BurmaNet News, August 2-4, 2008

[Editor]

August 2-4, 2008 Issue #3526


INSIDE BURMA
AFP: UN envoy meets Myanmar monks: official
AFP: Myanmar asking farmers to repay cyclone aid
Chinland Guardian: Starvation stalks in Chin State as Burma's regime ignores
Mizzima News: Landslide in Phakant kills 20 people
Xinhua: Myanmar says no delay in visa grant
Telegraph (UK): Troops on standby in Burma for massacre anniversary

BUSINESS / TRADE
SHAN: Activists urge people to boycott Burmese “blood jade” in Beijing
Olympics

REGIONAL
Mizzima News: Advocacy group appeals for common stance on Burma

INTERNATIONAL
Mizzima News: UN needs to take stronger stance on Burma: AI

OPINION / OTHER
The Nation (Thailand): Burma highlights Bush's visit to Thailand – Kavi
Chongkittavorn
Irrawaddy: Time for stalling on human rights over – Bo Kyi
IMNA: Electoral dilemmas – Ashley South
Mizzima News: Looking toward the 2010 elections – Htet Win

ANNOUNCEMENT
Project Maje: New resource report on bamboo rat crisis in Burma



____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

August 4, Agence France Presse
UN envoy meets Myanmar monks: official

The UN's new human rights envoy for Myanmar met with senior Buddhist monks
on Monday, as his first visit to the military-ruled nation got under way,
a senior official said.

United Nations special rapporteur Tomas Ojea Quintana, who took up his
post in May, met with the monks as well as other religious leaders in
Yangon, a Myanmar official told AFP on condition of anonymity.

Buddhist monks led mass anti-government protests in September that were
violently put down by security forces who opened fire on crowds and beat
people in the streets.

The official did not say whether Quintana met monks who were personally
involved in the protests.

Quintana's predecessor, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, said in a report to the UN
Human Rights Council in November that at least 31 people were killed and
74 remained missing after the crackdown.

He also said that about 1,850 political prisoners were behind bars, and
that the government had "accelerated" unlawful arrests.

Later Monday, Quintana was set to meet with the panel coordinating the
relief effort for 2.4 million victims of Cyclone Nargis, which pounded
Myanmar three months ago.

The so-called Tripartite Core Group includes representatives of Myanmar's
government, the United Nations, and other Southeast Asian countries. The
panel was created to address concerns that the junta was stonewalling the
relief effort.

Quintana plans Tuesday to visit the hardest-hit regions of the Irrawaddy
Delta, which suffered most of the damage from the storm that left more
than 138,000 dead or missing, the Myanmar official said.

Before his trip ends on Thursday, he also aims to meet state officials,
ethnic groups and political parties, and try to open talks with the
generals on improving their human rights record.

Human rights groups, foreign governments and the United Nations accuse the
junta of a string of abuses, including suppressing the democracy movement,
persecuting ethnic minorities and imprisoning dissidents.

____________________________________

August 4, Agence France Presse
Myanmar asking farmers to repay cyclone aid

Myanmar’s military regime is giving desperately needed aid to cyclone
survivors on credit, requiring them to pay back to the government any
assistance offered, officials said.

The secretive military last week officially allowed local journalists to
visit the disaster zone for the first time since Cyclone Nargis slammed
into the country on May 2. During the tour, local officials laid out their
system for delivering aid to farmers in the hardest-hit parts of the
Irrawaddy Delta, where entire villages were washed away by the storm that
left more than 138,000 people dead or missing.

The officials insisted that government had allowed aid for farmers to
plant their fields and for fishermen to return to their boats, but
insisted that the cyclone victims would have to reimburse the regime for
the aid received. “If everything is free of charge, its value is very low.
If something must be paid back, then they try their best to do it. This is
the system,” one senior official said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

“The government will distribute everything for them through a payback
system. Otherwise, controlling the aid will be very difficult,” he said.
Farmers have no choice but to accept the loans, but say they don’t know
how they will ever repay them. “We have received power tillers and diesel
on credit from the government. Even then, we still need more help to get
bank loans so that we will have cash to hire field hands,” said Kyi Win,
57, a farm owner in Sat San village outside Bogalay.

But local officials insisted that farmers were ready to start surviving on
their own. “The World Food Programme is delivering rice for villagers.
Even if they stop delivering rice, villagers can feed themselves with
their own income,” said Zaw Myo Nyunt, a local official in Sat San. The
official assessment differs markedly with opinions expressed away from the
military’s ears, as well as with assessments by UN officials, who have
warned that many farmers were not able to plant their crops this year.

Over the last two weeks, many farmers in the delta told AFP that as much
as one-third of the region’s cropland could lie idle - simply because so
many farmers died that no one is left to tend the fields. Others who have
received aid and tried to plant their fields say that as much as half the
donated rice plants did not sprout, while draught cattle brought in from
mountainous parts of Myanmar have not adapted to the delta’s marshy
lowlands.

“If the UN cannot deliver rice and stops their assistance to us, we will
be in trouble. We have no income now as our employers are finding it
difficult to start their farming,” said Moe Wah, a 24-year-old farm
worker. “I have no job now and am relying on rice aid from the WFP. All of
us need jobs urgently to resume our lives. We lost everything in the
cyclone,” she said.

