BurmaNet News, February 21-23, 2009

[Editor]

February 21-23, 2009, Issue #3657


INSIDE BURMA
Financial Times (UK): Burma frees 6,300 from jail but keeps most political
prisoners
Mizzima News: Quintana's trip results in amnesty for prisoners in Burma:
Official Media
Irrawaddy: Relatives of unreleased prisoners go home disappointed

ON THE BORDER
Irrawaddy: Burmese media gather in Chiang Mai
Xinhua: Myanmar forest fire crosses SW China border

ASEAN
The Nation (Thailand): ASEAN secretary general urges patience in human
rights development
The Age (Australia): Malaysia to put Burma under spotlight

INTERNATIONAL
DPA: Ban urges release of all political prisoners in Myanmar
AP: Pressure mounting for UN chief to visit Myanmar
AFP: US demands Myanmar free all political prisoners

OPINION / OTHER
Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting: Ethnic Kachins defy Myanmar's junta –
Tim Patterson
The Nation (Thailand): Burma nears high noon and still the UN falters –
Editorial
Irrawaddy: Time for NLD to step up to the plate – Yeni
South China Morning Post: Way forward on the Myanmar problem – Ian Holliday
VOA: Burma’s persecuted Rohingyas

STATEMENT
EU Presidency: Statement calling for all-inclusive dialogue between the
authorities and the democratic forces in Burma/Myanmar

INTERVIEW
US Department of State: Daily press briefing



____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

February 23, Financial Times (UK)
Burma frees 6,300 from jail but keeps most political prisoners – Tim Johnston

The authorities in Burma are in the process of releasing more than 6,300
prisoners, but human rights groups say that only a small number of them
are political prisoners, including some members of the opposition National
League for Demo-cracy.

State media said the prisoners had been released for good conduct and so
they could vote in elections due to be held next year.

"I don't think this is a major shift but we'll have to see over the next
few days if any significant leaders are released," said Win Min, a former
Burmese student leader who now lives in exile in northern Thailand.

Among the fewer than 20 political prisoners so far released are Zaw Myint
Maung, who was elected to parliament in the annulled 1989 elections but
was given a 20-year sentence in 1991.

A number of monks were also given their freedom after being imprisoned in
2003. Their crime was for their monastery to have rejected a donation from
General Khin Nyunt, who was Burma's prime minister until he was arrested
in 2004.

There does not seem to have been any amnesty for any of the hundreds of
victims of a recent political crackdown, which has seen activists,
bloggers, lawyers and even comedians handed long sentences and
incarcerated in remote rural jails over the past few months.

The releases came shortly after a visit to Burma by Tomas Ojea Quintana,
the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in the country.

It was Mr Qunitana's second visit to Burma in six months, and he gave a
downbeat assessment of the situation on the ground.

"The human rights situation in Myanmar [Burma] is still challenging," he
said after his visit. "It's difficult to affirm that the human rights
situation has improved."

Win Min was more blunt in his assessment. "It is one step forward and two
steps back," he said. "It is good that they have been released, and good
for their families, but I want to see more released over the next few
days."

The new US administration has promised to review strategy towards Burma,
which includes sanctions targeted at its leadership and some of its most
influential business backers.

____________________________________

February 23, Mizzima News
Quintana's trip results in amnesty for prisoners in Burma: Official Media
– Mungpi

Burma's state-run newspaper on Monday said United Nations Human Rights
expert Tomas Ojea Quintana's visit to Burma, had been a success, as it
immediately resulted in the release of over 6,000 prisoners across the
country.

The author of an article titled, "Positive results of trips to Myanmar",
run in the New Light of Myanmar, on Monday said, Burma's military
government had fully cooperated with Quintana, who was on a six-day visit
to the country, last week, making the trip successful.

"The release of 6,313 prisoners resulted in the success of the trip," said
the author, who uses the pseudonym of Kyaw Min Lu (Shwepyitha).

The article said, during Quintana's visit, the government had cooperated
with him by arranging all the meetings, which he wished to have including
Burma's Chief Justice and Attorney General in Naypyitaw.

Quintana, who for the second time visited Burma from February 14–19,
visited Karen state in eastern Burma and met Karen splinter groups,
including the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army Peace
Council and Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA).

However, he did not meet the main Karen rebel group – Karen National Union
– which has waged the longest insurgent war in Burma, for almost 60 years.

Quintana, also met several junta officials, including Foreign Minister
Nyan Win, but did not meet detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and
representatives of her party – National League for Democracy.

But the envoy did request a meeting with Win Tin, a veteran politician and
Central Executive Committee member of the NLD, who in last September was
released from a long period of imprisonment.

However, Win Tin turned down the request for a meeting saying, it was not
fair to meet the envoy alone, while the NLD as a political party, was not
officially invited for a meeting.

The NLD, meanwhile, said it was still too early to comment on the envoy's
trip or to dub it as a success or failure. But Nyan Win, spokesperson of
the NLD, said so far they had not seen any progress as yet resulting from
the trip.

Win Tin, who spoke of his personal views, said the trip had been
manipulated by the ruling junta and the envoy had been used to ease-off
pressure mounting against them.

