BurmaNet News, September 25, 2008

[Editor]

September 25, 2008 Issue # 3564

INSIDE BURMA
DVB: NLD ordered to withdraw statement
AP: Explosion rattles Rangoon amid tight security
Irrawaddy: Security clampdown follows Rangoon bombing
Irrawaddy: Su Su Nway’s sister banned from visiting
Narinjara News: Over 200 prisoners released in Sittwe, most army deserters

HEALTH / AIDS
AP: Burma to destroy 16 metric tons of Chinese milk
IRIN News: Mass clean-up brings confidence over water supplies

REGIONAL
Narinjara News: Monks stage demonstration demanding release of political
prisoners

INTERNATIONAL
Irrawaddy: UN chief welcomes release of Burmese prisoners

OPINION / OTHER
Independent (UK): 'I don't know how I kept my sanity' – Andrew Buncombe
Mizzima News: Sustained effort from all quarters needed in Burma – Htet Win
AP: Myanmar junta rules roost 1 year after crackdown – Grant Peck

STATEMENT
IBMO: Statement on the One-year Anniversary of the Saffron Revolution

INTERVIEW
Mizzima News: Conversation with 'Man of steel'



____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA


September 25, Democratic Voice of Burma
NLD ordered to withdraw statement - Htet Aung Kyaw

National League for Democracy leaders have been told by Burma’s police
chief to retract a statement they issued on 18 September calling on the
authorities to form a constitutional review committee.

NLD chair U Aung Shwe and members of the party’s central executive
committee were summoned to the interior ministry today by police chief
Khin Yi and told to withdraw their statement, according to party
spokesperson U Nyan Win.

"The reason for the summons was the latest special statement-18 regarding
the review committee,” Nyan Win said.

“[Khin Yi said] the contents of the letter amounted to inciting the public
and that we could be liable to prosecution and told us to withdraw it,” he
explained.

“We responded that we had reliable facts in the letter and that it was
issued in accordance with politics and we said we could never withdraw it
in any way."

The statement called on the authorities to convene parliament and to form
a constitution review committee with representatives of all relevant
parties which should revise the constitution within six months.

Unlike their previous declarations, the NLD’s most recent statement called
for the participation of army representatives, ceasefire groups,
constitutional experts, ethnic nationalities and representatives of the
NLD and other winning parties from the 1990 elections in the committee.

Nyan Win said it was not made clear what action the police chief would
take if the NLD continued to refuse to withdraw the statement.

The warning comes shortly after the release of prominent NLD leader U Win
Tin and as the party is making preparations for its 20th anniversary this
Saturday.

"The anniversary ceremony will start at 12 noon. The main thing is that
the chairman will deliver a speech at the ceremony and a statement issued
by the NLD will be read out,” Nyan Win said.

“As it is the anniversary, representatives from the outer regions are
attending. Nothing special has been planned for the 20th anniversary,” he
said.

“Important matters regarding the release of political prisoners such as U
Win Tin will be addressed."

U Win Tin and party chairman U Aung Shwe had a cordial meeting yesterday
evening to discuss the party’s future activities.

Many grassroots supporters and activists excited by the release of U Win
Tin are expected to attend the ceremony.

____________________________________

September 25, Associated Press
Explosion rattles Rangoon amid tight security

Witnesses say an explosion went off in Burma's main city amid tight
security to mark the one-year anniversary of the junta's crackdown on
pro-democracy protesters.

Witnesses say three people appeared to have been lightly wounded by
today's blast.

The explosion occurred around 10.30am local time (0400 GMT) at a bus stop
near Rangoon's City Hall, which was central to the protests led by
Buddhist monks a year ago.

Riot police have poured into the area and sealed it off with yellow tape.
Security has been tight in downtown Rangoon ahead of the anniversary.

At least 31 people were killed when troops fired on protesters on 26-27
September 2007, violently crushing the peaceful uprising against the
military government.

____________________________________

September 25, Irrawaddy – Saw Yan Naing
Security clampdown follows Rangoon bombing

More than 7,000 police were deployed throughout Rangoon on Thursday in a
security clampdown that followed a bomb blast near the former capital’s
City Hall.

A police source disclosed the extent of the clampdown to The Irrawaddy and
said there were plans to raid the homes of dissidents, particularly youth
members of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD).

Travelers at Rangoon bus stations who could not provide identification
documents in police checks were being arrested, said one source.

Another source told The Irrawaddy that a cordon of trucks carrying armed
police had been deployed around the blast site, near the City Hall in
Kyauktada Township. Ten trucks manned by riot police were patrolling
downtown Rangoon, he said.

At least eight people were injured in Thursday morning’s bomb explosion,
which occurred at a bus stop outside the Maha Bandoola Garden.

Security in the downtown area, already tight, was immediately stepped up,
particularly near the Shwedagon and Sule Pagodas, rallying points in last
September’s mass anti-government demonstrations.

Workers in government offices were told to return home early and several
shops were ordered to close as rumors spread of another planned bombing.
The government-run passport office also closed early.

The rumors were accompanied by speculation that the bombing could have
been orchestrated by the regime to justify a security clampdown in
anticipation of an anti-government demonstration on Friday, the
anniversary of the violent crackdown on last year’s mass protest.