____________________________________

August 4, Chinland Guardian
Starvation stalks in Chin State as Burma's regime ignores – Van Biak Thang

‘Government-neglected’ starvation, locally known as Mautam, has been
ravaging Chin State, sparking fears that the affected areas could be
immensely increased unless more relief aids are promptly delivered,
sources revealed.

Burma's regime has been, for the second time after the Nargis cyclone,
severely condemned for denying the existence of famine in the country and
'turning a blind eye' to the suffering of its own peoples while
governments of India and Bangladesh have at least prepared, although
reported inadequate, for the present bamboo-flowering cycle which occurs
every fifty years.

A recent report by Project Maje stated: "As the swarming rats of the
Mautam devour the people's food, so do the generals ruling Burma
relentlessly steal, extort, plunder and confiscate, leaving nothing.
Unless military rule is ended, Burma will continue to be a disaster zone
and the present hunger belts will stretch from border to border."

"As was apparent in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, when the regime of
Burma will not facilitate relief aid, grassroots groups must take action
as best they can. Such a do-it-yourself equivalent of a civil society
occurs without the regime's approval and often with its hindrance but it
can be powerfully effective", the report continued.

Efforts have been made but no way near 'enough' by Chin organisations,
churches and individuals yet with little help from international
communities. Some locally formed organisations including Mizoram-based
Chin Famine Emergency Relief Committee (CFERC), Burma-based Maraland
Social Welfare and Development Committee (MSWDC) and Country Agency For
Rural Development Myanmar (CAD) have also been actively working in
response to the current situation.

Project Maje's report suggested: "Relief aid including emergency rice and
seed stocks, with rat-proof containers, would be given directly to the
hunger belt of Chin State by Burma's regime (which is wealthy, with a
reported US$150 million a month income from its petroleum joint ventures
with France's Total, the United States' Chevron, South Korea's Daewoo,
China, Thailand and India) or the United Nations and other international
donors."

Rev. Dr. C. Duh Kam, Executive Minister of Chin Baptist Fellowship of
America (CBFA) strongly called on Chin individuals worldwide to take a
'life-saving aid' action, saying: "If each one of us puts just our
half-day wages aside, our fellow Chins can survive. Let us waste our time
no more but take some food out of our own mouths for our nation now."

The bamboo flowering and rat infestation cycle has in the past lasted for
about three years, until the rats run out of food and their populations
return to normal. According to The Times of India, "the last flowering in
Mizoram, in 1958-59, caused a famine that killed between 10,000 and 15,000
people and destroyed hundreds of thousands of livelihoods."

An increasing number of Chin victims are migrating, leaving their native
places towards the Indian-Burma border in search of food and security. "If
this famine continues for the next three years, our land will be
completely deserted and empty. We need your immediate actions," said Rev.
M. Thawng Kam, General Secretary of Zomi Baptist Convention.

Perhaps most importantly, as has been stated in other Project Maje
reports, a complete end to the abuse of ethnic nationality people of Burma
must be an unwavering condition of any political process in Burma. Human
rights violations, exploitation and degradation of the environment for
commercial purposes have made the Chin people particularly vulnerable to
the current Mautam and cut off from the relief aid which is reaching those
affected by the bamboo/rat cycle in the neighboring countries, the report
said.

Locally known as Mautam, the famine is caused by a massive influx of rats
following the blossoming bamboos which produce avocado-like fruits. After
feeding on the bamboo fruits/seeds, the rats begin to reproduce in an
accelerated birth surge. The rodents often grow to particularly large
sizes and can gnaw through wood floors, walls, storage containers and
granaries. Swarms of these nocturnal rats quietly invade farms and
villages to devour crops, stored rice and others such as potatoes, maize,
chilli and sesame.

____________________________________

August 4, Mizzima News
Landslide in Phakant kills 20 people – Phanida

A landslide in Phakant jade mine killed at least 20 people, local
residents said.

They were killed while searching for gold in the dumping site of jade
mining companies in the afternoon of July 30 at Hmawsizar jade mine in
Phakant, Myitkyinar district, Kachin State, northern Burma.

There is very little chance of retrieving the bodies from the landslide.
Most of the dead hail from central Burma.

"People tried to save them that day and the next. They have now stopped
the rescue and search operations. Three to four bodies reached our
hospital," a nurse from nearby 'Lonekhin' hospital told Mizzima.

Landslides frequently kill people in these remote jade and gold mines,
about 960 kilometres north of Rangoon, but the news of these tragic deaths
rarely reach the outside world.

Jade from Phakant mines are famous the world over.

Meanwhile, a Thai based student group urged people going to the 2008
Beijing Olympics not to buy jewellery and souvenirs made from gems and
stones from Phakant jade mines.

"Our mountains have disappeared and our youth are dying. The generals are
letting their cronies mine away our future," Naw La, a member of 'All
Burma Kachin Students' Union' (AKSYU), said. "We urge people not to buy
blood jade from Burma", the appeal said.

____________________________________

August 4, Xinhua
Myanmar says no delay in visa grant

The Myanmar authorities will not delay the process of issuing visas for
foreign visitors to enter the country, a local weekly quoting the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs as reporting Monday.