"Whoever comes to Burma, should try to stop the suffering of the people
and not investigate on human rights abuse, because abuse is already here,"
Win Tin told Mizzima over the telephone.

____________________________________

February 23, Irrawaddy
Relatives of unreleased prisoners go home disappointed – Min Lwin

When Burma’s state-run media announced an amnesty for more than 6,000
prisoners on Saturday, the families of many political detainees flocked to
the prison gates chasing a faint glimmer of hope. On Monday morning, some
were still there—clinging to what they knew was a futile dream of
reuniting with their loved ones.

“We came to Insein Prison on Saturday because we thought our son might be
among those released,” said Soe Soe Thaw, mother of Kyaw Ko Ko, a student
activist who is serving a three-year sentence for his leading role in the
outlawed All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

“Unfortunately, Kyaw Ko Ko was transferred from Insein Prison to Taunggyi
Prison while we were waiting for his release,” she said. Taunggyi, in Shan
State, is about 440 km northeast of Rangoon, where Insein, Burma’s most
notorious prison, is located.

Like Soe Soe Thaw, the families of the vast majority of Burma’s estimated
2,100 political prisoners went home disappointed after their weekend
vigils. Of the 6,313 prisoners released since the announcement was made
(some local media carried the news late on Friday), only 23 have so far
been identified as prisoners of conscience.

Dr Zaw Myint Maung, an elected member of parliament from Amarapura
Township, Mandalay Division, and Thet Wai, chairman of the Sanchaung
Township branch of the National League for Democracy (NLD), were among
only three members of the country’s main opposition confirmed to have been
released as part of the amnesty.

According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)
(AAPP), Dr Zaw Myint Maung, who has been in prison since 1990, when he won
a seat for the NLD in an election that the country’s ruling junta refused
to honor, was released from Myitkyina Prison in Kachin State. Thet Wai was
released from Insein Prison.

A third NLD prisoner, Pe Sein, a township organizer for the party in
Mohnyin Township, Kachin State, was released from Myitkyina Prison, where
he had been serving a two-year sentence that was due to end soon.

Among the other political prisoners known to have been released are Tin
Htay and Than Htun, who were freed from Kalay Prison in Sagaing Division
late Saturday evening, according to Lwin Lwin Mar, wife of Tin Htay.

Tin Htay and Than Htun were sentenced to two years and four and a half
years, respectively, by a court in Nyaungdon Township, Irrawaddy Division.
Their offense was possession of a video revealing the extravagant wedding
of the daughter of Burma’s top military leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe.

According to AAPP, a total of 16 political prisoners were released from
Insein, Burma’s largest prison, including nine monks, while another seven
were freed from more remote prisons in the country’s extensive gulag.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

February 23, Irrawaddy
Burmese media gather in Chiang Mai – Wai Moe

Burmese journalists have gathered in Chiang Mai, Thailand, to discuss
issues at the Burma Media Conference’s 6th anniversary.

The conference, organized by the Burma Media Association (BMA), was held
from February 21 to 23. About 150 Burmese journalists, writers, poets and
bloggers from various countries attended the conference.

The three-day conference included recorded video messages from Burma by
well-known writer Dagon Tayar and veteran journalists Win Tin and Ludu
Sein Win.

“Accuracy is important for us,” Ludu Sein Win told the conference. “The
Burmese media in exile must report truthfully. There is no substitution
for the truth.

“In Burma, the media should be biased on behalf of the oppressed. In the
Burmese conflict, there is only a choice between two—the people who bully
and those who are bullied,” he said, adding: “Good journalism means being
biased toward the truth.”

During the first day of the conference, Eint Khaing Oo, a young female
journalist who is in prison in Burma, was presented in absence with the
“Kenji Nagai Award," in memory of the Japanese video journalist who was
killed by Burmese troops during a crackdown on demonstrators in Rangoon on
September 27, 2007.

Shawn W Crispin, of the Committee to Protect Journalists, told the
conference on Sunday that military-ruled Burma is one of the worst places
in the world for journalists.

On the second day of the conference, Soe Myint, the editor-in-chief of
exiled news agency Mizzima, spoke about his organization’s experiences of
virus attacks over the last two years.

Later, the managing editor of The Irrawaddy, Kyaw Zwa Moe, spoke on the
ethical dilemmas inherent in journalism.

Larry Jagan, a British journalist who specializes on Burma, said that the
Burmese media in exile plays a significant role. He said he had learned
from military families in Burma that the ruling generals regularly read
the exiled media.

A Burmese blogger, Mr Thinker, shared the history and role of Burmese
bloggers in recent years. “The military junta sees bloggers as enemies,”
he said. “That’s why they arrested Nay Phone Latt.”

The conference was originally due to be held in late 2008, but had to be
postponed until February because of the unstable political situation in
Thailand.

____________________________________

February 23, Xinhua
Myanmar forest fire crosses SW China border

A four-day forest fire in Myanmar crossed the southwest China border on
Sunday, where it quickly engulfed more than 60 hectares of forest,
according to the forest police in Yunnan Province.