___________________________________

September 25, Irrawaddy
Su Su Nway’s sister banned from visiting

The sister of jailed Burmese human rights activist, Su Su Nway, said she
has not been allowed to see her sister for two months by prison
authorities.

Htay Htay Kyi told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that she has been prevented
from visiting her elder sister, who was jailed for protesting against the
government during last year’s monk-led uprising, because police had seen
her going to the offices of the International Labor Organization (ILO) in
Rangoon.

“I tried to see my sister in Insein prison two months ago. The authorities
told me I couldn’t see her, because I had visited the ILO office,” said
Htay Htay Kyi.

She said that Su Su Nway had told her to report to the ILO about her
deteriorating health.

According to her sister, Su Su Nway has hypertension and heart disease.
She has refused to eat prison food and her sister has been trying to take
food to her every week.

Steve Marshall, a liaison officer with the ILO in Rangoon, refused to make
any comment about the claim.

He did, however, say that the ILO was actively seeking Su Su Nway’s
release and had recently consulted officials from the Burmese military
government about Su Su Nway and other political prisoners.

In 2006, Su Su Nway won the John Humphrey Freedom award for promoting
human rights.

She was arrested together with two colleagues after they pasted
anti-government posters on a billboard in downtown Rangoon last year.

Su Su Nway is among other 2,000 political prisoners who are still being
detained by the Burmese authorities.

___________________________________

September 25, Narinjara News
Over 200 prisoners released in Sittwe, most army deserters

Over 200 prisoners so far have been released from Sittwe prison in the
last two days, but many are army and police deserters, said a source close
to the prison.
The source said, "On the first day of prisoner amnesty, 180 prisoners were
released from Sittwe prison, and among them two-thirds are army and police
deserters."

In Sittwe prison, there are many army and police deserters who were caught
and punished by the army authority with imprisonment.

According to a prison source, the authority decided to release at least
400 prisoners from Sittwe prison, but there are no political prisoners
among those to be freed.

A politician from Sittwe said, "We have not heard that there are prominent
political prisoners in Sittwe, but some monks and democratic activists are
there and they were sentenced by the authority in last year's Saffron
Revolution."

A local source said that in Arakan State, it is typical for the authority
to detain political prisoners in Buthidaung prison, 80 miles north of
Sittwe, and many democratic activists are being detained there.

During the last couple of weeks, the authority moved seven young
democratic activists to Buthidaung prison from Thandwe prison. All of them
are from Taungup and were involved with anti-government protests there
recently.

No information is available on how many political prisoners may be
released from Buthidaung prison.

____________________________________
HEALTH / AIDS

September 25, Associated Press
Burma to destroy 16 metric tons of Chinese milk

Burma's authorities said it would destroy 17 1/2 tons (16 metric tons) of
powdered milk made by one of 22 Chinese dairy companies found to have
produced chemically tainted products, a newspaper said Thursday.

The privately run Bi-Weekly Eleven journal said the milk powder made by
China's Yili Industrial Group Co. had not yet been distributed in Burma.

An official at Burma's Food and Drug Administration said the milk powder
was worth about US $50,000 and would be destroyed on September 30,
according to the Burmese-language paper. The report did not identify the
official by name and did not explain how the administration planned to
destroy the powder.

Cheap Chinese dairy goods are widely sold in impoverished Burma, but state
media have issued no official warnings on the tainted milk crisis in China
that has killed at least four babies and sickened tens of thousands.

There have been no reported cases of sickness from toxic Chinese dairy
products in Burma.

Investigations are under way into other Chinese dairy brands available in
the military-ruled country, the paper said, quoting the FDA official. The
report did not elaborate on what other measures would be taken.

The latest food safety scandal began when baby milk formula produced by
Sanlu Group Co was found to be tainted with the toxic industrial chemical
melamine. The crisis his since expanded to include products from 22
Chinese dairy companies, and several countries have banned food imports
containing Chinese dairy produce.

In 2006-2007, military-ruled Burma imported more than US $995 million of
goods from China, its largest trading partner, according to government
statistics.

____________________________________

September 25, IRIN News
Mass clean-up brings confidence over water supplies

One of the chief concerns among aid workers in the wake of Cyclone Nargis
was polluted ponds, the only source of drinking water for many villagers.

However, Lwin Maung, in Thonegwa, in Yangon Division, told IRIN he was
confident that despite the approaching end to this year's rainy season,
residents had already cleaned and refilled enough ponds to provide the
household needs for the village's 700-plus inhabitants for the next six
months.

Many ponds became contaminated in May when Cyclone Nargis struck. A 3m
high tidal surge inundated much of the low-lying area with sea-water and
debris, prompting strong warnings from health officials.

'Unless traditional potable water ponds are cleaned and refilled in time,
people will have no option to get clean water during the dry season as the
water ponds are their traditional potable water source,' one official from
the World Health Organization (WHO) told IRIN at the time, citing concerns
over water-borne diseases, including diarrhoea and dysentery.

According to estimates, 1,500 ponds - 13 percent of ponds in Yangon
division and 43 percent of ponds in the badly affected Ayeyarwady Delta -
were contaminated.

In July, the UN reported that 74 percent of people in the affected areas
had inadequate access to clean water, with rainwater collection seen as
critical in reducing the risk of disease outbreaks.