Foreign visitors are advised to apply at Myanmar embassies around the
world for correct visas which are categorized as social, diplomatic and
tourist ones, the Myanmar Times said, citing instances that some visitors
entered the country on social visas but took part in unauthorized
activities.

Meanwhile, in the post-storm period, the government has created a special
ASEAN-Myanmar-UN tripartite core group to take care of the visa issuing
process for international aid workers coming to Myanmar to provide help
for cyclone victims.

According to the report, the authorities has approved visa for more than
1,670 international aid workers to help Myanmar victims, half of whom are
directly being involved in relief operations in storm-hit regions.

The authorities stressed that visas-on-arrival will only be issued to
people on government-approved package tours.

Official figures show that tourist arrivals at Yangon International
Airport totalled 15,204 in the first quarter of the fiscal year 2008-09, a
drop of 47.59 percent from 29,007 in the same period of 2007-08.

____________________________________

August 2, Telegraph (UK)
Troops on standby in Burma for massacre anniversary – Nick Meo

Thousands of heavily-armed Burmese security forces have been moved to the
outskirts of Rangoon days before the twentieth anniversary of an uprising
which came close to bringing down the military regime.

The regime appears determined to stop any attempt to mark the date, which
with four eights - 8.8.88 - is of magical importance in Burma's calendar
and of huge significance to protesters who two decades on are still trying
to bring down a military government in power under a different dictator.

On 8th August 1988 Burmese soldiers are believed to have shot, suffocated
and drowned more than 3,000 protesters after weeks of anti-government
demonstrations.

In recent weeks protest leaders who were still on the run have been
arrested and additional military units have been moved into the city,
Burma's largest.

A Western diplomat in Rangoon said: "Truckloads of heavily armed police
and soldiers are on the city outskirts. They are keeping large numbers of
security personnel inside the city, out of sight. If they see a single
protester in the street he will be picked up in minutes."

Rangoon is seething with frustration after last year's failed protests,
which were led by monks. The government's callous handling of the cyclone
in May which killed at least 140,000 people has increased popular anger.

Some now talk about taking up arms against the government after the
failure of last year's non-violent protests.

A group of young men in a Rangoon bar spoke openly about wanting to attack
the army. "If we could find guns, we would do it," said one
English-speaking teenager. "I marched last year, we were shot at and we
had nothing to shoot back with."

Western embassies have warned their citizens about the risk of bombs in
Rangoon after a series of attacks in the city in recent weeks including
one last month which killed a government militiaman. Many Burmese believe
bombs are set off by the government to justify repression, but there also
ethnic-based rebels who continue to fight a low-key guerrilla war which
has dragged on for decades in Burma's jungle borderlands. After the 1988
uprising student protesters and guerrillas joined forces.

Sources in Rangoon described growing levels of anger with the military
regime.

The diplomat said: "I wouldn't be surprised if people turned to violence.
Levels of frustration are such that people feel they don't have any
alternative.

"Security may be too high for mass protests this week, but the situation
is increasingly bad and Burma is becoming more unstable. This country is
crumbling economically."

The return of popular protest is not the only worry for the government.
Ethnic rebel groups are attempting to bring charges against Burma's
leaders for crimes against humanity, encouraged by the International
Criminal Court's recent indictment of Sudan's president, Omar al-Bashir,
for genocide.

The notoriously superstitious generals also fear a prophecy which has been
enthusiastically recounted by the ordinary Burmese who must suffer their
misrule. Since last year astrologers have been warning that the new
capital, Naypidaw, would fill with piles of bones after a fire in Mandalay
and the disappearance of Rangoon's trees.

A shopping centre in Mandalay burned down earlier this year, and many of
the city's trees were felled by the cyclone in May. Burmese gossips claim
that since then the Army has bought thousands of animal bones from
butchers and piled them in the streets of Naypidaw - a city closed to most
outsiders - in an attempt to fool the spirits believed by Burmese to enact
prophecies.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

August 4, Shan Herald Agency for News
Activists urge people to boycott Burmese “blood jade” in Beijing Olympics
– Hseng Khio Fah

Activists are calling on global consumers to boycott souvenirs and jewelry
made of Burmese jade in order to avoid supporting Burma’s abuse-ridden
jade mining industry that provides the military regime with one of its
largest sources of solid cash, according to a new report released today.

The report named “Blood Jade: Burmese Gemstones & the Beijing Games” was
released by All Kachin Students & Youth Union(AKSYU) and 8-8-08 for Burma
and urged individuals-global consumers, Olympic spectators and Olympic
athletes and visitors to China for the 2008 Summer Olympics to boycott the
sale of Burma blood in Beijing and beyond.

For the first time in history, Olympic medals will include a material
other than gold, silver, and bronze while the medals of the Beijing Games
are made with Chinese nephrite jade, Burmese jadeite has eclipsed nephrite
in popularity in China.  Gem-quality jade, a class of jadeite, is only
produced by Burmese mines, which are controlled and operated by the
military regime and its business partners.

The report said, “The Beijing Organizing Committee of the Games of the
XXIX Olympiad (BOCOG) and the government of the Peoples Republic of China
should take immediate action to curb the global trade in blood jade,
beginning by ending their promotion of jade products from Burma.”

