China. With such strategic projects under way, the
SPDC must secure complete control of the rebel areas - and there is no
one, except the impoverished, desperate local militias, to stop them.

"We are completely disillusioned with the UN," says Saw Ber Htoo, a stocky
39-year-old Karen activist. We are sitting in the grubby one-room office
of a Karen aid organisation in the Thai border town of Mae Sariang, where
he receives new refugees. "[International] representatives like Ibrahim
Gambari promise to help us, but when they go back nothing happens. Not
just once but again and again." He shows me a map of eastern Burma. The
border states are divided into "white" (government-controlled), "black"
(rebel-controlled) and "brown" (disputed) areas; the black areas are
shrinking rapidly. As the rebel armies have splintered into an
impenetrable tangle of acronyms, each with its own interests, increasing
numbers have accepted ceasefire agreements with the SPDC. The roughly
6,000-strong Karen National Liberation Army is the largest ethnic force
left, and it is chronically short of money, arms and supplies.

"We don't have enough of anything," says Saw Ber Htoo. "I am a relief
worker, but if our army had enough equipment I'd be a soldier. I've seen
my home destroyed and so many people killed - my brother, my uncle, my
cousin. I want revenge."


Desperate villagers

Deprived of any political recourse, the Karen and Karenni refugees, like
the Shan, channel their energies into activism and development. Within the
camps, myriad self-run organisations attempt to provide health care,
education, skills training and even youth leadership, democracy and IT
classes funded by international NGOs. The frustration is palpable.

"We are trying to prepare our people for freedom and democracy, but as
long as the SPDC is in power there will be no change," says Saw Ber Htoo.
Yet they cannot give up, says a tough, wiry Karenni who goes by the alias
Lot Kata - "the Vulture" - and works in the border jungles with the relief
agency Free Burma Rangers (FBR). Four-man FBR patrols risk their lives to
cross the border and deliver food, medicine and clothing to the desperate
villagers hiding - and often starving - in the Burmese jungle.

"Every time we go, I am afraid," he says. "But even if the SPDC come, the
Rangers will stay with them. If we're going to die, we must all die
together. We have to bring them hope."

Baroness Cox, founder of Hart, agrees: "The most important thing we can
offer the refugees is the reassurance that they haven't been forgotten -
whatever happens with the UN and the international community."

With the resistance on its last legs, the options for Burma's battered
minorities are limited. Some groups, following Aung San Suu Kyi and the
Burman opposition, are risking imprisonment and torture to campaign for a
No vote this month. Others are calling for a boycott and further protests.
But the junta will never be toppled by a peaceful "saffron revolution",
says the political commentator Thant Myint-U. After decades of
impoverishment, abuse and neglect, the army is the country's only viable
institution. Under more sanctions and isolation, its paranoid generals,
holed up in their new multibillion-dollar jungle capital of Naypyidaw,
could drag Burma into anarchy. For the international community to help the
Shan, Karennis and Karen it must, paradoxically, start a real dialogue
with their oppressors.

If you are interested in Hart's work visit: http://www.hart-uk.org

____________________________________

May 1, Mizzima News
Survivors of container accident to be deported soon – Nay Thwin

Over 60 lucky survivors from among the illegal Burmese migrant workers
from the road mishap in Thailand will be deported back to Burma soon.

121 Burmese migrant workers illegally entered Thailand on April 9 of whom
54 died of asphyxiation on the way in a container truck. The 67 lucky
survivors are being detained in Ranong Immigration detention centre. The
Thai government is arranging to deport them to Burma within two weeks.

The workers have officially given their power attorney to  the Thai Bar
Council to represent their case. This Thai Law Firm will do all that is
necessary to redress the grievances of their clients. The Ranong court
will start hearing the case tomorrow. The news of deportation of the
Burmese to Burma surfaced after negotiations between the Thai Law Firm and
the Thai authorities in Ranong over the past two days.

Kawthaung District Judge, Coastal Region Police Col., a delegation sent by
Naypyitaw (Burma's capital) reached Ranong last Tuesday and they
guaranteed the safety and security of the survivors when they are sent
back to Burma.