More than 2,000 policemen from Yunnan have assisted in fighting fire on
the border since the two fire accidents broke out in Myanmar Wednesday.

The total fire area has been estimated at 300 hectares as of Sunday morning.

Some 1,500 policemen dug a 10,000-meter ditch in the border county of
Tengchong of Yunnan on Sunday to prevent the fire from spreading further
inland.

The county has also mobilized 4,500 firefighters. However, a strong gale
has made the fire difficult to control, according to police.

____________________________________
ASEAN

February 23, The Nation (Thailand)
ASEAN secretary general urges patience in human rights development –
Pravit Rojanaphruk

Asked whether it would take 230 years -like the US Constitution -before
the Asean Charter would bring about human rights, democracy, the rule of
law and respect for fundamental rights, Asean secretary general Surin
Pitsuwan said "he's not a dreamer" but will have to "coordinate" many
issues.

Surin made the remark at a meeting with the Asean People's Forum, attended
by 1,000 activists from the region which concluded yesterday.

Many demands were made and topics covered, ranging from: human rights and
democracy in Burma, migrant workers, rights of indigenous people, rights
of the disabled, the environment, food crisis and more.

Surin said he told US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in their recent
meeting that it took 200 years before the Barack Obama became president,
although the US Constitution stated from the onset that all men are
created equal.

"I'm not here as a dreamer. You are single-issue constituency. You can be
as passionate as you want because you only have one issue to focus on...I
think sarcasm is out of place here."

Surin spent most of the time being diplomatic and accommodating, saying
he's ready to listen and work with civil society in the region to tackle
all problems, including Burma. He said civil society is regarded as a
socio-cultural pillar of Asean and without this firm third pillar, the
first two pillars of Asean-the political and economic -cannot be fully
realised.

He appealed to the gathering, heavily funded by the Thai Foreign Ministry,
to make the Asean Charter a "living charter" and said there's space for
civil society to participate, even though it is not formally recognised in
the charter.

"(The Charter was) written for you and signed in your name. Ten leaders
signed this (document) on November 21, 2007 in Singapore. You hold them
responsible for the words they have used," he said, because the leaders
signed it in the name of the people.

"All of us will share the responsibility for not moving it forward to
become the people-oriented Asean."

Surin was asked how civil society can make him "accountable for all the
nice words that (he) said" because they cannot sue Surin. The
secretary-general again said it won't take 230 years, but urged civil
society organisations not to "undermine each other's effort."

On Burma, Surin was on the defensive when asked whether any good had come
from Burma being part of Asean. Surin said Burma's membership of Asean
enabled the international community and the UN to help Burma with cyclone
Nargis.

The junta-sponsored constitution "is not written by us or for us but by
them," said Khin Ohmar, a woman Burmese political dissident based in
Chiang Mai.

Some shouted "Free Burma!" several times. There were also shouts of "No
FTA" as some participants said FTA benefits the rich at the expense of
ordinary farmers and poor people.

Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya said over the past 15 years, civil society
has moved Thailand into becoming a democracy.
____________________________________

February 23, The Age (Australia)
Malaysia to put Burma under spotlight

Malaysia plans to put Burma under the spotlight over the plight of the
Rohingya boat people at an ASEAN summit later this week.

The plight of the Rohingya has been garnering attention since Thailand's
military was accused last month of towing hundreds of the refugees out to
sea in poorly equipped boats with scant food and water after they tried to
flee Burma.

Around 400 subsequently landed on the Indonesian province of Aceh.

Human rights groups say the Rohingya are stateless and face religious and
ethnic persecution from Burma's military regime, forcing thousands to take
to ricketty boats each year in a bid to escape poverty and oppression.

Malaysian Foreign Minister Rais Yatim, who was visiting Canberra on
Monday, said the issue would be raised at the next Association of South
East Asian Nation (ASEAN) foreign ministers meeting.

ASEAN foreign ministers are due to meet in Thailand on Thursday.

"We would like to direct some of the questions to Myanmar (Burma),
specifically which country is identified with Rohingya for the moment," Dr
Rais said.

Australia will take part in another forum to deal with the problem in April.

Earlier this month, Thailand agreed to a suggestion from Indonesia that
the fate of the Rohingya be decided through the "Bali process", a regional
network set up in 2002 to tackle people smuggling and people trafficking.

Immigration Minister Chris Evans told reporters Australia was considering
how it might assist Indonesia in dealing with the Rohingya who ended up in
Indonesia recently.

"We're offering whatever cooperation we can to assist in meeting their
needs as Indonesia looks to take care of those people," Senator Evans
said.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

February 23, Deutsche Presse Agentur
Ban urges release of all political prisoners in Myanmar

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon on Monday called on Myanmar's military
junta to release all political prisoners, including the main opposition
leader Aung San Suu Kyi who was not among those freed over the weekend.

Ban also said he was ready to visit Myanmar, but urged the junta to ensure
a return to democracy.

Ban visited Myanmar in May 2008, after the devastation caused by cyclone
Nargis, which killed more than 100,000 people and left 2 million homeless.
That visit focused on humanitarian assistance to the impoverished nation.