Government records show there were at least 4,550 water ponds in the
affected areas (1,578 ponds in Yangon; 2,972 ponds in Ayeyarwady). Yet
even before Nargis, securing clean drinking water had been a challenge.

Few people have access to piped water, with most residents reliant on
rainwater harvesting tanks, communal rainwater ponds, open wells, tube
wells and rivers.

And though access to water did not present a serious problem during this
year's rainy season (from mid-May until end-October), some parts of the
storm-ravaged region still faced shortages.

In a bid to address that, the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), with its
partners, has been working to clean up contaminated ponds, as well as
provide water-storage containers.

According to its report released this month, UNICEF provided 30,000
plastic water-storage containers (90l), more than 40,000 jerry cans
(10-20l) and 130,000 plastic buckets (14l).

It also provided water purification chemicals to approximately 200,000
people, along with more than 22,000 bottles of waterguard, a water
purification agent, and 4.5 million chlorine tablets.

Successful intervention

According to UNICEF, to date some 1,500 contaminated ponds have been
cleaned up, as well as another 300 as part of a preventative measure.

Based on that, Waldemar Pickardt, chief of water and environmental
sanitation at UNICEF/Myanmar, told IRIN the agency now had enough time to
prepare to provide people with adequate water should the ponds run out
during the dry season.

The agency had installed eight water treatment plants in Bogale, Pyapon,
Labutta, Mawgyun and Dala in the cyclone-affected area, each capable of
producing between 4,000 and 15,000 litres of safe water per hour.

Moreover, UNICEF was able to relocate those water treatment plants to
other areas at risk of a water shortage during the dry season.

'We will relocate water treatment plants by the river or stream where
fresh water is available,' said Pickardt. 'These machines will treat the
fresh water for the needy cyclone-hit families.'

As for the ponds that still need refilling, weather indicators suggest
lower than normal precipitation this year.

Labutta, which was badly affected by the cyclone, received about 43cm of
rain in July, against 80cm in the same month of 2007, according to
government figures.

The August figure was 46.2cm compared with 64.3cm of rainfall in the same
month last year.

___________________________________
REGIONAL

September 25, Narinjara News
Monks stage demonstration in Dhaka demanding release of political prisoners

The International Burmese Monks' Organization (Bangladesh) staged a
demonstration on Wednesday in front of the Burmese embassy in Dhaka
demanding the release of monk leader U Gambira and other political
prisoners.

U Thila Wantha, and organizer of the group, said, "We staged the
demonstration in front of the Burmese embassy here to honor the first
anniversary of last year's Saffron Revolution, but we strongly demanded
the military government release our leader Gambira and other political
prisoners."

U Gambira, who led last year's Saffron Revolution in Burma, is being
detained by authorities at Insein prison in Rangoon and is facing ten
separate charges in court.

"We let the Burmese military government know through our demonstration
about our desire for the detained monks, and also that their arrest was
illegal and not just. So we want to see the release of monks in Burma
immediately," U Thila said.

Many Bangladeshi police forces deployed near the Burmese embassy before
the demonstration and attempted to block the road towards the Burmese
embassy, but the monks marched peacefully towards the embassy while
shouting anti-government slogans.

Bangladesh police later allowed the monks and demonstrators to continue
their demonstration 10 yards from the embassy entrance; the demonstration
lasted for an hour at that spot.

During the demonstration, three monks staged a performance as Burmese
prisoners, wearing prisoner clothes along with iron chains, and many staff
from other nearby embassies came outside to watch the monks.

U Khama, secretary of the monk organization said, "Our program was
successful because we got many people attracted to our movement and we let
them know about Burma and what is happening there under the present
military rule."

Before the demonstration was completed, one democratic activist went to
the entrance gate of the embassy to lay a wreath with photos of people who
lost their lives during last September's protests, in order to honor their
sacrifice.

Many local journalists in Dhaka came to the Burmese embassy to report on
the demonstration.

Afterward, the demonstrators led by monks marched to the front of the
Bangladesh high court and staged a demonstration there in order to attract
the attention of the Bangladeshi people to the Burmese democracy movement.

There were over 40 monks that participated in the demonstration, including
Bangladeshi Buddhist monks from Chittagong, and 40 democratic activists.
The demonstration started at 11 am and ended at 2 pm.

___________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

September 25, Irrawaddy
UN Chief welcomes release of Burmese prisoners – Lalit K Jha

The UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on Wednesday welcomed the release of
seven political prisoners in Burma and reiterated the UN’s demand that all
political prisoners be released.

"The release of political prisoners, including several of the individuals
released today, was one focus of discussion between the
secretary-general's special adviser, Mr. Ibrahim Gambari, and the Myanmar
[Burmese] government during his latest visit to Myanmar," said a UN
statement.

"The secretary-general reiterates that all political prisoners should be
released and that all citizens of Myanmar should be able to enjoy
political freedoms, as necessary steps towards the process of national
reconciliation and dialogue. He looks forward to any further action by the
Myanmar government in this regard," the statement said.

The release of the seven political prisoners was part of a larger amnesty
procedure that included Burma's longest-serving political prisoner, Win
Tin, and six other senior members of the National League for Democracy,
the statement said.