"The Burmese delegation guaranteed the Thai authorities that the survivors
will not have any difficulty in Burma when they are sent back and they
also asked Thai authorities to send the Burmese survivors back to Burma as
soon as possible. They also promised us that the survivors will be brought
back to Thailand when the Thai court wants to examine them as witnesses in
the hearing", Ko Maung Ko, member of Basic Human Rights Education
Institute, told Mizzima.

It is learnt that the workers themselves want to go back to Burma.

"We cannot do it against their will. They themselves want to go back to
Burma and are talking about it all the time. So we cannot restrict them
and block them from going back to Burma", he said.

The 121 illegal migrant workers were transported to southern Thailand by a
seafood container vehicle. About half of them died of asphyxiation near
Sutsumrum on their way to Pukhet. Though the driver and owner of this
truck are in custody, the human traffickers are still at large.

The Thai government first arranged to try the Burmese in a Thai court, but
the human right group protested. Then the Thai government announced on
April that they would not take any action against them.

Most of these ill-fated migrant workers are from Kyaikto, Moulmein,
Thaton, Chaugson townships of Mon State.


____________________________________
REGIONAL

May 1, Voice of America
Cyclone more likely to hit Burma than Bangladesh – Steve Herman

A cyclone is moving towards Burma, but it has the people of Bangladesh on
edge, as well. Nargis is the first cyclonic storm in the Bay of Bengal
since Sidr, which killed thousands of people in Bangladesh, last November.
 News of the approaching cyclone is already causing some alarmed
Bangladeshis to take cover.  VOA Correspondent Steve Herman reports from
our South Asia Bureau in New Delhi.

Satellite images of the Bay of Bengal show a cyclone on track for Burma. 
The government in Bangladesh is warning fishermen to stay off the open sea
and those living in vulnerable coastal areas to take precautions.

Nargis is categorized by the Tropical Storm Risk consortium in London as a
very severe or Category One cyclone.  Both the British forecasters and the
U.S. Navy's Joint Typhoon Warning Center at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii predict
the storm will make landfall on the Burmese coast Friday evening, with
winds gusting to a speed of 185 kilometers per hour.

The lead scientist at the British center, Mark Saunders, says the
prospects of Nargis turning into a super cyclone are about one in three.

"In southern Burma, I think the chances of anything as catastrophic as
Sidr last November are low. Sidr was a Category Four which was winds of
over 250 kilometers per hour," Saunders said.

Although the storm is on target to hit Burma, there is also significant
concern in Bangladesh.  The country, now in the midst of a critical rice
harvest, saw more than three thousand people die and 2.5 million others
made homeless when Sidr struck.

Masud Siddiqui is the director general of the Disaster Management Bureau
in Dhaka.

"Our experts are saying that the eye of the cyclone is very messy now. 
So, we're not sure it's going to hit Bangladesh," Siddiqui said.  "And,
we've asked the deputy commissioner at this moment not to evacuate people
to shelters because it's a huge operation and it creates panic to the
people."

However, local media report many panicky residents, with memories of last
year's cyclone still fresh, have already taken refuge in schools and other
designated shelters.

____________________________________

May 1, Mizzima News
May Day celebrations in Thailand, India and Burma – Nay Thwin

Burmese workers joined May Day celebrations today. They joined marches and
staged protests against human rights violations in Bangkok this morning
along with hundreds of Thai workers.

The May Day celebrations were organized and led by the Thai Trade Union
and about 50 Burmese workers from Burmese Trade Unions namely 'Yaungchioo
Trade Union', 'Karen Trade Union' and 'Rakhine Trade Union' participated.

The workers assembled at the Democracy monument in Bangkok at 8 a.m. and
marched in a procession to the Thai Labour Ministry Office.

There was no one to receive the memorandum being submitted by the
protesters to Thai Labour Minister. Then the workers folded their
memorandum and statements into paper airplanes and threw them into the
office premises.

The memorandum demanded that the authorities check soaring commodity
prices, so that income meets the ends, abolish privatization of water and
electricity among others.

Moreover the workers also demanded the scrapping of the 10 per cent
rewards to informants for information leading to the arrest of alien
illegal workers from the fine paid by the illegal migrant worker, to issue
legal work permits to the illegal migrant workers and to allow free
movement from one place to another.

Despite the heavy security along the procession route there were no
problems  and the march concluded successfully at about 1 p.m.