Ban told reporters he was willing to visit Myanmar to build on last year's
trip, after a meeting with a group of 'friends of the secretary general on
Myanmar' to discuss the situation there following the junta's declaration
of amnesty for 6,000 detainees.

'There is a broad range of issues to be discussed that will be of benefit
to Myanmar,' Ban said, adding that the visit would be without
preconditions.

The United Nations has demanded full democracy, release of all political
prisoners and national dialogue among the parties, and Ban said it would
be 'disappointing' if the junta didn't follow these steps.

'This is the time for Myanmar to seize the opportunity before it to send
positive signals,' he said.

Ban's envoy for Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari, met the UN Security Council last
week to report on his recent visit to Myanmar. Some council members were
disappointed that Myanmar has failed to meet UN demands on bringing
democracy to the country.

____________________________________

February 21, Associated Press
Pressure mounting for UN chief to visit Myanmar – Edith M. Lederer


>From inside and outside military-ruled Myanmar, pressure is mounting for

U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to visit the secluded Asian nation to
promote national reconciliation and free and fair elections.

Detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, her National League for
Democracy party, and others have written a letter welcoming a possible
visit by the secretary-general to "discuss a broad range of issues," U.N.
envoy Ibrahim Gambari told reporters Friday after briefing the Security
Council on his recent trip to Myanmar.

The British and French ambassadors said they would also support a return
visit by Ban, who last traveled to Myanmar in May 2008 after Cyclone
Nargis devastated coastal areas and persuaded the junta's leaders to ease
access for foreign aid workers and relief supplies.

"At this point I cannot confirm any trip," U.N. spokeswoman Michele Montas
said. "The decision has not been taken yet."

What appears to be holding up a decision is uncertainty over the outcome
of any such visit.

"Everybody realizes that there will be high expectations from such a
visit," Gambari said.

Two recent trips by Gambari produced no movement on the key issues of
opening dialogue between Suu Kyi and the government, releasing her and
some 2,200 other political prisoners, promoting national reconciliation,
and ensuring that elections scheduled for next year will include all
opposition and minority groups.

When Gambari was asked whether the country's military leaders need to send
some kind of positive signal before the secretary-general visits Myanmar,
the U.N. envoy replied that Ban asked him to tell the government that
there were "no preconditions." Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy
also said "there should be no preconditions," he said.

He said he told the government "that the actions that they take between
now and in the next few months will send signals to the
secretary-general."

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, on a trip through Asia, lamented
this week that neither U.S. sanctions nor prodding by regional nations
have convinced the junta in Myanmar, which was previously known as Burma,
to embrace democracy or release Suu Kyi, who has spent more than 13 of the
past 19 years under house arrest. Clinton said the U.S. planned to work
closely with the region on ideas on "how best to bring about positive
change in Burma."

Myanmar's current military leadership came to power in 1988 after crushing
a nationwide pro-democracy movement. It held elections in 1990 but refused
to honor the results after Suu Kyi's party won a landslide victory. The
junta tolerates no dissent and crushed pro-democracy protests led by
Buddhist monks in September 2007.

France's U.N. Ambassador Jean-Maurice Ripert said if Ban thinks a trip is
relevant "we will support him because anything that could help obtaining
something for the freedom of the people of Burma will be useful."

Britain's U.N. Ambassador John Sawers echoed the sentiment. "We believe
that should the secretary-general decide that the time has come for him to
visit, then that would be a welcome step."
____________________________________

February 23, Agence France Presse
US demands Myanmar free all political prisoners

The United States Monday urged the military junta in Myanmar to free all
political prisoners, including Nobel Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, after
the country announced an amnesty for 17 others.

"We obviously welcome the release of any political prisoners but we call
on the Burmese to release all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu
Kyi, and -- but we'll have to see if indeed, this leads to more releases,"
said State Department spokesman Robert Wood.

"Obviously, the release of any political prisoners is something that we
would welcome but a lot more needs to be done," he said.

The Myanmar government Friday announced it was releasing more than 6,300
prisoners to allow them to participate in elections next year. But
according to an opposition spokesman, only 17 of those released were
political prisoners.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

February 21, Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting
Ethnic Kachins defy Myanmar's junta – Tim Patterson

Campfires twinkle along the Chinese border as soldiers sing raucous
freedom ballads and strum beat-up old guitars. They sing in Jinghpaw, the
main language of the Kachin people, and their joy is irrepressible on this
cold night in the Himalayan foothills of northern Myanmar.

The far north of Myanmar — formerly Burma — is home to the Kachins, a
group of predominantly Christian tribes whose struggle against the
military government of Myanmar is now in its fifth decade. As ethnic and
religious minorities in one of the most repressed and impoverished
countries in the world, the Kachins are fighting an uphill battle to
achieve political autonomy throughout their homeland.

The Myanmar military government, dominated by ethnic Burmese, has long
sought to suppress insurgencies led by ethnic groups such as the Kachin,
Karen and Shan. Like many conflicts worldwide, the struggles between
Myanmar's minority ethnic groups and the central government are
exacerbated by the inherent wealth of the contested lands.