The UN statement was the focus of criticism by some pro-democracy
supporters of Burma who noted the office of the secretary-general
routinely welcomes the release of political prisoners, but rarely makes a
statement when the Burmese military government arrests political
prisoners.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

September 25, Independent (UK):
Burmese democracy activist: ‘I don't know how I kept my sanity' - Andrew
Buncombe

He spoke against a noisy background of friends celebrating his release,
but the Burmese journalist Win Tin – freed after spending more than 19
years in one of the world's most notorious jails – said he was thinking of
those he left behind. "I am free, but I would like to say that I feel very
sorry for my colleagues who have died in the prison," he said on a
crackling phone line from Rangoon.

"Many, many of my friends are dead. I saw them die. And there are many
people left inside. The leaders of [the pro-democracy movement] are all
still there," he said. Win Tin, 79, was among more than 9,000 prisoners
who Burma's military government on Monday announced were in line to be set
free as part of an amnesty. Campaigners say more than 2,000 other
political prisoners remain behind bars.

Win Tin, who is also known for his poetry, was frail but in remarkably
good spirits after spending 19 years and three months in solitary
confinement. After walking out of Rangoon's Insein jail on Monday, he
vowed to continue his struggle against the regime that jailed him.

His arrest in 1989 was almostcertainly due to his seniority in the
National League for Democracy (NLD) and his close relationship with its
leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains under house arrest.

For a long time he was kept in a cell originally designed as a kennel and
was refused bedding. "The first three or so years were horrid, like hell,"
he said. "I was tortured, I was interrogated and asked about my activities
... On one occasion they questioned me for five days and five nights
non-stop. I was not allowed to sleep or eat, just to have a small cup of
water."

On other occasions during Rangoon's damp, misty winters he was handcuffed
to a seat in the prison yard and left there overnight. "I was there from
7pm to 3am and then I would be interrogated early in the morning ...
Sometimes I was hooded and I could not see who was interrogating me. Then
they would beat me. I complained to theofficers but they denied it and
said I must have been hallucinating, yet I said I had been hit on the
ears. Not just once but many times."

The release of Win Tin and seven other political prisoners comes exactly a
year after last September's protests, which became the largest uprising
against the country's military rulersfor 20 years when up to 100,000
Buddhist monks and ordinary members of the public took to the streets.

The regime said it was releasing the prisoners so that they could take
part in an election, scheduled to be held in 2010.

Campaigners have welcomed the release of Win Tin and the other political
prisoners, but have called for the remaining detainees to be freed. Among
those still in jail are the leaders of the 88 Students Generation group,
whose protests early last summer preceded the September uprising.

Benjamin Zawacki of Amnesty International, said: "While the release of Win
Tin and his fellow prisoners is certainly the best news to come out of
Burma for a long time, unfortunately they don't even represent 1 per cent
of the political prisoners there."

Win Tin, whose original sentence was increased in 1996 after he wrote
aletter to the UN revealing the conditions inside the prison, used to pen
poems and stories for other prisoners. He said he spent all his time in
solitary confinement. Younger inmates would sneak to his cell door to talk
to him and the 15-minute visit he was allowed every fortnight was his only
way of keeping up with news of what was happening outside the prison
walls. He kept mentally strong by focusing on work to be done for his
country's future, he said. "I don't know how I kept my sanity, but I knew
I had to work."

Remarkably, he said he bears no personal grudge against the junta or its
leader, General Than Shwe. But he added: "If we stay passive there is
absolutely no hope for the future. This is why we are going to continue to
struggle."

____________________________________

September 25, Mizzima News
Sustained effort from all quarters needed in Burma – Htet Win

If the Burmese people are to realize more auspicious times in the
relatively near future, it will result from the sustained and directed
efforts of various parties to the conflict, including Burma's political
opposition, the United Nations and China.

There have recently been several domestic initiatives aimed at getting the
country back onto the path of democratization, including from the National
League for Democracy - led by Aung San Suu Kyi and which won a sweeping
electoral victory in 1990 – calling for a review of the military
government's constitution.

Further, the military government announced earlier this week the release
of more than 9,000 prisoners, including veteran journalist and senior NLD
member U Win Tin. This could be a good sign, leading to national
reconciliation through a dialogue between the opposition and the ruling
elites. Yet, the danger is that the release of certain political prisoners
could be a public relations ploy on the part of the junta, a tactic
undertaken on previous occasions to ease international pressure.

It is noteworthy that U Win Tin strongly and immediately responded to his
release by making the comment, "I will keep fighting until the emergence
of democracy in this country." From such words it is obvious that Aung San
Suu Kyi does not stand alone in the he continued fight for freedom and
democracy inside Burma.

To put forth a picture of improvement on the domestic front, the military
government is strongly expected to release more political prisoners, in
turn expecting to reap the benefits of engagement rather than more
sanctions from the international community. Just late last week, the
United Nations Special Envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, called for more
international pressure on Burma, expressing his acute disappointment over
the heretofore frustrating response of the junta.

But at this juncture, the UN is in desperate need of taking a stronger
role on the Burma front, a move which all opposition sides are demanding.
This became apparent with Aung San Suu Kyi electing not to meet with
Gambari during his most recent trip to Burma.