Cristina Moon, executive director of the 8888 for Burma said, “We are
relieved that the Beijing Organizing Committee of the Olympic Games has
sourced the jade for the Olympic medals and official souvenirs from
China.”

“But there is a growing demand for Burmese jade that will only increase
due to the Olympic promotion of jade. The generals will keep using their
jade profits to buy weapons and crush dissent in Burma unless individuals
take a stand.”

The report also details about how the military regime that rules Burma
makes millions of dollars per year from the export of jade, primarily to
China.

Jadeite production comes at significant costs to the human rights and
environmental security of the people living in Kachin State. Land
confiscation and forced relocation are commonplace and improper mining
practices lead to frequent accidents and base wages less than US$1 per
day, says the report.

“Our mountains have disappeared and our youth are dying. The generals are
letting their cronies mine away our future,” said Naw La of the AKSYU. 
“We urge people not to buy blood jade from Burma,”

The report ends with a reminder: “It is critically important that the
International Olympic Committee (IOC) and the rest of the Olympic movement
find clear and creative means to distance itself from the trade in Burmese
blood jade to protect the integrity of the most important symbols of the
Olympics and the fundamental values enshrined in the Olympic Charter. They
should take swift action to safeguard the trust of the world citizens who
are at risk of becoming unwitting parties to a global blood jade industry
mired in a system of abuse and lawlessness.”

On 29 July, US president George W Bush signed legislation into law to
prevent US retailers of Burmese gems from legally profiting from the
trade.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

August 4, Mizzima News
Advocacy group appeals for common stance on Burma

A leading regional advocacy group for human rights and democracy in Burma,
says that a unified international position vis-à-vis the generals in
Naypyitaw is essential if fundamental change is to come to the country.

Issued in commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the 8-8-88 uprising in
Burma, ALTSEAN Burma (Alternative ASEAN network on Burma) asserts that:
"Twenty years after the 8888 national uprising, the international
community must realize that unconditional engagement, discreet diplomacy,
and ASEAN's so-called constructive engagement has failed."

The organization views the ultimate failure of the current U.S.-led
sanctions approach as a result of the steadfastness of several countries –
including many of Burma's neighbors and regional trading partners – to
join in a common international position.

"The international community must adopt a common position to ensure that
Burma's military regime delivers genuine reforms within a clearly-stated
timeframe," reads the opinion of ALTSEAN released today. "Countries of
ASEAN, South and East Asia, in particular China and India, have the main
responsibility to ensure there is genuine change in Burma."

While calling for the release of all political prisoners, ultimately
ALTSEAN sees the necessity of a tripartite dialogue between the junta,
National League for Democracy and ethnic leadership.

"The common position must guarantee an inclusive process that allows key
stakeholders such as the National League for Democracy (NLD) and ethnic
nationality leadership to work freely as legitimate partners with the
military regime," avows the rights group.

ALTSEAN argues that regional leadership in addressing Burma's ongoing
crisis is of paramount interest to local actors, as they stand the most to
lose from a grossly mismanaged country in their midst.

In the absence of a singular stance taken up by external voices and
actors, ALTSEAN paints a grim picture of continued daily life in Burma,
citing a figure of 90 percent of the population existing on less than one
dollar a day.

Further, from July 2007 to June 2008, the organization references an over
65 percent increase in the number of political prisoners inside the
country, now placed at 1,900.

Over the course of the two decades since the 1988 uprising, ALTSEAN eludes
to the growth of a diverse community in opposition to the regime's
continued unilateral and military rule. This opposition bloc is said to
include "ethnic nationalities, interest groups and political factions."
Now, it is deemed time for state actors to reflect Burma's growing
organizational consortium in opposition to the junta's policies, and
maintain a singular voice in confronting Burma's generals.

"The international community must publicly support the solutions proposed
by Burma's democracy movement that focus on a transitional power-sharing
formula," prospers ALTSEAN, "and encourage the Burmese junta, the State
Peace and Development Council (SPDC), to be part of the solution."

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

August 4, Mizzima News
UN needs to take stronger stance on Burma: AI – Solomon

Burma's military rulers have detained at least 900 activists and
dissidents in the past 10 months, in addition to the over 1,000 prisoners
of conscience that it arrested since it brutally cracked down on a popular
uprising in August 8, 1988, Amnesty International said.

The AI, in a press release on Sunday, said, "Around 900 people have been
imprisoned in the past 10 months."

The AI said Burma's military rulers after violently suppressing a
nation-wide protest led by students in August 8, 1988, has continuously
arrested and detained dissidents but it has accelerated its rampant arrest
since September 2007 protests, adding to the list of some 2,050 political
prisoners currently languishing in prisons across Burma.

The Burmese military junta, despite being engaged  by the United Nations,
through the General Assembly and Human Rights Council resolutions and by
sending some 35 official missions by the Special Advisor, Special
Rapporteur and their predecessors, continues to arrest dissidents who
seemingly  threaten their rule, the AI said.

Benjamin Zawacki, AI's Myanmar Researcher said, the number of political
prisoners in Burma has significantly increased following the September
protests last year, the ruling junta's May 2008 referendum and the fall
out of Cyclone Nargis on Burma's coastal divisions in May.