Kachin state is lightly populated but rich in natural resources, which
include timber, gold and the world's only significant deposits of high
quality jade. Most of these resources are exported to China, which is the
biggest provider of arms to the Myanmar military. Ordinary Kachins must
look on while the wealth of their land is sold out from under them,
financing their oppression.

"The prosperity of Kachin state has been seized by the junta," said Seng
Maw, 23, one of two female students at a leadership training academy run
by the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO). "We don't own the rights to
our own resources."

A 1994 ceasefire agreement between the KIO and the Myanmar military ended
active hostilities, but the political situation remains tense. The
ceasefire froze the conflict in place without addressing any of its
causes. Many civilians anticipate a renewed outbreak of war in 2010, when
the government has scheduled elections that few believe will be free or
fair.

Kachins see their freedom struggle as separate from political opposition
on the part of the ethnic Burmese majority. Even if a democratically
elected government were to replace the junta, the Kachins doubt any
Burmese government would respect their autonomy.

"The Burmese political system has always been top down," explained Daw
Kong, a KIO volunteer. "Democracy will be very hard for them to put into
practice."

Anger at the Myanmar government runs deep, especially among young people.

"I have a university degree in economics, but there is no job for me,"
explained a 22-year-old who joined the Kachin Independence Army after
failing to find employment in the state capital of Myitkyina. "There are
no good positions for Kachin people."

For now, the KIO maintains a shadow state in pockets of territory along
the Chinese border.  Although the area under exclusive KIO control amounts
to less than 10 percent of Kachin state, peace has provided the breathing
room to build institutions of self-government and civil society. The KIO
has its own police department, education system, television station and
immigration department, and levies taxes at border crossings with China.

Much of the KIO's funding comes from business deals that facilitate the
exploitation of natural resources by Chinese and Burmese companies, and
its own human rights record is mixed.

According to a 2007 report by the monitoring organization Human Rights
Watch, the KIA accepts minors who volunteer for military service, but no
longer recruits soldiers who are under 18 years old.

The KIO's opium eradication program has drawn recognition from
international observers.

"The KIO are one group that is clearly sincere about eradicating drug
production," said David Mathieson of Human Rights Watch. "The
international community has to recognize the good intentions of the KIO."

The KIO leadership has relocated from a windswept mountaintop base to
modern headquarters overlooking the bustling border town of Laiza. The new
facilities feature concrete office buildings equipped with internet
connections and a large meeting hall used for Sunday church services.

The 5th brigade of the Kachin Independence Army is stationed near Laiza,
next to a golf course where KIO officials host members of the Myanmar
government's northern command. A misplayed shot here could end up in
Chinese territory — totally out of bounds.
This fairway diplomacy is a meager substitute for genuine political
dialogue, but the Kachins take it seriously. Golf is taught alongside
jungle survival skills at the Kachin military academy, where a putting
green is just steps away from a map depicting fortified positions.

Veterans of the guerrilla war attend officer training school at the
military academy, alongside a new generation of soldiers who profess an
eagerness to fight for their nation. Soldiers are paid 10,000 kyat per
month, less than $10.

"My generation thinks there will be a war," said a young academy cadet.
"We don't know what the leadership will decide. We will follow their
orders."

Some Kachins feel the KIO sold out by agreeing to a ceasefire.

The ceasefire "was the best chance for KIO leaders to corrupt the natural
resources such as gold mining, jading and logging for their own comfort,"
wrote a former KIO official who requested anonymity.

Such high-level corruption might hamstring the KIO's ability to rally
support among ordinary Kachins.

"In Myanmar we have three in one – government, military and business,"
explained Dtoi La, a trainee journalist. "That's true for the junta and
the KIO."

For now, Kachins prepare for the future as best they can. Their dream is
not a return to the old ways of subsistence agriculture, but rather a
chance to develop as other nations do.

"We don't want to be left behind," Dtoi La said. "Keep an eye on Myanmar.
There will be war in the future."

(Tim Patterson and photographer Ryan Libre are reporting from Myanmar on a
grant from the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting)
____________________________________

February 23, Irrawaddy
Time for NLD to step up to the plate – Yeni

Burma's military government last week announced it would release more than
6,300 prisoners, of whom just 23 were classified as political
prisoners—including nine Buddhist monks. State-run television in Burma
reported that the prisoners were being released for the "social
consideration of their families" and to take part in the 2010 elections.

The statement coincided with a five-day visit to Burma by the United
Nations’ human rights envoy, Tomás Ojea Quintana, and occurred at a time
when the UN Security Council was meeting to hear a firsthand account from
that other special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, on his recent visit
and meeting with detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and
leaders of the military junta. The announcement was also timely in that it
came just one week ahead of an Asean summit in Thailand.

Whatever cosmetic appearance the junta was trying to solicit, most
observers agreed that the release of prisoners represented the regime’s
rather futile attempt to prevent—or at least reduce—the international
criticism on their poor human rights record which raises its ugly head any
time regional or global bodies meet to discuss Burmese issues.