However, the United Nations envoy expects to meet all the primary players
on his next trip, saying, "When I visit Myanmar the next time, I hope I
will be able to see her, because she is an indispensable part of our
mediation effort."

By this strategy, the United Nations is gambling on an approach of
sustained engagement with Burma's democratizations process, hoping that
the international body's presence can insure a 2010 electoral process that
is credible, free and fair. For example, it will hopefully be a good sign
for the Burmese people if international monitoring teams are sent to
oversee the voting.

Neighboring countries, meanwhile, are engaging Burma's military regime out
of economic interests, and this approach could also prove a catalyst to
improve Burma in terms of politics as well.

An economic platform would build trust between the isolated regime and
international community, as long as regional neighbors pay due attention
to the hardship the Burmese populace faces and to the efforts of world
bodies and actors, including the United Nations, who are calling for the
establishment of a meaningful dialogue to resolve the country's political
ills.

It is largely accepted that China must try again to come up with a
solution for Burma's national reconciliation conundrum. In recent decades
China has become not just economically strong but politically confident in
world affairs. This is a key point, as it shows that China has the
capacity to counter United States attempts to influence Burmese affairs.

Plus, what can we expect from the United States, even after its November
Presidential election? The United States' interest in Burma remains
insignificant, and it is in the midst of its own economic problems as well
as facing foreign policy challenges from countries such as Iran and North
Korea.

Recognizing this international atmosphere, an observer recently commented,
"Myanmar's Asian neighbors should take their strengthened engagement with
the military regime as an opportunity to open the door to real progress
through an improved political environment that all Burmese people accept."

The Rangoon-based observer, on condition of anonymity, added that
political opponents are also lobbying influential Asian neighbors to be
more active in Burmese affairs, as the center of global economic weight is
shifting to the region, bolstered by players like China, Japan and India.

"The military's continued blame on United States-led sanctions against the
country is nothing but an unfounded excuse, it is because of the
military's isolationism that we are going to crack," he concluded.
However, the hope is that the ruling junta can be steered away from its
isolationist path, and onto a road more inclusive of the interests of all
Burmese citizens, through the sustained and combined efforts of those
inside Burma in conjunction with both international and regional actors.

____________________________________

September 25, Associated Press
Myanmar junta rules roost 1 year after crackdown – Grant Peck

As the crowd marching through the streets of Myanmar's biggest city
swelled to 100,000, the question wasn't what did they want, but when would
the government crack down.

The answer came days later, on Sept. 26, 2007, when truckloads of heavily
armed soldiers and riot police flooded Yangon's streets, hurling tear gas,
beating and shooting at Buddhist monks and other pro-democracy protesters.
In three days of mayhem, at least 31 people were killed, according to a
U.N. estimate.

A year later, Myanmar's "Saffron Revolution" — named after the color of
the robes worn by the militant young monks spearheading the protests — is
a bitter memory.

"I have lost hope in the future of the country. A regime that can kill
monks will not give up its power easily. There could only be more
bloodshed if people go out on the streets again," Maung Maung, a
52-year-old electrician, said in Yangon this week.

An explosion injured seven people near Yangon's City Hall on Thursday,
indicating some remnants of the violence may remain. Riot police poured
into the area where the explosion occurred and sealed it off with yellow
tape, adding to the already tight security in place around the city since
late August.

After putting down the biggest and most sustained demonstrations since
1988 — when a popular uprising failed in an attempt to end 26 years of
army-backed rule — the military now looks set to proceed virtually
unchallenged with its so-called road map to democracy.

Having pushed through a new constitution that enshrines the military's
leading role in politics — engineering a 92 percent "yes" vote in a
national referendum in May — the junta, formally known as the State Peace
and Development Council, or SPDC, is preparing to hold a general election
in 2010 totally on its own terms.

Provisions of the new constitution would also bar opposition leader Aung
San Suu Kyi from holding any kind of political office in Myanmar, also
known as Burma.

"It is hard to envisage the planned elections being disrupted in any
significant way at all. People will largely vote as instructed, just as
they agreed to hand in pre-marked voting cards to endorse the new
constitution," said Monique Skidmore, a University of Canberra professor
and an expert on Myanmar.

"Fear is an incredibly powerful weapon in Burma and the population knows
well when the SPDC will brook no resistance."

The number of political prisoners in Myanmar has roughly doubled, to about
2,000 from 1,000 a year ago, according to the United Nations and Amnesty
International. The prisoners include most of the country's smartest and
most dedicated activists.

Nobel Peace Prize laureate Suu Kyi, detained for 13 of the past 19 years,
remains a lonely and isolated figure under house arrest, forced to
threaten a hunger strike to get such concessions as being allowed to
receive mail from her sons in England.

Her National League for Democracy party, meanwhile, ponders the
unappealing choice of taking part in the 2010 election under what are
certain to be onerous conditions, or boycotting the polls, leaving them
even further out in the cold. The party won a 1990 election, but the
military refused to let Parliament convene.

The regime has not been able to snuff out all defiance.

Win Tin, a 78-year-old stalwart of Suu Kyi's party, was unbending in his
conviction after being released this week following 19 years imprisonment.

"I will have to continue the unfinished task, which is to achieve
democracy in the country," he told reporters.

Those who remain behind bars are said to be equally resolute.

