BurmaNet News, March 6, 2009

[Editor]

March 6, 2009, Issue #3666


INSIDE BURMA
AP: Myanmar frees pro-democracy lawyers after 4 months
Xinhua: Myanmar needs more humanitarian aid for mentally-affected cyclone
victims
Washington Times: Christians gird for war in Myanmar
SHAN: Two offers for two Wa factions
IMNA: Reports of UN election monitors leave primary Mon political parties
unmoved; boycott remains

ON THE BORDER
DVB: Thai authorities order KNU to leave Thai soil

HEALTH / AIDS
DVB: Concern over meningitis outbreak in Magwe division
Xinhua: 1st private special treatment hospital in Myanmar new capital
under construction

DRUGS
New Light of Myanmar: CCDAC holds discussion with secretaries of work groups

ASEAN
Mizzima News: TCG mandate extended, critics question PONREPP

INTERNATIONAL
Irrawaddy: Hundreds of thousands still displaced in Burma: Watchdog

INTERVIEW
Irrawaddy: Washington’s man in Thailand discusses Obama’s Asia policies
Myanmar Times: Success of ASEAN ‘up to the people’: Surin




____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

March 6, Associated Press
Myanmar frees pro-democracy lawyers after 4 months

A lawyer says he and another attorney who represented pro-democracy
activists in Myanmar have been released after serving four months in
prison for contempt of court.

Aung Thein and Khin Maung Shein were arrested in December.

Upon his release Friday, Aung Thein said "he should not have been detained
in the first place."

The lawyers represented several prominent dissidents, including some
Buddhist monks who were arrested after pro-democracy demonstrations last
year.

Human rights groups estimate Myanmar's military junta is holding more than
2,100 political detainees, including Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San
Suu Kyi, who has spent 13 of the past 19 years in detention without trial.
____________________________________

March 6, Xinhua
Myanmar needs more humanitarian aid for mentally-affected cyclone victims

Myanmar is in need of more humanitarian aid for mentally-affected cyclone
victims as only 30 percent of such victims from storm-hit Bogalay township
in Ayeyawaddy division received mental care, according to the Post Nargis
Recovery Preparedness Plan (PONREPP) issued here recently.

It was estimated that people who suffered mental illness through storm
accounted for 22 percent of the victims.

In cooperation with the World Health Organization (WHO), the Myanmar
Ministry of Health has conducted lectures with medical practioners of
local and international non-governmental organizations to disseminate
health knowledge to the victims in the region.

Meanwhile, the European Union (EU) will give Myanmar humanitarian
assistance of 40.5 million euros (52 million U.S. dollars) this year,
according to earlier report.

Of the total, 22 million euros will be spent for those who had suffered
disastrous cyclone Nargis last year, while the rest 18.5 million euros
will be used for people who have difficulties with their living.

EU have been providing Myanmar with humanitarian assistant since 1994.

More report said a Malaysian humanitarian organization, the Mercy
Malaysia, will rebuild a dozen healthcare facilities in Dedaye, one of
Myanmar's cyclone-hit areas in the Ayeyawaddy division.

The healthcare facilities in 12 villages include two station hospitals,
two rural health centers, eight sub-rural health centers.

These projects along the coastline are expected to be completed in a few
months.

Deadly tropical cyclone Nargis hit five divisions and states - Ayeyawaddy,
Yangon, Bago, Mon and Kayin on May 2-3 last year, of which Ayeyawaddy and
Yangon inflicted the heaviest casualties and massive infrastructural
damage.

The storm has killed 84,537 people, leaving 53,836 missing and 19,359
injured, according to official death toll.
____________________________________

March 6, Washington Times
Christians gird for war in Myanmar – Tim Patterson

"My generation thinks there will be a war," says a 22-year-old cadet in
the Kachin Independence Army, one of several armed groups that struggle
for political autonomy on the frontiers of Myanmar.

His AK-47 slung loosely over his shoulder, the cadet qualifies his
prediction, perhaps in deference to the officers who listen as he speaks.

"We don´t know what the leadership will decide," he says. "We will follow
their orders."

Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, encompasses the homelands of several
distinct ethnic groups that resent the totalitarian rule of ethnic
Burmese, who form a majority in this impoverished Southeast Asian nation.

Burmese dominate the powerful armed forces, which prop up the military
junta that governs Myanmar, widely recognized as one of world's most
corrupt and repressive governments.

The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) is the military wing of the Kachin
Independence Organization (KIO), among the largest and most powerful of
the armed groups that challenge the junta´s rule.

Founded in the early 1960s, the KIO represents ethnic Kachins, themselves
a loose coalition of predominantly Christian tribes whose historic
territory encompasses the Himalayan foothills of northernmost Myanmar,
bordered by southern Tibet, far-eastern India and the southwestern Chinese
province of Yunnan.