"Nothing speaks louder of the government's poor faith than the fact that
there are more long-standing political prisoners in Myanmar [Burma] now
than at any other time since those protests," Zawacki said in the
statement.

The AI, in its statement, urged the United Nations to create pressure for
the release of 20 prominent political prisoners including veteran
journalist U Win Tin, student leader Min Ko Naing and the highly revered
Rev. U Gambira, who led the monks on the streets in September 2007.

The United Nations, meanwhile, is set to send two of its envoys –
Undersecretary General for political affairs, and Human Rights Special
Rapporteur - in August.

The AI said the UN should take stronger measures to obtain the release of
prisoners of conscience including Win Tin, who were detained since the
military's brutal crackdown on the August 8, 1988 protests.

On 8 August 1988 – popularly known among Burmese as the four eights or
8.8.88 - demonstrations were led by Rangoon University students calling
for democracy. It quickly spread to other cities, snowballing and gaining
popular support over the next six weeks.

However, the Burmese military, that assumed power in a coup in 1962,
violently suppressed the protests killing at least 3,000 people. The junta
then began a campaign to strengthen its rule by arresting thousands while
many disappeared.

Despite promises to the international community including the UN, Burma' s
military rulers have failed to keep their assurance – to implement genuine
change and respect human rights.

"The UN should no longer accept the government's hollow assurances but
hold Myanmar [Burma] firmly to its word," Zawacki said.

The Thailand based Assistant Association for Political Prisoners – Burma
(AAPP-Burma), said both the UN envoys that are scheduled to visit the
country in August must make sure that they are not used by the regime.

"Both of them [Gambari and Quintana] should meet political prisoners and
student leaders openly and freely," said Tate Naing secretary of the
AAPP-B, adding that the two envoys must control their meetings rather then
follow the regime's plans.

"They [the two envoys] should not allow themselves to be used," Tate Naing
added.

While the newly appointed UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human
Rights in Burma Thomas Ojea Quintana is scheduled to visit the country
from August 3 to 7, Ibrahim Gambari will visit in mid-August.

Gambari, who visited Burma thrice following the regime's brutal
suppression of protesters in September 2007, was able to facilitate  talks
between detained opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and junta's
Liaison Minister.

But the talks were short-lived and as critics had apprehended, the talks
yielded no tangible results in terms of political change.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

August 4, The Nation (Thailand)
Burma highlights Bush's visit to Thailand – Kavi Chongkittavorn

Political oppression in Burma has incredibly become the highlight of the
175th anniversary of Thai-US diplomatic relations. The 21-hour stopover of
President George W Bush and First Lady Laura Bush in Thailand, which
starts on Wednesday, is all about the plight of the Burmese people and
their future prospects. It takes the longstanding friendship and alliance
to accommodate the US request.

The first couple are passionate about Burma and its people and they are
not afraid to speak their minds. Bush has zeroed in on the political and
legislative fronts, while Laura has focused on the plight of Burmese
refugees and women's rights. Each has different itineraries. Bush will
stay in Bangkok and is scheduled to deliver a keynote speech on US policy
towards Asia and have a private lunch with representatives of the Burmese
community living in exile in Thailand. Laura will be at Mae-La Camp in Mae
Sot, which houses over 40,000 Karen refugees.

It is an open secret that Thailand and the US have different takes on the
current situation in Burma. For the past seven years, Bangkok's unswerving
backing of Burma has marred bilateral relations between the two countries
and angered quite a few US congressmen who have criticised Bangkok
severely. Since 2001 the Thai government has pursued a policy of
appeasement towards Burma, providing strong support for commercial links
with the military junta there.

Under his leadership, deposed prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra turned the
country's policy toward Burma upside-down ignoring internal security
concerns and concerted international pressure. He initiated his own
Burmese policy, which was rife with his own vested interests. The scandal
over the Bt4 billion loan to Burma approved by his government is a good
case in point.

The Thai government often argues that as Burma's neighbour, it does not
have the luxury of distance enjoyed by the US or other Western countries,
so it has to carry the burden of proximity. That explains why Thai policy
on Burma is so soft and accommodating. For instance, Thailand often says
it depends on the border trade with Burma and close cooperation to cope
with transnational problems such as drug trafficking, displaced persons
and illegal refugees. The Thai government has also rejected the US's
sanctions on Burma thinking they only harm the common people.

In his policy speeches, former foreign minister Noppadon Pattama fervently
argued that economic engagement would help improve the lives of the
Burmese people and jobs, and then democracy would follow. Thailand often
pointed out that it is in a better position to convince the junta leaders
on the merits of democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law.
The same argument has been used by Asean since 1991 when the Burmese issue
became a contentious one between Asean and its Western dialogue partners.
If that is the case, Burma should have since shown some political openness
and improvements. After all, Burma joined Asean over a decade ago.

On the contrary, the US has done almost everything it can during the Bush
administration to isolate Burma internationally and support Burmese
democratic forces in and outside the country. The latest, the Jade
(Junta's Anti-Democratic Efforts) Act, signed into law last week, also
showed Washington's determination to hit the junta leaders and relatives
where it hurts them the most: their wallets. The US hopes that stricter
financial sanctions this time round could yield results, as was the case
with North Korea.

It is interesting to note that Bush views his Asian policy as successful,
even though he has had a narrow-focused policy approach towards the region
in his early years.