U Gambira, one of the most prominent activist monks arrested last year,
insists he be tried under Buddhist clerical law rather than by the
military authorities, according to his lawyer, Aung Thein.

Activists of the Generation 88 Students group, who organized most of the
major nonviolent protests of recent years, are demanding they be tried in
open court, without handcuffs and with the media present.

Last year's protests began on Aug. 19, 2007, after the government sharply
raised fuel prices in what is one of Asia's poorest countries. Economic
troubles underpinned the protests.

A sharp increase in poverty levels combined with a health and education
system in ruins — along with the lack of any kind of welfare system —
meant that spikes in commodity or fuel prices put an unbearable strain on
people, said Skidmore.

"These issues combined to create a peaceful uprising of people not
normally involved in pro-democracy causes," she said.

But the protests over economic conditions were faltering until the monks
took the leadership and assumed a role they played in previous battles
against British colonialism and military dictators.

"By 2007, a new generation of monks had come of age since the nationwide
failed democracy uprising in 1988," said Skidmore. "Young, frustrated and
seeing the suffering of the people on a daily basis, they were unafraid to
mobilize."

At first the monks simply chanted and prayed. But as the public joined
their marches, the demonstrators demanded a dialogue between the
government and opposition parties and freedom for political prisoners, as
well as adequate food, shelter and clothing.

When the government hesitated to confront them — aware of the taboo on
attacking the revered representatives of the country's Buddhist religion —
people were emboldened to come out.

The tipping point came on Sept. 24, 2007, when a stunning line of some
100,000 marchers stretching as far as the eye could see, wound its way
across town, cheered on by onlookers.

A day later, a curfew was declared. Then, on Sept. 26, 2007, the guns came
out.

In the following weeks, thousands of people were detained. The government
continues to methodically track down and arrest dissidents. Nilar Thein, a
prominent member of the 88 Generation Students group, was arrested earlier
this month, as was a well-known activist monk, Ko Nge — also known as Shin
Sandimar.

Leaving little to chance as the anniversary approached, the junta has
tightened security in Yangon since late August.

As many as nine truckloads of riot police holding assault rifles and tear
gas and carrying shields and batons cruise the streets daily, while others
are stationed inside the compounds where a number of monasteries are
located.

To many, the lengths to which the ruling junta would go to quash the
protests were revealed when monasteries were raided in the early morning
hours of Sept. 27, 2007.

"I still hear the sound of soldiers swearing and monks groaning in pain
when soldiers raided the monastery and beat the monks," said Soe Myint, a
resident who lives near the Ngwe Kyar Yan monastery in a northern Yangon
suburb. "There is little chance for a peaceful protest to take place again
this year."

____________________________________
STATEMENT

September 25, International Burmese Monks Organization
Statement on the One-year Anniversary of the Saffron Revolution

On the one-year anniversary of Burma’s Saffron Revolution, the
International Burmese Monks Organization gives voice to the monks and nuns
inside Burma who have been silenced by a cruel military dictatorship. We
vow to keep the struggle for freedom and human rights alive in Burma.

We call for the United Nations and the international community to support
the Burmese people in the following ways:
1.	back a comprehensive global arms embargo against the Burmese regime;
2.	insist on the release of all political prisoners;
3.	pressure the regime to allow freedom of all religion in Burma and to
halt the harassment of monasteries and monastics in Burma.
4.	insist that the regime allow the ICRC full access to the prisons and
labor camps.

One year ago today, the world watched as Burma’s military regime brutally
cracked down on one of the most powerful, peaceful demonstrations of
non-violence in recent times, led by Buddhist monks and nuns and numbering
near 500,000 people.

As we mark the one-year anniversary on September 26, 2008, the IBMO
remains focused on our intent to free the Burmese people from the tyranny
of a 46-year military regime.

The Saffron Revolution was and is essentially not a struggle for political
power. It is a revolution of spirit that aims at changing Burma from the
inside out. With loving-kindness, we intend to change the hearts and minds
of Burma’s generals, returning them to their inborn Buddha nature.

The religious policy of the Saffron Revolution is peace. Throughout
Burma’s history, when the country was in crisis, or when the people faced
emergencies, religious leaders of all faiths have played key roles
maintaining peace and stability in our society. The Saffron Revolution
demonstrated this. In the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, monasteries again
provided sanctuary, shelter, and hope for countless Burmese.

•	We remember the courage of over 100,000 monks and nuns who walked and
marched in peace in 24 cities throughout Burma, chanting and praying for
democracy and justice for the people.

•	We remember the valor of tens of thousands of ordinary Burmese who
walked with them, encircling and protecting the monastics.

•	We remember the fearless symbol of overturned alms bowls and the monks’
significant refusal to accept alms from the military regime. We celebrate
the brave monks, like those from Pakokkhu, who still refuse alms from
government authorities.

•	We remember the violent crackdown that left scores dead, monasteries
raided and emptied, a Japanese photographer dead, and thousands arrested.

•	We speak for the monks who were beaten, killed, or arrested, and the
nuns who have been arrested and sexually abused.

•	We give our voice to Ngwe Kyar Yan monastery, brutally raided by the
Army last September, when two monks were killed, and many more beaten and
injured.