Similarly the 'Federation of Trade Unions of Burma (FTUB)' 'Yaungchioo,
'Burma Labour Solidarity Organization' (BSLO), 'Joint Action Committee'
(JAC), other labour organizations and border based 'Burma Lawyers'
Council' (BLC) celebrated May Day separately and hundreds of Burmese
migrant workers attended.

In a significant move during today's celebrations, BSLO conducted a mock
referendum along with the usual May Day ceremony. This mock referendum
generated 251 'No' votes and 3 invalid votes, organization leader Ko Than
Doke said.

"Migrant workers feel that there will be a significant turning point soon
in Burma and they discussed the topic actively. They realized that they
must cast the 'No' vote in the ensuing referendum though they cannot vote
personally," he added.

Moreover they said that they would convey this strong message to their
family members and urge them to vote 'No' in the referendum. It is
encouraging and sensational, " Ko Than Doke added.

Similarly India based democracy activists celebrated May Day today.

In his May Day message, Snr. Gen. Than Shwe urged workers today to perform
their duty to implement the seven-step roadmap.


____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

May 1, Associated Press
Lonely Planet defends Myanmar guidebook – Denis D. Gray

The founder of one of the world's largest travel publishing companies
defended its much-criticized guide to Myanmar on Thursday, saying tourists
going to the military-ruled country are doing more good than bad.

The Lonely Planet's guide to Myanmar, also known as Burma, has been
attacked by human rights groups who say income from tourism helps prop up
the generals who run the country and control many sectors of the economy.

"I am not going to be an ad agency for Burma, but going there is doing
more good than bad," Lonely Planet founder Tony Wheeler said in an
interview.

He argued that many tourists put money directly into the hands of
individual Myanmar people rather than the state coffers and also help open
up a society largely shut off from the world.

He said that BBC Worldwide, which bought a 75 share of Wheeler's company
last year, was also being pressured by critics of the book.

"If BBC decides to withdraw the guide, it would be a deal breaker,"
Wheeler said, indicating he would sell his remaining shares. BBC Worldwide
is the commercial arm of the London-based British Broadcasting
Corporation.

Wheeler said his Planet Wheeler Foundation has started a health clinic and
a number of other humanitarian projects in Myanmar and intends to fund
more.

Wheeler and his wife Maureen began with a hand-stapled guide called
"Across Asia on the Cheap," and in three and a half decades built an
empire with more than 500 titles, television productions and other
travel-related products. Lonely Planet guides, often called "backpacker
Bibles," cover virtually every country on earth.

Wheeler, in Bangkok to attend a conference on tourism and global warming,
said the company was approaching the printing of its 100 millionth book.

The guides took a credibility hit earlier this month when one of its
writers, Thomas Kohnstamm, wrote in a memoir that sections of his 2005
guide to Brazil were based on secondhand information and outright
invention, partly because the company didn't give him enough money to do
proper research.

Wheeler said that there has been little fallout from the revelations and
that the Brazil guide has been replaced with a new edition. The company
said earlier that it stood by the accuracy of its guides.

"On the other hand, it's a wake-up call. You have to keep an eye out on
your authors," Wheeler said.

____________________________________

May 1, Newsweek
Hitting the junta – Jessica Bennett

Celebs are trying a new tactic to win the freedom of Burmese democracy
activist Aung San Suu Kyi. Can their viral video possibly have an impact?

Kim Kardashian is an unlikely face for the campaign to free Burma. The
reality TV star is better know for her sex tape and various other 
 well,
assets. But she's one of more than 30 celebrities—some famous and some
infamous—who have teamed up on a series of new video spots that human
rights organizations hope will be a call to arms. The goal? To free Aung
San Suu Kyi, the democracy activist confined by Burma's military regime to
house arrest for 12 of the past 18 years.

The organizers of "Burma: It Can't Wait," a mashup of human rights
experts, Hollywood and the social-shopping Web site Fanista, are calling
the campaign a new kind of public service announcement: there's no direct
mail, no talking heads. Rather, over the next month they'll tap into the
viral power of the Internet to mass-circulate videos from celebs like
Jennifer Aniston and Ellen Page—educational vignettes they hope will
garner the support of 1 million fans. Fanista, meanwhile, will offer its
support by routing a portion of its customers' purchase payments toward
the cause. "We really wanted to get into the hearts and minds of a new
generation," says Jack Healey, the brain behind the concept and the
founder of the Human Rights Action Center.