In comparison with the Middle East and other parts of the world, Asia is
less hostile to the US and has shown appreciation of the continued US
presence in the region. The positive outcome of the six-party talk in
North Korea's nuclear capability has already boosted Bush's international
standing and helped usher Pyongyang's accession to the Asean Treaty of
Amity and Cooperation last month.

By concentrating on Burma's democratic prospects on this short trip, Bush
wants the international community to know that he is serious when he talks
about freedom and liberty.

Indeed, when I had a chance to meet Bush on September 18 of last year at
the Oval Office, he said proudly that after his presidency ends next year
he would set up an institute to promote democracy and freedom around the
world. With this visit, the president also wants to deliver a strong
message on Asia's future dynamic and increased importance towards the US's
global strategy. An Asia that is rich and democratic is good for global
peace and stability.

Indeed, with better planning, Bush could have used his stopover in
Thailand this week for a meeting of the minds with Asean leaders. When a
scheduled meeting in Singapore early last September between him and Asean
leaders was postponed, the latter were disappointed and were looking
forward for a future meeting. They want to have an exclusive dialogue with
the US president, the only dialogue partner that still does not have an
annual summit. As the current Asean chair, Thailand could have arranged
such a meeting without difficulty. Deep down, Bangkok wants to promote
Thai-US cooperation as the main driving force for strengthening Asean-US
relations.

Overall, Thai-US relations continue to be strong and business-like. Both
countries have yet to maximise the dividends of their time-tested
friendship and alliance. Now that Thailand's democracy is back on track,
albeit with such a disappointing Cabinet, both countries must try to
revitalise and refocus their cooperation.

Back in 2003, Thailand was among the first Asean countries to take part in
the global terrorism campaign. Through joint-operations, Thai and US
authorities nabbed Hambali, a leading figure of Jemaah Islamiyah, in
August 2003. In March, the arrest of the Merchant of Death, Viktor Bout,
was good news for the US. The planned extradition of Viktor Bout to the US
also shows how close these relations have become, especially among the
law-enforcement agencies of the two countries.

Back in July, 1833 when the US signed the Thai-US Treaty of Amity and
Commerce with Thailand, there was a sentence in the document saying that
the two countries are committed to a friendship "so long as heaven and
earth shall endure". Indeed, that has been the case and it is not likely
to change.

____________________________________

August 4, Irrawaddy
Time for stalling on human rights over – Bo Kyi

The United Nations Human Rights Council sent a special rapporteur, Tomas
Ojea Quintana, to Burma this week to seek improvements on the human rights
situation in Burma.

One might have expected that Than Shwe's junta would make some concessions
on human rights prior to Quintana's trip—instead, the exact opposite has
happened, as human rights abuses have increased.

The mission, only the latest in dozens of failed trips to Burma by UN
envoys and rapporteurs, was off to a bad start even before it has begun.

Instead of making substantive moves on human rights, over the past two
months the junta ramped up its repression of the Burmese people.  Just
days ago, Than Shwe's troops re-energized their scorched-earth campaign
against ethnic minorities in eastern Burma, forcing hundreds of innocent
villagers to flee their homes as refugees and internally displaced
persons.

On July 31st, the junta announced its intention to sentence Burma's most
famous comedian and social activist, Zarganar, along with the country's
leading sports reporter.

About two months ago, the junta detained various members of the National
League for Democracy, the political party of Nobel Peace Prize recipient
Aung San Suu Kyi.

On July 21, student political activist Khin Maung Tint died in Burma's
notorious prison gulag, in the midst of serving a 20-year sentence.

On July 25, the junta sentenced 10 Muslim student activists to prison with
hard labor for participating in the September 2007 Buddhist-monk led
pro-democracy uprising.

No doubt, Than Shwe's junta will try to obscure these moves during
Quintana's visit.  If previous behavior is any guidepost, the junta will
make a series of promises to change that will subsequently be broken when
Quintana leaves the country.  The regime will hope for positive comments
by Quintana after his trip—statements they will use to show they are
making "progress" when in reality there are no lasting changes whatsoever.

If the junta is feeling generous, it may even release a few political
prisoners whom they deem to be unthreatening to their grip on power.

Instead of looking toward genuine change, the junta sees visits by UN
envoys as an exercise in public relations, hoping the envoys will publicly
thank the regime for allowing them to visit and thereby diminishing hopes
for actual change.  That such trips happen at all is cited as "progress"
by some countries in the UN who seek so preserve Burma’s status quo.

This pattern of obfuscation has been carried on successfully by the
junta for many years.  Sadly, it has enabled Than Shwe to commit massive,
widespread, systematic atrocities that could someday land him in the
International Criminal Court.

Among other abuses, Than Shwe has destroyed many villages like in Darfur,
Sudan, forcing hundreds of thousands of innocent villagers to flee as
refugees and internally displaced persons.

He has recruited more child soldiers than any other country in the world,
also a crime against humanity.

His troops carry out a policy of using rape as a weapon of war against
ethnic minority women.

His regime now has nearly 2,000 political prisoners in its jails.