Meanwhile, global diplomacy has failed yet again in Burma by its inability
to produce any movement on the key Burmese issues: opening dialogue
between Suu Kyi and junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe; releasing her and some
2,200 other political prisoners; and ensuring that the elections scheduled
for next year will include all opposition parties and minority groups.

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, on a trip through Asia, lamented
last week that neither US sanctions nor engagement by regional nations
have convinced the junta. "It is an unfortunate fact that Burma seems
impervious to influences from anyone," Clinton said. "The path we have
taken in imposing sanctions hasn't influenced the Burmese junta, but ...
reaching out and trying to engage them has not influenced them either."

The Burmese generals in Naypyidaw know only too well that the overseas
criticisms are no more than the toothless growls of a paper tiger. Their
unilateral decision to hold elections next year will be little more than a
pantomime to rubber stamp the junta’s new constitution guaranteeing the
military a quarter of the seats in both the upper and lower houses of
parliament.

However, sitting on the sidelines, some so-called "experts" have naively
come to believe that the election in 2010 could represent a major turning
point in Burmese politics, opening a space from which the pro-democracy
groups will take initiatives for gradual economic and political reform.

In fact, Than Shwe has still not approved the election law. Rumors are
circulating in Rangoon that no consensus has been reached in Naypyidaw on
which officers will be given parliamentary seats and which will continue
in military service.

If we compare the situation to Zimbabwe, we see that—like it or not—the
grip of the African nation’s strongman Robert Mugabe and his ruling
Zanu-PF party has not weakened because of any international or regional
pressure, but due to the effects of drought, HIV/AIDS and economic
meltdown.

After months of deadlock, Mugabe has finally been forced to confront the
division of ministries in a planned national unity government with the
opposition. In the wake of Zimbabwe's economic collapse and spiraling
humanitarian crisis, opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai was sworn in as
prime minister with Mugabe remaining president, despite Western leaders
calling on Mugabe to step down.

Likewise in Burma, after 20 years of struggle for national reconciliation
and talk of rebuilding the failed nation, political leaders and
policymakers in Burma must come up with more effective and pragmatic ways
to deal with Burmese armed forces, or Tatmadaw.

To persuade the military to engage, the Burmese opposition should focus
not only on its demand to free political prisoners, but to exploit the
stagnation of the domestic economy and the humanitarian crisis. The NLD,
in particular, has to date been too slow to react and has tiptoed around
the issues. It needs to let the people know that it is capable of tackling
the economic challenges that Burma will face in a post-dictatorial world.

____________________________________

February 23, The Nation (Thailand)
Burma nears high noon and still the UN falters

As a general election approaches, the world has no clear objective on how
to deal with the junta

Over this weekend Burmese authorities began to free prisoners from
Rangoon's notorious Insein prison under a government amnesty for 6,313
inmates nationwide. No one is certain how many of the 2,000-plus political
prisoners would be released but it is clear that opposition leader Aung
San Suu Kyi and her deputy Tin Oo, both of whom have been under house
arrest since mid-2003, have been excluded from the amnesty.

Incidentally, Tin Oo's prison term was extended by a year on the eve of
the arrival of UN Rapporteur on Human Rights Tomas Ojea Quintana on
February 14. A slap in the face to the UN would be an understatement.

The development came a day after UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari had just briefed
the Security Council on his recent trip to Burma.

While the release of the political prisoners should be welcomed, one
should not lose sight of the fact that things aren't always what they seem
in trouble plagued Burma.

Things move at snail's pace and whatever development may have come out of
the country must be received with a great deal of caution.

Like his last two trips to the military-run country, Gambari didn't have
much to say or offer to the UN Security Council. In fact, he was harshly
criticised. France's UN Ambassador Jean-Maurice Ripert called Gambari's
report "very, very thin and disappointing."

He said the Security Council must not legitimise elections in Burma,
scheduled for 2010, unless they are democratic and ensure that the
opposition can fully participate.

It wasn't that difficult to figure out because the UN Secretary General
Ban Ki-moon had sent him there empty-handed.

Before Ban there was Kofi Anan and his point man on Burma, Razali Ismail.
Like the current bunch, Razali couldn't make headway with the stubborn
Burmese generals.

And yet, these men still keep coming and yet the world continues to use
the same benchmark to determine if these visits are successful or not.
Photo ops with Suu Kyi or a meeting with junta supremo General Than Shwe
should not be the benchmarks for success.

Catch words like 'national reconciliation' and 'democratisation' make nice
sound bytes for the international audience and community, but for the
Burmese junta, they want to know what any of these issues mean for them in
real terms.

To be fair to the UN, the world body has neither carrot nor stick to offer
the generals. But the UN can generate ideas and in situations like this,
ideas count a great deal.

For too long, the UN, and much of the international community, has been
dealing with Burma without a clear objective and strategy.

We have to move beyond just telling the junta what we don't like, and the
UN must develop a more comprehensive plan of action for all stakeholders
in Burma.

In other words, the Burmese generals need to know what awaits them - harsh
jail terms or a Cabinet position under a civilian-led government.