Viral video is certainly the way to do that. Just ask comedian Sarah
Silverman; her satire about "f---ing Matt Damon"—obviously of a much
lighter nature—exploded in the blogosphere earlier this year, banking
millions of hits on YouTube and becoming an overnight sensation. Her take
on Burma is lighthearted as well. In a short video she explains to a
friend why she wants to become a doctor there (the country ranks 190th out
of 191 in public health care), in between chatter of who got laid the
night before. Funny? Of course: it's Sarah Silverman. Mildly trivializing?
To anyone in the know, absolutely. But for the Tila Tequilas of the world?
Maybe not. "That's the beauty of the Internet," says Dan Adler, the
founder of Fanista and a former agent for the Creative Artists Agency in
Hollywood. "It allows for the exchange of information to the broadest and
widest set of people, to raise awareness among people that might not
otherwise know about the issue."

And, of course, the power of celebrity can certainly get people watching.
Whether it's Jessica Simpson in Iraq, Scarlett Johansson for Barack Obama
or Bono in Africa, stars bring their causes to the public, and,
undoubtedly, the public listens. Burma, organizers hope, will be no
different. The trailer for the campaign, released exclusively to NEWSWEEK,
comes just days after the 61-year-old Suu Kyi, the world's only imprisoned
Nobel Peace Prize recipient, was awarded the Congressional Gold Medal—the
highest civilian honor the U.S. legislature can bestow. Meanwhile she
remains confined. But because of restrictions on the flow of information
in Burma—at one point the junta cut all Internet access in the
country—little is known about her situation from the ground. The celebs in
the video hope that their contribution—however superficial it might
seem—will at least draw attention to her plight. "How else can you remind
the world, without images, without daily reporting?" asks Maureen
Aung-Thwin, a leading Burma expert who is not associated with the project.
"This is such an underreported cause and devastating situation," says
Sylvester Stallone, who spent six months on the border of Burma while
filming "John Rambo" last year. "The celebrity, I hope, will cause the
viewer to pause and think."

That sounds good in theory. But beyond that pause, how much can a famous
face really help? Nobody would disagree that there's hardly a better way
to get the attention of the celebrity-obsessed public than to have the
rich, beautiful and famous make a plea for their support. But a 2005 poll
by market research firm GMI, which surveyed 20,000 people around the
world, found that 79 percent of Americans don't believe a celebrity
endorsement has an effect on how valuable they think a product is. "There
are people who genuinely do good," says Rachel Weingarten, a New
York-based publicist and the head of GTK Marketing group. "But there's a
tendency for celebrities to overshadow the cause."

Of course, many would argue that it doesn't matter if the celebs are just
in it for the photo op—as long as their appearances spread the word. The
many stars of Project (Red) might not be experts on Africa, but their
faces have helped sell the campaign's products, which, in turn, have
raised millions of dollars for the Geneva-based Global Fund. P. Diddy's
"Vote or Die" slogan might have enlisted shameless (and unregistered
voters) like Paris Hilton to pose on the red carpet, but it got kids
talking about politics. "I always felt that celebrity endorsement can be a
turnoff to people," Silverman tells NEWSWEEK. "But I also think that if
you're given an opportunity to bring light to something 
 people would
care about if they only knew about it, it's kind of douchey not to." Adds
documentary filmmaker Joshua Seftel, "If it's helping people, who cares
[if it's genuine]?"

That's not to suggest that boldface names—particularly the A-listers—are
insincere. The tireless, often grueling work and travel of actors like
Angelina Jolie and George Clooney have brought more attention to the Save
Darfur campaign than any charity or human rights group before them. And
Jolie, a Goodwill Ambassador for the United Nations, has been said to have
more influence on international affairs than many experts on the subject.
Yet for all their successes, the reality on the ground in Darfur is that
there has been no improvement. Some even say the activists' power to
dictate priorities has made the crisis worse.

In the case of Burma, organizers believe any attention is good attention.
The junta there has long ignored calls for Suu Kyi's release, running the
country with an iron fist since her National League for Democracy won
elections in 1990. Getting her released will take more than viral power,
but it's a first step, says Jeremy Woodrum of the U.S. Campaign for Burma,
which is involved in the campaign. "Actors, athletes, musicians, and
others can cut through the military regime's propaganda in a way that
politicians can not," he says. "The messenger counts, a lot." And, of
course, the message.