Before more people are senselessly imprisoned or killed in Burma, we hope
that Quintana delivers a strong message to Than Shwe, demanding the
immediate release of all political prisoners. While in Burma, Quintana
should meet with key imprisoned leaders, including Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko
Gyi, Su Su Nway and Zarganar.

Quintana must call on the military regime to immediately end all attacks
on ethnic minorities in the country.  That Than Shwe has gotten away with
such attacks for so many years is devastating to Burma’s ethnic groups,
and it sets a terrible precedent for the rest of the world.

Finally, Quintana should make it clear to Than Shwe that change must come
immediately—if the junta attempts to draw the envoy into a protracted game
of cat and mouse on human rights implementation, the UN must seek stronger
action from the Human Rights Council and UN Security Council.

The time for stalling on human rights is over.

Bo Kyi is a co-founder of the Thailand-based Assistance Association for
Political Prisoners (Burma). He was tortured and served more than 7 years
as a political prisoner in Burma.

____________________________________

August 4, Independent Mon News Agency
Electoral dilemmas – Ashley South

With the referendum process now completed, the Burmese military government
is preparing for elections in 2010. The obviously manipulated nature of
the referendum in May (according to which, over 92% of the population
endorsed the military-drafted constitution) has led many observers and
political actors to doubt whether the forthcoming elections are worth
competing in. A number of opposition groups have condemned the whole
process as a sham. Unfortunately however, they have not proposed any
realistic alternatives to bring about sustainable and inclusive political
change in Burma.

Many activists hope for some kind of external intervention. Although the
US and some other governments may be prepared to keep up the sanctions
regime, the international community's response to Cyclone Nargis (the
failure to follow through on threats to mobilise the 'Responsibility to
Protect' doctrine) indicate that Western powers are unlikely to offer more
than limited and largely rhetorical support to the democracy movement in
Burma.

Therefore, if change is going to come to the country, it will have to be
driven by internal political dynamics. A popular uprising can never be
ruled out, but the events of August and September last year illustrate the
government's ability and willingness to suppress any mass protests.
Therefore, two main approaches to political transition remain. As I have
argued elsewhere, civil society networks within and between Burma's ethnic
nationality communities play important roles in developing 'human
capital', and promoting long-term processes of 'democracy from below'.
However, this incremental approach to democratization will not achieve
regime change in itself.

Elite-level transition is essential to address the country's diverse
political, social and economic and cultural crises - which are primarily
caused by the misgovernance of the military regime. It remains to be seen
whether the government-controlled constitutional process will create any
significant space within which elite-level political actors can operate.
However, in the absence of alternative strategies, at least some ethnic
nationality blocs are preparing to participate in the forthcoming
elections. As they did during the drawn-out National Convention process,
Kachin ceasefire and civil society groups are again taking the lead. The
KIO, NDA-K and other Kachin groups have established a provisional
political party to represent their interests; other ceasefire groups are
likely to follow this model. Although they can expect to achieve
relatively little in the short-term, their strategy assumes that a seat at
the table is better than continued marginalisation within the restricted
field of Burmese politics. At a minimum, the election of ethnic
nationality political parties will ensure that their communities' concerns
continue to register on the national and international political stage.
(Although the 1990 Parliament was never allowed to convene, ethnic
nationality representatives elected to this body, such as Shan and Mon
political parties, retain a high degree of visibility and legitimacy, due
to their successful participation in the polls of nearly 20 years ago.)

The dilemma facing the NMSP and other ceasefire groups (and also the MNDF
and other 'above ground' ethnic nationality political parties) is whether
and how to compete in the forthcoming elections, given the government's
likely continued suppression and manipulation. As an outsider, this is not
my decision to make. Mon and other ethnic nationality communities will no
doubt represent their interests and concerns to political leaders, who
will make decisions based on a variety of strategic and tactical
considerations. It seems unlikely that Mon and other ethnic leaders will
be able to satisfy all of their supporters, regardless of what positions
they adopt. Quite probably however, the military government will seek to
exploit divisions within the ethnic nationality and broader opposition
communities, in the run-up to the 2010 elections. Therefore, it is
important that, whatever positions are adopted by the NMSP and other
ceasefire groups, ethnic nationalist communities within Burma and beyond
support these organisations, in their ongoing struggle for
self-determination. Politics is 'the art of the possible', and in Burma
today the options are sadly limited.

Ashley South's new book, 'Ethnic Politics in Burma: States of Conflict',
was published by Routledge in June

____________________________________

August 4, Mizzima News
Looking toward the 2010 elections – Htet Win

Even though the operational strength of the political opposition has been
significantly impaired by the military government, they still – albeit on
condition that the junta does not cheat in the polling – have a chance to
win the forthcoming multiparty elections scheduled for 2010.

But the country is desperately in need of many more democratically-minded
politicians to move the country forward at a manageable pace. This fact is
compounded by the current detention of most leading nationalist, and
opposition, politicians.

However, opposition political parties can rest assured that they would
gain the majority of public support in the coming election, even if they
are opposed by figures hand-picked from organizations such as the
junta-inspired Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA).

"That [an opposition victory in the 2010 voting] would not be primarily
because the general public likes the opposition parties, but largely
because the public is so fed up with the military government and its
prescriptions such as the USDA, which is led by the likes of Industry (1)
Minister Aung Thaung and Information Minister Brigadier General Kyaw Hsan,
who are senior executives with USDA," said a political observer and a
leading businessman who maintains a close relationship with top-ranking
military personnel.