For too long, regional countries and Asean members try, at times
half-heartedly, to bring about changes in Burma. We use word like "Road
Map" and "Constructive Engagement", borrowing them from the Middle East
and South Africa, respectively, without realising that for that in these
cases, such words actually mean something.

The previous administration of Thaksin Shinawatra became a laughing stock
when its Bangkok Process flopped. They were allowed to retreat quietly
after the junta announced they have a roadmap for democratisation of their
own. Burma's general election is scheduled for next year and time could
very well be running out for Asean and the world community if something is
not done seriously.

US President Barack Obama, in his inaugural address made the world's
tyrants a proposition.

"We will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist," Obama said.

Incidentally, it is becoming clear that Burma could be the first test case
for this approach.

Since the late 1990s, the US has maintained economic sanctions against
Burma. But US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, during her recent visit
to Indonesia, announced a review of US policy towards Burma. She did not
rule out easing sanctions or other forms of diplomatic engagement.

"Clearly, the path we have taken in imposing sanctions hasn't influenced
the Burmese junta," Clinton said, adding that the policy of Burma's
neighbours of "reaching out and trying to engage them" has not produced
desired results either.

The Bush Administration won a great deal of admiration for its tough
position on Burma. But in real terms it didn't do much in loosening the
junta's tight grip on its people or improving their livelihoods.

It's Obama's turn now. And by all means, Washington should conduct a
policy review. But the US president must stick to what he said in his
inaugural address: Relax your grip on your people and we just might extend
a hand to you.

____________________________________

February 23, South China Morning Post
Way forward on the Myanmar problem – Ian Holliday

US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton's Asian tour signalled that
important shifts in US policy may soon take place.

Perhaps most intriguingly, she hinted that Washington's Myanmar policy,
long cast in stone, is now open for debate.

Ruled by a brutal and inept junta, Myanmar is viewed as a pariah state by
the US. Aid was cut two decades ago, when military forces crushed the
"8-8-88" democracy demonstrations. Political contact was eliminated. Tough
economic sanctions were gradually imposed.

By and large, though, the practical impact of US policy over all those
years has been zero. The junta remains in control. Democratic icon Aung
San Suu Kyi languishes under house arrest. Minority ethnic groups are
targeted, displaced and, in some instances, denied citizenship. The
predatory state continues with business as usual.

As a result, the US is today looking for new ways forward on Myanmar.
During her regional tour, Mrs Clinton freely acknowledged that US policy
had failed. She also noted that constructive engagement promoted within
Asia had not chalked up much success.

This new US openness finds echoes in the region. When protesting monks
were beaten back by the army in September 2007, China spoke publicly of
the Myanmar problem and called on the junta to listen to its people, learn
from others and engage in dialogue and reform. Other Asian states are also
increasingly bothered by the junta on their doorstep.

The time is thus ripe for action. But, to register real progress, and
ensure that the junta is fully engaged, the US must reach out to the key
external power, China, and think through the issue from its perspective.
On the Myanmar problem, what would Beijing do?

Above all else, China will not want to endanger a regional balance
carefully crafted during its peaceful rise. A coalition comprising the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations, India and Japan, alongside the US
and China, is therefore an essential tool of engagement.

Beijing has no interest in sanctions and moral posturing, and no
investment in Ms Suu Kyi, though it recognises the reverence in which she
is held by her compatriots. It knows that rapid political change could
destabilise Myanmar and the region. On these issues, the US must develop a
degree of flexibility.

At the same time, in many areas, Washington and Beijing are already on the
same page. Promoting compliance with the UN agenda of open dialogue and
national reconciliation is one. Boosting aid flows and rebuilding a
devastated economy is another. Stabilising a fragile policy is still
another.

Co-ordinated action will not deliver instant reform. But, with the army so
dominant, that is not on the cards anyway. It could, however, help loosen
the junta's grip.

After years of scant progress, Mrs Clinton's tour has put the Myanmar
problem back in play. The task now is to build the coalition and
understandings to deliver change.

Professor Ian Holliday is dean of social sciences at the University of
Hong Kong

____________________________________

February 23, Voice of America
Burma’s persecuted Rohingyas

Hundreds of members of the Muslim Rohingya minority of Burma have been
rescued in waters off the coasts of Indonesia and India in recent months.
Dehydrated and in need of medical attention, some of the men bore scars on
their backs from beatings reportedly received by Burmese soldiers.

A group of nearly 200 men were found by fishermen near the northern tip of
Sumatra. Some told reporters they had originally fled to Thailand, but
were detained, beaten, and sent back out to sea without adequate food or
water. The men reported that some had died in the difficult journey.

The Indonesian government has provided assistance to the Rohingya who
landed on their shores. And the Thai government, responding to
international criticism, has stopped sending Rohingyas back out to sea,
and is working with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to
help the Rohingya who have landed in Thailand recently.
The Burmese military junta's persecution of the Rohingyan people, however,
is nothing new. It is so severe that nearly 1,000 risked their lives to
flee by sea in 2008.

Todd Pierce of the U.S. Department of State's Bureau of Population,
Refugees and Migration says the Rohingya are what are referred to as
"stateless people" because the Burmese government does not recognize their
citizenship:

"They can't marry without permission, own property, travel, it's a very
tough situation. They're basically in prison where they live. 
 They have
a well-founded fear of persecution."