____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

May 1, The Wall Street Journal
Democracy, Burma-style

Burmese go to the polls next week to vote on a new constitution, but their
ballots won't matter much. The document on offer from the military junta
isn't meant to empower the people – it's for their rulers. If there's any
good news here, it's that this farce may spark another march for freedom.

The constitution, released April 9, is full of references to "democracy,"
but not the kind of freedom that liberal nations promote. The constitution
reserves 25% of parliamentary seats for army appointees and allows the
commander-in-chief to seize control during a state of emergency. Either
the president or one of two vice presidents must be elected by army
representatives. Specific clauses disqualify opposition leader Aung San
Suu Kyi from running for high office because she was married to a
foreigner.

The junta hasn't left anything to chance. Hundreds of thousands of
Buddhist monks and nuns are forbidden from voting. Local-level officials
have been instructed by their higher-ups to ensure their districts vote
"yes." At the Burmese embassy in Singapore last weekend, hundreds of
Burmese expats wearing T-shirts emblazoned with the word "no" were turned
away from advance voting.

The junta itself seems to realize its constitution might be unpopular.
Although the government has launched a massive advertising campaign with
slogans such as "to approve the state constitution is the national duty,"
they're charging nearly one U.S. dollar per copy of the document – too
dear for ordinary Burmese. The text is also available only in Burmese,
making it difficult reading for millions of ethnic minorities whose native
language is not Burmese.

You'd think this episode might be a good opportunity for Burma's closest
trading partners to gently steer its friend toward the right track. But
no: Thailand's foreign minister this week welcomed Burma's prime minister
to Bangkok, hailing the constitution as "a step toward democracy." The PM
had an audience with the King last night, and dined at the home of his
Thai counterpart Tuesday. Burma's neighbor to the west, India, hasn't said
a word.

The United States, at least, seems to be telling it like it is. The
constitution "would appear intended only to perpetuate the rule of the
existing military junta in Burma," State Department spokesman Sean
McCormack said. The U.S. has introduced a resolution to the United Nations
Security Council calling for dialogue with Ms. Suu Kyi. China is expected
to veto it.

So once again, the Burmese people are left to shoulder their fight for
freedom alone. Remarkably, they seem willing to do so, even after the
military killed more than 30 peaceful protestors last year. More than 70
people have been arrested in the past week for campaigning against the
constitution, according to the Association for Assistance to Political
Prisoners. Saturday, dozens of protesters congregated around Shwedagon
pagoda – the focal point of protests last September – and scores more
protested on the streets of Sittwe, in western Burma.

The last time Burma held elections, in 1990, Ms. Suu Kyi's party won by a
landslide, but the junta simply annulled the results and kept on ruling.
There's nothing to say that won't happen again this time, if the people of
Burma are brave enough to vote "no."

____________________________________

May 1, The Nation (Thailand)
Human rights issue not on samak's agenda

Discussions with visiting Burmese prime minister unlikely to include any
controversial subjects.

Burma's Prime Minister General Thein Sein arrived in Thailand on Tuesday
for a three-day trip aimed at improving bilateral ties between the two
countries. This is Thein Sein's first visit to Thailand since he was
appointed prime minister in October 2007. As the third most powerful
person of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), one of the
world's most condemned regimes, Thein Sein's aim is to strengthen Burma's
bilateral ties with Thailand and enhance his regime's international
standing.

Thein Sein oversees a number of issues on his plate at the moment. Besides
leading the drafting of the Constitution, dubbed a sham process, he also
oversees the day-to-day operation of the SPDC in his capacity as
secretary.

As expected, Burma's human rights and other sticky issues will not be on
the table during his meeting with PM Samak Sundaravej.

Samak and his government have more or less endorsed Burma's half-baked
democratisation process that literally guarantees a permanent place for
the military in the country's politics. Ironically, Samak is dead against
the Thai Army securing a place in Thailand's politics through the
Constitution but was quick to endorse the Burmese junta's version that
spelled out in plain language that the military will remain a permanent
part of Burma's political system.  Upon his return from Burma, Samak told
reporters that the Burmese generals are "good Buddhists" who like to
meditate and that they like to go to the temple regularly. He also said
the country "lives in peace".