•	We remember the thousands of monks who are still missing, some 212 now
imprisoned or in forced labor camps, and others who were forced to disrobe
and give up their vows for their own and their families’ safety.  We know
that one year ago there were over 30,000 monks in Rangoon and now only
approximately 6,000.

•	We are deeply concerned about the fate of our fellow monks, including U
Gambira, and all political prisoners who languish in Burmese jails without
proper nutrition and medical care, and with no access to a fair legal
process. And for U Gambira’s relatives who have recently been arrested by
the junta.

•	We are deeply concerned that Buddhism itself is at stake in Burma, and
monastic life is under threat. Today monks continue to be arrested,
harassed, are under surveillance and unable to exercise freedom to carry
out their monastic vows to alleviate suffering.

•	We give voice to U Thila Wuntha, the abbot of Marlayon Monastery, who
was arrested on September 5 along with 19 of his monks after his monastery
was searched and raided.

•	We respect and have concern for the well-being of Daw Aung Saw Suu Kyi,
who has spent 12 of the last 20 years under house arrest. We salute her
selfless dedication and determination to seek a democratic Burma.

•	We remember Maggin Monastery, Sasana Sippan Monastery, and others, which
have been permanently closed in the past year. And we remember the former
abbot of Maggin Monastery, who is prevented from collecting alms.

•	We know that the university monasteries currently house only 30% of the
number of monks who resided there before the Saffron Revolution.

•	We grieve over a military regime that has no external enemy, yet
maintains an army of over 400,000 soldiers, one of the largest in
Southeast Asia, and that only uses arms against its own people.

•	We remember that currently there is a curfew in Rangoon for monks
between the hours of 8pm and 6am, and that the regime is conducting
midnight checks at monasteries. The monasteries are increasingly being
surrounded by Army posts.

•	We are deeply concerned for the people of Burma, who live under a
stifling regime where they cannot ask, even peacefully, for respect and
common human decency without fear of beatings, torture, imprisonment and
even death.

•	We remember that monastics and monasteries are essential to the fabric
of life in Burma, and are not only at the heart of religious functions,
but also serve as centers of education and culture, caring for HIV/AIDS
patients and orphans.

•	We stand in solidarity with our Burmese brothers and sisters of all
faiths who share our aspirations for justice.

International Burmese Monks Organization (IBMO) (718) 426-3959
Email: ibmohq at gmail.com www.burmesemonks.org

____________________________________
INTERVIEW

September 25, Mizzima News
Conversation with 'Man of steel'

Mizzima reporter Phanida interviewed the man who stepped out of prison in
prison uniform, who refused to sign the bond pledging not to be involved
in politics, who refused to be released on grounds of age and poor health,
who wanted to be released only on the ground he deserved to be released, a
person who was imprisoned for over 19 years, on his opinion on the media,
politics and his personal feelings.

Q: How are you?

A: I'm fine and feeling well. But I feel my health has deteriorated due to
old age. Sometimes I feel pain in my surgical wound. The prison doctor
said that I need eye surgery. But I refused eye treatment because they
wanted to release me for treatment outside on their
frail-aged-blind-disabled prisoners' scheme. But I must undergo this
surgery now.

Q: How do you view your release?

A: I deserve to be released as I had to overstay in prison over and above
my prison term. In fact, I can sue them, because I was sentenced to 20
years' in prison, according to the prison regulation and manual, I should
have been released 4-5 years ago after serving 16 years. So, yesterday I
didn't accept the manner of their releasing me, and stepped out of prison
in prison clothes in protest.

I could not accept releasing me under section 401 of the Criminal
Procedure Code (CrPC) (parole) after putting me in prison longer than I
should have stayed. I could not accept it. Because prisoners can enjoy
three months remission from every one year of prison term under the jail
manual. Thus I ought to have been released after serving 16 years on my
20-year prison term. But I had to stay 19 years and 3 months. I was
released in overdue time after serving my full prison term. But they
wanted to release me under their scheme. I argued with them on this point
the whole of yesterday.

They don't need to give me parole and remission since I have served the
full term and more. I want to be released as a political prisoner. Our
demands are releasing all political prisoners, convening parliament, and
engaging in dialogue. So I told them I want to be released as a political
prisoner in accordance with one of our demands. I told them I would not
step out of prison if you release me on parole, I will step out of prison
in prison clothes without taking any of my belongings in protest if you
don't agree with my term. And then I wore the prison uniform from 6 am to
4 pm without having a bath and a meal. But I washed these clothes this
morning and will wear it frequently.

Q: How do you view the media now?

A: The media's work needs dedication, concentration and it is a time
consuming work suitable only for young people. I mean I worked in the
media when I was just 19, worked daily for over 15 hours. Sometimes I
worked from 7 a.m. to midnight. Now I find myself still eager to work in
this profession when you asked me this question as I started this work
when I was so young. But I think I cannot do this work anymore because of
my old age. I'll write articles occasionally. Our era is over and I
encourage you and your generation to continue this work.

Q: What did you hear about the situation outside when you were in prison?