For more than 30 years, the KIA has waged a guerrilla campaign against the
military from its jungle bases along the Chinese border. Other armed
groups were active in the region during this period, including the
Communist Party and various warlords, many of whom financed their armies
through opium smuggling, intensive logging and mining for gold, rubies and
jade.

In 1994 the KIO leadership signed a cease-fire with the military, an
agreement many Kachins saw as a betrayal of their aspirations for
political autonomy.

The cease-fire brought a measure of stability to Kachin state and enriched
some powerful individuals who were willing to cooperate with Burmese
authorities, but it did little to alleviate the suffering of Kachin
civilians.

In the 15 years since the truce, Kachins say there has been no genuine
attempt at reconciliation, and many expect a renewed outbreak of armed
hostilities.

During the war years, Kachin state developed a reputation as one of the
most lawless places in the world.

Only a handful of foreign observers managed to sneak inside to document
reports of human rights abuses by Myanmar's military in its efforts to
defeat the resistance groups and consolidate control over Kachin state.

One journalist, Outside Magazine editor Mark Jenkins, was drugged, beaten
and dumped in an alley with a death threat written on his hand after
interviewing Kachin villagers near the state capital of Myitkyina in 1996.

The Kachins hope for more exposure to the outside world, one KIA soldier
explained. "Here in Kachin, it´s been 15 years since the cease-fire, but
nothing has changed."

"I have a degree in economics, but there is no job for me," added another
soldier. "There are no good positions for Kachin people. There is
oppression and exploitation everywhere."

Like others quoted in this article, the soldiers asked not to be named,
fearing retribution from the government.

The KIA military academy is located off a rough mountain road that links
the wartime army headquarters, a windswept base called Pajau, with more
comfortable and modern peacetime headquarters outside the bustling border
town of Laiza.

Recruits rise before dawn to practice karate and repeat the pledges of the
army: "We will always obey the orders of the Kachin Independence
Organization," they shout. "We will never give up our arms."

These two pledges may come into conflict if the KIO leadership decides to
participate in nationwide elections scheduled for 2010.

The elections are the culmination of a constitutional process introduced
by the junta last year. Few observers expect the elections to be free or
fair.

Both within Myanmar and abroad, the elections are widely seen as an
attempt by the junta to legitimize iron-fisted military rule.

A clause in the new constitution states that all rebel groups must disarm
and submit to the central control of the Myanmar military.

Although the KIO initially signaled its intent to participate in the
election, officials now claim the KIO itself will stay on the sidelines,
although KIO members may form a party to contest the elections.

Whether the Kachins decide to participate, the government that emerges
will no doubt be heavily influenced by the leaders of the current military
junta.

If the government attempts to forcibly disarm the KIA and other armed
ethnic groups, the Kachins may retreat from their peacetime headquarters
and retrench in the rugged hills along the Chinese frontier.

• This story was reported with a grant from the Pulitzer Center for Crisis
Reporting.
____________________________________

March 5, Shan Herald Agency for News
Two offers for two Wa factions
 
The military rulers of Burma, through their local commanders in Shan State
East, have set out different conditions for two different Wa factions on
the Thai-Burma border, according to Thai and Shan sources.
 
To the ex-KMT (Kuomintang) faction, led by Wei Xuegang, Commander of the
United Wa State Army (UWSA)’s 171st Military Region, who is in effective
control of 3 of the 5 brigades there, namely: 772nd, 775th and 778th, the
options are:
·	Surrender
·	Transformation to pro-junta militia
·	Launching military operations against the anti-Naypyitaw Shan State Army
(SSA) South
 
To the ex-Communist Party of Burma (CPB) faction, led by supreme leader
Bao Youxiang, who has 2 brigades along the Thai-Burma border, namely:
248th (Hoyawd) and 518th (Mongyawn), the options somewhat diverge:
·	Surrender
·	Transformation to pro-junta militia
·	Withdrawal to the Sino-Burma border where a “Wa Self-Administered
Division” has been designated by the 2008 Constitution
 
As for the main body of the UWSA that is based on the Sino-Burma border,
the reported options are Surrender or Becoming a part of the Burma Army.
 
“If Wei decides to leave the UWSA and accepts any options offered by the
junta, it will severely weaken the remaining Wa forces,” said a Shan
businessman close to the Wa. “They will be forced to stand against the
Burma Army without a strong economic base.”
 
The Wa main base east of the Salween and between the Namting in the north
and Namkha in the south has been under siege since the New Year began.
 
So far the Wa have refused to consider the terms offered by the Burma Army.
 
The only problem appears to be that neither side is ready to start a war.
“The junta does not dare to pressure them (the ceasefire armies) to the
point of breaking the ceasefire agreements, as it will have severe
repercussions,” Aung Kyaw Zaw, analyst based on the Sino-Burma border,
told Mizzima News yesterday.
 