No one knows what Samak was on but surely he should have known that it
wasn't that long ago that the regime was gunning down Buddhist monks and
laymen for carrying out a peaceful demonstration. Up until today, reports
on monks being dragged from their temples in the middle of the night and
never to be seen again continue to surface.

Just as pathetic was Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama, who had the
audacity to boast publicly how Thein Sein had thanked him personally for
his "Neighbour Engagement" policy - another empty phrase. It was supposed
to describe Thailand's foreign policy. Moreover, one wondered how
Thailand's foreign minister could ever see merit in the praises from the
second most powerful man in a regime strongly despised by the world
community. Idiotic would be an understatement.

As expected, counter-narcotics action is on the agenda for discussion.
Thein Sein is probably the most knowledgeable person on earth on this
topic. Look at the kind of men he has been courting - Wei Hsueh-kang and
Bao Yu-xiang, both have been indicted by Thai and US Federal courts for
drug trafficking.

But while both Samak and Noppadon welcomed Thein Sein with open arms, the
track record of this battle-hardened general showed that he doesn't think
highly of Thailand.

While serving as the commander of the Triangle Command, Thein Sein never
shied away from a fight with the Thai Army. Unlike the Thai generals,
Thein Sein spoke softly and carried a big stick - and was never afraid to
clobber his Thai counterparts with it.

There were times when he would permit hot pursuit and small skirmishes
along the border between his Wa and Karen proxies and the Thai Army to
escalate into cross-border shelling. Thein Sein has never thought highly
of successive Thai governments and the Thai Armed Forces. To him, Thailand
is a source of instability for his Burma.

Historically, at least in the post colonial period, Thai-Burmese relations
have been largely shaped by mistrust, disputes, overlapping claims,
cross-border insurgency and narcotics. Much of these problems are related.
The solution lies in a political settlement that is acceptable to all
parties - from the insurgents who depend on drug money to feed their
troops to the SPDC who see a normal state as one that is free of armed
groups.

It is no coincidence that a pro-Rangoon group is automatically a threat to
Thailand, while an anti-Rangoon army is automatically a friend of
Thailand. That's the way it is and that's the way it will be until all the
warring parties can agree on an adequate settlement.


Thailand has a stake in the outcome. Naturally, it wants to see its
proxies get the best out of any deal. But in the meantime, the Shan and
the Karen rebels are convenient friends to have. But somehow it has always
been the Thai political leaders who end up kissing up to the Burmese. The
Burmese generals, it seems, are always one step ahead of them. Are they
that smarter? Or perhaps it is a realisation among Thai political leaders
that they are here today and gone tomorrow, thus, all they need to do is
to turn the page, close the chapter and make some money for their friends
and cronies.

It is a bit naive, however, considering the fact that these historical
problems continue to hover over their successive heads.

____________________________________
PRESS RELEASE

May 1, Human Rights Watch
Referendum is a sham, governments should not endorse vote on new constitution

Burma’s May 10 referendum on a new constitution is a sham process aimed at
entrenching the military, Human Rights Watch said in a new report released
today.

Conditions for a free and fair referendum do not exist in Burma because of
widespread repression, including arrests of opposition activists, media
censorship, bans on political meetings and gatherings, the lack of an
independent referendum commission and courts to supervise the vote, and a
pervasive climate of fear created by the ruling State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC) in the run-up to the referendum.

“The Burmese generals are showing their true colors by continuing to
arrest anyone opposed to their sham referendum, and denying the population
the right to a public discussion of the merits of the draft constitution,”
said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “International
acceptance of this process will be a big step backward.”

The 61-page report, “Vote to Nowhere: The May 2008 Constitutional
Referendum in Burma,” shows that the referendum is being carried out in an
environment of severe restrictions on access to information, repressive
media restrictions, an almost total ban on freedom of expression,
assembly, and association, and the continuing widespread detention of
political activists. It highlights recent government arrests, harassment
and attacks on activists opposed to the draft constitution.