A: I was kept in solitary confinement all the time in prison for 13 years
and 3 months. I had only occasional secret conversations with my fellow
inmates for just about 1-2 minutes each time. But I was not afraid and
didn't care. I asked about the political situation outside when someone
came to meet me during prison interviews. I knew about it to the extent
these persons could talk about at prison interviews. Later I could learn
more about the political situation when I could read some state-run
newspapers and journals since a year ago. I heard about the referendum
through these periodicals. The people of your age could not have
experienced the referendum before. We had had such experience two times.
In 1974, they held a referendum. They did as they wished to as usual, it's
not strange. Because we could not hope being able to express our free will
at the referendums held under the aegis of the military regime. We must do
what they order us to do. We cannot accept this referendum in both form
and content. Because we cannot accept the principle of military supremacy
and military machinery in this constitution as they said, 'the military
shall take the leading role in Burmese politics'. So we cannot accept this
constitution.

Q: Please tell me about some of your significant experience in prison?

A: There was no so such significant experience. As I said before, I was
kept in solitary confinement for nearly 20 years. I was allowed to stay
outside my cell for about 2-3 hours a day only after Cyclone Nargis hit
Burma. My daily routine was boring, having meals, napping in the daytime
and sleeping at night. There's no significant life inside prison. But I
could read books and articles. That's all.

Q: How do you feel the change outside?

A: Yes, I see significant change, I feel totally changed. I don't know
something and I can't keep up with something. For instance, I've never
seen the telephone on which I am talking with you. There were no mobile
phones when I was arrested. Let alone, overseas calls, even for a local
call in Rangoon, we had to talk loudly on the phone. All the technology,
stuff, buildings have changed greatly. And also, the lifestyle, clothes,
poverty and riches of the people have changed dramatically.

But one thing remains unchanged; it is the military regime, the machinery
of military dictatorship. The people have to do as they order, manipulate,
dictate and restrict. I felt the whole of Burma seems to be a big prison
before. And then I myself was put in prison. Even after 20 years, our
country is still plagued by this machinery of military dictatorship.
There's no change before and after 1988. In brief, there's no change in
this regard.

Q: What will be your future plan and political aim?

A: I don't' have much to say about my political aims. As you know, I am a
journalist and I worked only as a journalist. I worked in NLD for just 9
months. So I am a novice in politics. After spending 19 years in prison, I
don't understand much about it too. But I would like to say only one
thing. Throughout the time, when I was in prison and outside the prison,
the democracy we had is not genuine democracy, just the democracy in
uniform, democracy given by the military. We don't want this sort of
democracy, democracy with an ogre's face. We want democracy with a human
face. I must engage in politics anyway. I must do as much as I can to
achieve restoration and promotion of democracy to some extent.

Q: How do you feel after being released?

A: I don't feel much. In brief and in summary, many died in prison, NLD
members, U Thawka, U Tin Maung Win and student Maung Maung Lay. After
that, U Kyaw Min and Com. U Tin Shwe died of poor health due to their
prison life soon after being released. Similarly many from other
organizations died too, for instance, U Khin Maung Myint. All of their
lives were shattered and ruined. They suffered a lot. They did much for
this cause. They are still suffering for it, for instance, Min Ko Naing
and Zarganar. Now they are in prison again. I could not meet them. Many
died and many suffered a lot. And some are still struggling for our cause.
I don't see them being left in the prison. I'm feeling as if I am still in
prison with them who are not yet released though I am outside the prison
now.

Q: Don't you want to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?

A: I think you must talk of releasing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. She hasn't yet
been released and I cannot meet her yet. I must meet her. On meeting her,
there will be two parts, first politics and another personal. I must pay
homage to such a person who is so smart and brilliant, and who sacrificed
so much. I must see her in these two ways.

Q: How do you view press freedom at home and abroad? What are the
differences with other countries?

A: It's been over 40 years without freedom. We can see many articles in
journals but they are just black on white paper. As for the writers,
there's no freedom.

There are many differences in terns of press freedom with other countries.
Even in Cambodia, there are many English papers. In Burma, we have only
one state-run English paper. The journalists can write freely in Africa,
South America and Europe. Our country is at the lowest level in this
regard. I don't have sympathy and am not showing respect to those who are
running these papers. But their writings are funny. They have to do as
dictated. Even the editor cannot write grammatically correct Burmese. I
was in this trade too and had to do as dictated like them. But when they
told me to put something on the front page, I put it on the back page. In
short, first their form is quite wrong, and secondly the content is funny
and ridiculous. The third is lack of effort and struggle.

Q: What would you like to say to media persons and pro-democracy activists?

A: I have no authority anymore to talk about the media. At my age, I
cannot do what the young can do. And I cannot see as the young see. So I
don't want to say anything good or bad in this regard. But I'd like to say
one thing which is the media is an essential part of a country. Frankly,
the media is the lifeline in Burmese history. The journals and magazines
are very important for the country. The journalists are highly responsible
in terns of media ethics, spirit and technicality. So I'd like to say keep
struggling and do as much as you can.

As for those who are struggling for democracy, I'd like to say I'm just a
novice in the political field. I was in politics for just 9 months so I'm
inexperienced in comparison with other people. I'd like to say one thing
which is the machinery of military dictatorship is still running over us
like a steamroller. Thus all the politicians need to unite and cooperate.
They must do the same work objectively with like minded people through
coordination. They must work separately the work on which they have
differences. I request all of them to work together hand in hand in unity
with the aim of achieving democracy.