But why is the public so fed up with the current state? Reasons include
the government's suppression of opposition protests in late 2007 that saw
30 people killed – including some monks – and the government's negligence
to the widespread devastation inflicted by last May's Cyclone Nargis –
which resulted in 138,000 potential deaths and displaced an estimated 2
million others.

"Because of the late September 2007 movement, the political influence of
monks has become significant – whether of conscious design or not," the
observer explained.

Another major factor in the public's discontent is that the junta's power
thirst has led to the country's prolonged economic hardship, causing the
increased suffering of 50 million people over the course of the past three
decades.

In this scenario, what the public and the political opposition need is a
single, nationalist political party to replace the military government
forever.

To solidify the position of nationalist politicians, domestic opponents
and international pressure must be steadfastly unified in order to push
the military government to release political prisoners, including Aung San
Suu Kyi.  Prominent international actors in this endeavor must include
ASEAN, the UN and China. The military government has no choice but to move
if and when its giant neighbor – China – presses it to do so.

"In this regard, China's genuine attitude toward Myanmar's greater
openness is widely expected. Still, China seems to be satisfied with
Myanmar's present progress, which favors the first to exploit the country
for its own economic interests," analyzed a Rangoon-based lawyer.

Yet the lawyer further cautioned that while the military government itself
has not proven efficient in guiding the country in a positive direction,
they are too self-centered to give space for those who – regardless of
being outside or inside Burma – support the country's real progress.

Also, ASEAN, the UN, and China could encourage the junta to open a
dialogue with opposition groups. Dialogue is the best way. However,
because of the limited number of capable political representatives, there
would be an influx of political opportunists into Burma's already unstable
political environment – especially in the lead-up to the 2010 elections.

In this scenario, there could exist after the election a new government
with similar traits as to the present military regime. The new government,
though, would be hamstrung by the inclusion of young persons who are
chiefly concerned about financial clout and not necessarily politically
mature – and definitely most of whom are not nationalists but opportunists
probably coming from celebrity and business circles.

The less the number of nationalist politicians that contest the election,
the more those in favor of entrenching military rule win.

"The forthcoming election, the fifth step of Myanmar's political roadmap,
is expected to be accomplished," said a senior pro-government figure and
representative at the National Convention, which laid down the principles
to a new draft constitution ensuring the military's control over any
elected government.

"The military government seems to have already calculated that the
formation of an inefficient government would lead to yet another military
coup, although it would be rule-based this time," the National Convention
representative recently said, referring to a clause that the president
must transfer power to the Commander-in-Chief during a state of emergency.

If this situation is to be avoided, and the 2010 elections are to be a
step in the right direction, some fundamental changes must first come to
Burma.

Conditions, currently, to support a free and fair election are still not
inadequate. To overcome this obstacle, local media will have to be
empowered so as to permit them to inform the people of their choices and
to raise awareness about how important their polls are in the removal of
the military government and road to democracy.

There are now many people who keep themselves away from politics although
they may be interested in politics. It is correct to say that Burmese
people live in a land of fear, which the military has created. To overcome
this fear, they must have the capacity to listen to the radio, to read
newspapers – especially those of informed external media outlets – and to
actively partake in the coming political events of the country.

____________________________________
ANNOUNCEMENT

August 4, Project Maje
New resource report on bamboo rat crisis in Burma

Project Maje has produced a new resource report, "Rats and Kyats: Bamboo
Flowering Causes a Hunger Belt in Chin State, Burma."

The bamboo species Melocanna baccifera blossoms approximately every 48
years. This type of bamboo grows throughout a large area of Northeast
India (primarily in Mizoram and Manipur States) as well as regions of
Burma (mainly Chin State) and Bangladesh (Hill Tracts.) It densely covers
valleys and hillsides in the rugged terrain of the region. The blossoming
bamboo produces fruit, then dies off. During the fruiting stage of the
cycle, forest rats feed on the bamboo fruits/seeds. Once the population of
rats has stripped the forest of bamboo fruit/seeds, rat swarms invade
farms and villages to devour crops and stored rice. This phenomenon, known
as the Mautam, has historically resulted in mass starvation among
indigenous peoples of the region where Melocanna baccifera bamboo grows.
While the current Mautam bamboo/rat cycle as it affects Northeast India
has been covered by journalists, and food aid is being provided there and
in the Bangladesh Hill Tracts, the Mautam crisis across the borders in
Burma is less well known. In Burma's Chin State, local groups are
attempting to provide aid, but there is not yet a large scale organized
relief effort in the Mautam affected areas.

The Project Maje resource report, "Rats and Kyats" is intended for
journalists, aid workers and other researchers who may become interested
in the bamboo/rat cycle as it affects Burma. News stories and documents
are reproduced or linked in it, and there is also a links list of
background information on the bamboo/rat cycle as it affects Mizoram,
Manipur and Bangladesh.

Project Maje is an independent information project on Burma’s human rights
and environmental issues, founded in 1986.

"Rats and Kyats: Bamboo Flowering Causes a Hunger Belt in Chin State,
Burma" is available at:

http://www.projectmaje.org/mautam.htm