Since the announcement of the referendum in February 2008, the Burmese
military government has stepped up its repression, detaining those
expressing opposition to the draft constitution. For example, on March 30
and April 1, security forces detained a total of seven opposition
activists who had held a peaceful protest wearing T-shirts emblazoned with
the word “No” in Rangoon. Throughout Burma, similarly peaceful protests
are immediately broken up by the authorities. The Thailand-based
Association for Assistance to Political Prisoners in Burma reported that
over 70 Burmese activists have been arrested trying to stage
demonstrations in Burma between April 25-28.

The SPDC’s wide use of spies and informants severely limits the ability of
people to speak freely even when talking with friends in teahouses or
private homes. Any gathering of more than five people is banned in Burma,
and even solitary peaceful protesters face imprisonment.

SPDC-backed groups routinely threaten violence against members of the
leading opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). In
April 2008, such groups allegedly were responsible for physical attacks on
NLD officials and human rights activists.

The draft constitution, a 194-page document only available in Burmese and
English, was released just a month before the referendum. Many Burmese
citizens are ethnic minorities who do not speak Burmese or English, and so
have no ability to read the draft.

“You can’t hold a free and fair referendum when you deny every basic right
to your people,” Adams said. “The generals expect the Burmese people to
just shut up, follow their orders, and approve the draft constitution
without any discussion or debate. That’s not exactly how democracies are
born.”

The referendum is taking place just months after the Burmese junta
violently crushed massive nationwide pro-democracy protests in September
2007, documented in the Human Rights Watch report, “Crackdown: Repression
of the 2007 Popular Protests in Burma.” The brutal crackdown drew
international condemnation and renewed pressure on the government to end
its repression and bring about real democratic reform. Apparently in
response, the SPDC accelerated its “seven-step path to democracy” and
announced the referendum.

The draft constitution emerged from the 14-year-long National Convention.
The National Convention was a tightly controlled, repressive, and
undemocratic process that excluded the vast majority of the
representatives elected in the annulled 1990 parliamentary elections. Any
statement to be made at the National Convention had to be pre-approved and
censored by the military-controlled Convening Commission. Criticism of the
National Convention was punishable by prison sentences of up to 20 years.
Two delegates were sentenced to 15- and 20-year prison terms respectively,
simply for disseminating speeches delivered at the convention.

The new report analyzes key elements of the draft constitution,
demonstrating that it seeks to entrench military rule and limit the role
of independent political parties. Under the draft constitution, the
commander-in-chief will appoint military officers for a quarter of all
seats in both houses of parliament, and the military has even broader
representation in the selection of the president and two vice-presidents.

The draft constitution treats political parties with open hostility:
draconian restrictions exclude many opposition politicians from running
for office, and a custom-drafted clause prevents NLD opposition leader
Aung San Suu Kyi from holding any elected office because she is the widow
of a foreigner. The draft constitution makes it virtually impossible to
amend these clauses, because more than three-quarters of the members of
both houses of parliament need to approve any amendment. Given that the
military holds at least one quarter of the seats – they can also run for
any “open seats,” so their representation will be significantly higher –
it holds an effective veto.

Human Rights Watch called on the international community not to give any
credibility to the referendum process, and to firmly insist on real reform
from Burma’s military rulers. The United Nations Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon and his special envoy on Burma have a particular responsibility to
speak out clearly and forcefully and make it clear that only a referendum
that meets international standards will be recognized.

“This referendum and the draft constitution it seeks to impose on the
Burmese people are designed to forever entrench more of the same abusive
rule that Burma has endured for nearly half a century already,” said
Adams. “The Burmese junta’s friends, including China, India, and Thailand,
should not give any credibility to this process. If they do, it will
simply expose them to ridicule for having said they were committed to
democratic change in Burma.”

_______________________________

May 1, The Seven Alliances
Vote “no” global protest week

The Seven Alliances, a united front of Burmese umbrella organizations
representing the majority of ethnic and pro-democracy groups in exile,
today predicted with some certainty that the military regime in Burma will
rig the results of the forthcoming constitutional referendum on 10 May,
deceiving the people of Burma once again.