The U.S. provides assistance to the Rohingya where possible, through the
U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, which has clinics and basic schools
in Burma. But Mr. Pierce says the military regime blocks some efforts:

"It's often very difficult to work in Burma 
 the government of the
country where they are is often a little bit wary about letting
international organizations work with those people, because again, they
don't want to acknowledge that those people exist."
The U.S. has also resettled some Rohingya referred by the United Nations
in the United States and asks countries the Rohingya flee to, such as
Thailand, to carefully screen the migrants to determine whether they need
protection.

"Our view is that persecution should stop," U.S. Assistant Secretary of
State Richard Boucher said during a recent trip to Bangladesh. "We all
need to see what we can do to take care of these folks."

____________________________________
STATEMENT

February 23, EU Presidency
Statement calling for all-inclusive dialogue between the authorities and
the democratic forces in Burma/Myanmar

The Presidency of the EU notes the recent visits by the UN
Secretary-General’s Special Adviser Ibrahim Gambari and UN Special
Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar Tomás Ojea
Quintana. The Presidency also notes the briefing by Mr. Gambari in the
Security Council last Friday (20th February), and attended the meeting of
"Group of Friends of SG on Myanmar" today.

In this context, the Presidency reiterates the EU´s support for the good
offices role of the UN SG as mandated by the UN General Assembly
resolution 63/245 from December 24, 2008, and, with regret, notes the
information by Mr. Gambari that, so far, there is no tangible outcome of
his visits to Burma/Myanmar.

The Presidency recalls that the UN GA resolution stated that the political
process in the country is "not transparent, inclusive, free and fair, and
that the procedures established for the drafting of the constitution
resulted in the de facto exclusion of the opposition from the process.”
The Presidency shares the view expressed by Mr. Gambari that it is the
time to demonstrate the Myanmar’s commitment to addressing concretely the
issues of concern to the international community.

The Presidency of the EU strongly calls for an immediate and unconditional
release of all political prisoners and detainees, including Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi, lifting all restrictions on political parties, and all-inclusive
dialogue between the authorities and the democratic forces, including
ethnic groups.

Contact:
Zuzana Opletalová, Spokeswoman of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Tel.: +420 224 182 052, GSM: +420 724 034 154, E-mail: press at mzv.cz

____________________________________
INTERVIEW

February 20, US Department of State
Daily press briefing


BURMA Burma Policy Under Review / Looking at Ways to Engage Burmese People
/ Seek Representative Government Responding to Will of People / No Change
on Sanctions

Gordon Duguid
Acting Deputy Department Spokesman
Daily Press Briefing

QUESTION: On Burma. Is the U.S. planning to lift some of the sanctions
against --

MR. DUGUID: No.

QUESTION: No?

MR. DUGUID: Our Burma policy is under review. We are looking at ways in
which to engage the Burmese people better. We are looking at ways in which
we can try to affect the leaders in Burma. As the Secretary said, many
different ways that we’ve tried in the past don’t seem to have affected
them much one way or the other, so we are looking at new ways to try and
affect their behavior. But the goal remains the same in Burma, and that is
to have a representative government that responds to the will of the
people, and that will needs to be freely expressed. So at the moment, is
there any change on the U.S. sanction regime on Burma? No, there is not.

QUESTION: And this also includes engaging the military junta?

MR. DUGUID: We’re looking at our policy right now, having a review as we
are on many other policies, and when we are through with that, we’ll begin
making our statements on where we’re going to go from there.

QUESTION: I don’t mean this to be flip, but is there any policy that isn’t
under review?

MR. DUGUID: Yes, we are still members of NATO and we will stay members of
NATO. (Laughter)

QUESTION: No, I mean, is it fair to say that every aspect of U.S. foreign
policy, except membership in certain organizations over the past --

MR. DUGUID: It is fair to say that all of the major parts of American
foreign policy are currently under review, that those reviews, however, do
not affect commitments made by the United States in international fora or
by international agreements. We are looking at the effectiveness of our
policies and how we can better achieve our goals.

Most of the goals of our policies have not changed. We are looking for a
denuclearized Korean Peninsula. We are looking for democratic reform and
the establishment of representative government in Burma. We are looking
for an end to the violence in Darfur. We are looking for a two-state
solution to the problems between Israel and the Palestinians.

The ultimate goals that have been consistent over time for the U.S.
remain. The Administration is looking how best we can move forward to try
and achieve those goals. I think that is a normal process for a new
administration. So the answer is yes, most of the policies are there to be
reviewed by the new Administration to look for effectiveness and to
achieve results.

QUESTION: And are the timelines all different on all the reviews?

MR. DUGUID: Yes. Yes, they are.

QUESTION: And are there any that are near fruition?

MR. DUGUID: Well, as you know, the review policy on Afghanistan has a
60-day timeline, and that is in process; it has begun.

QUESTION: Do you have any timeline on the other ones at all?

MR. DUGUID: No. Not on the timelines, I don’t.