The prediction is based on an analysis paper by the Seven Alliances,
released today. The paper sets out flaws in the draft constitution, and
the referendum process. Key concerns about the draft constitution outlined
in the paper include:

• If adopted, the constitution will serve to further consolidate military
rule in the country for the foreseeable future;

• The military will control 25% of parliamentary seats, making further
constitutional change very difficult;

• The Chief of Staff and the army will be above the state judiciary
system, and can manipulate it as they choose; imposing martial law and
ousting the civilian administration if it is deemed to pose a threat to
national security

• The Chief of Staff would appoint the President. The President must be
from a military background

• Rules surrounding eligibility to enter elections effectively exclude Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi and other pro-democracy activists from standing in future
elections.

As the referendum approaches, there is mounting evidence of the regime’s
desperate efforts to control the outcome of the referendum and retain
power, claim the Seven Alliances. “Members of the National League for
Democracy (NLD) and democracy activists who advocate voting against the
draft State Constitution in the upcoming Referendum have been intimidated,
arrested and beaten,” states the analysis paper.

“The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and its thugs are using
heavy-handed tactics to persuade people to support the referendum. Civil
servants have been told to vote in favor or risk losing their jobs.

Ordinary citizens have been threatened with fines or imprisonment if they
vote no. Security forces are preventing peaceful demonstrations from
taking place, and many pro-democracy activists have already been
arrested,” said Aung Moe Zaw, a spokesperson for the Seven Alliances.
“Despite this climate of fear and intimidation, activists in Burma are
continuing with their ‘vote no’ campaign and momentum is gathering. People
are showing great courage in showing their dissent to the regime,” added
Aung Moe Zaw.

The Seven Alliances are calling on ordinary people around the world to
take part in “Vote ‘No’ Global Protest Week” from 3-9 May, by protesting
outside the Burmese embassy in their country. “This week of solidarity
protests around the world will be a huge moral support to the people of
Burma, who have been unwavering in their defiance of the repressive
military regime and will vote against its draft constitution on May 10,”
said the spokesperson.

For further information and media interviews, please contact:
Mr. Myint Thein (087 808 3552), National Council of Union of Burma
Mr. Aung Moe Zaw (087 206 0587), Forum for Democracy in Burma
Dr. Salai Lian Hmong Sakhon (081 029 6100), Ethnic Nationalities Council
Hseng Noung (081 884 4963), Women’s League of Burma

______________________________

May 1, Ethnic Community Development Forum
New Report Reveals Biofuel Fiasco in Burma

A draconian campaign by Burma’s military to grow eight million acres of 
the Jatropha curcas tree for biofuel production is resulting in forced
labor and land confiscation throughout the country, while evidence of crop
failure and mismanagement expose the program as a fiasco.

Burma’s military ruler, Senior General Than Shwe, has commanded that an
area the size of Belgium be planted within three years. Each state and
division of Burma must grow 500,000 acres. Rangoon Division must sacrifice
20% of its total land area to the toxic jatropha tree.

Biofuel by Decree, a report by seven community development organizations
working in Burma, details how farmers, civil servants, teachers,
schoolchildren, nurses, and prisoners have been forced to purchase seeds,
fulfill planting quotas, and establish biofuel plantations in service to
the “national cause.” They must plant the trees along roadsides, in
housing, school and hospital compounds, in cemeteries and religious
grounds, and on lands formerly producing rice.

People have been fined, beaten, and arrested for not participating in the
campaign. Threats to food security are emerging as lands are taken over by
the biofuel plant. From Southern Shan state alone, at least eight hundred
refugees have fled to Thailand as a result of the program.

Burma’s farmers are scathing about the program. “It will not be
successful,” said one farmer interviewed for the report. “You see, the
soldiers carry guns. They don’t know anything about agriculture.”

Two years into implementation, crop failures as high as 75% has been
reported due to
haphazard growing techniques and random seed stock. Tractors filled up
with jatropha biodiesel during ceremonial shows have broken down. A
complete ignorance of harvest yields, price or market has left farmers and
businessmen cynical of  seeing any benefit from the program.

“Agriculture is the backbone of Burma’s economy and society, and should
not be left to the whims of generals,” says Sai Khur Hseng, one of the
authors of the report.  “If the military remain in power, Burmese people
will continue to suffer from senseless agricultural policies like this.”

Burma's military will hold a referendum to endorse their new constitution
entrenching military rule on May 10, 2008.

Contact: Sai Khur Hseng
Phone: (inside Thailand) 08 422 437 48
(international) +668 422 437 4
Email:  unitedecdf at gmail.com