The likely repercussions, said a Thai security official, on condition of
anonymity, would be:
·	Incurring China’s displeasure
·	The Wa joining hands with the SSA South
·	Other dissident groups flocking to the UWSA-SSA South alliance, among
others
 
“The only hope therefore is that the ex-KMT faction that has made huge
investments in military-ruled Burma will not be able to stand the strain
and choose an easy and safe way out,” he ventured.
 
The UWSA concluded a ceasefire with Burma’s ruling military council in
1989 following its overthrow of the Communist leadership. The 20th
anniversary of the mutiny is due to be celebrated on 17 April.
 
The Kokang ceasefire group Myanmar Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) led by
Peng Jiasheng is also holding its 20th anniversary celebrations, reported
sources from the north, although the details are yet to be disclosed. The
Kokang rebellion against the CPB on 12 March 1989 had sparked off a series
of mutinies by other armed groups.

____________________________________

March 6, Independent Mon News Agency
Reports of UN election monitors leave primary Mon political parties
unmoved; boycott remains – Mon Son and Blai Mon

The two primary political parties representing Mon people say they will
not participate in Burma’s 2010 elections, in spite of recent reports
indicating that international observers will be invited to monitor the
process.

Monitoring is not likely to make the elections free and fair, spokesmen
for the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Mon National Democratic Front
(MNDF) told IMNA, nor will it resolve underlying problems with country’s
constitution.

Few details on the monitoring have been publicized, raising questions
about the extent of any monitors’ mandate. To date, Burma’s State Peace
and Development Council (SPDC) government has made no official public
statement; save for a few paragraphs in the Bangkok Post on March 1st and
a follow-up story by the Irrawaddy the next day, the story has received
little to no international coverage.

According to the Bangkok Post, Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein recently
told Thailand’s Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva that Burma would welcome
observation by UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari, UN staff and other
western observers. The Post based its story on a statement by Thailand’s
deputy government spokesman Suphachai Jaisamut.

Nai Ong Mange, NMSP party spokesman, cautioned that the UN has made no
official announcement regarding monitoring, let alone provided details
about how, where and what monitors would be allowed to observe. “The UN
has not officially announced how they will observe the 2010 election,” Nai
Ong Mange told IMNA. The NMSP is the largest Mon political party and has
officially controlled a small amount of territory in Mon State since
agreeing to a ceasefire with the SPDC in 1995.

“If the UN monitors, it will only be able to do and see what the SPDC says
to do and see,” continued Nai Ong Mange. “They will not come to the ethnic
areas – they will not make the election free and fair.”

Media, human rights and democracy groups have widely reported poll
tampering during a constitutional referendum held in May 2008. Reported
abuses – particularly in primarily ethnic rural areas – include voter
intimidation, pre-filled ballots and result fabrication. Official figures,
meanwhile, say the country’s new constitution was confirmed by a vote of
more than 90%.

“Although UN Monitors might join the election now
 they can do nothing,”
agreed MNDF spokesman Nai Hong Dein. The MNDF is another respected Mon
political party, which won 5 seats in Burma’s later-annulled 1990
elections.

“The SPDC will not change, they will not review the constitution,”
explained Nai Hong Dein. “The constitution is not for the ethnic
nationalities; it is for strengthening the SPDC. Although there may be
monitors, we will not participate. Even if they monitor, Burma will not
become a democratic country. It will not become a federal country.

Both the NMSP and MNDF have announced that their refusal to participate in
the 2010 election is primarily predicated on opposition to Burma’s
constitution. According to the groups, the constitution provides
insufficient protection for ethnic minorities and is too difficult to
amend.

Nai Ong Mange also highlighted the SPDC’s continued failure to provide
details on how the election will be conducted. Details explaining how
political parties can be officially formed have not been released, he
said, nor have rules explaining how poll stations and voting areas will be
allocated. Indeed, though rumors indicate that the election is tentatively
scheduled for March 2010, there has been no official SPDC statement.

In the past, at least one Mon politician interviewed by IMNA has
criticized the lack of clarity regarding election rules as a deliberate
strategy to weaken opposition parties.

But though both the MNDF and NMSP appear firm in their refusal to join the
election, both spokesmen said their parties would not oppose the formation
of political parties by other Mon groups. “If the NMSP and MNDF don’t
join, a Mon political party will appear,” said Nai Hong Dein. “I won’t say
that this political party is good or bad.”

“If a 3rd party appears
 the NMSP will not bother this party. They can do
what they want to do. If the people and monks support them, it is good and
they have a right to participate,” agreed Nai Ong Mange.

The NMSP stance appears to mirror that of the Kachin Independence
Organization (KIO), which will require KIO members to leave the party if
they contest the election. “If an NMSP member wants to form a political
party, they can go – it is their choice,” said Nai Ong Mange. “But the
NMSP will not back these members. We will not support them and we will not
bother them. But they will have to leave the party – they cannot use the
NMSP name.”

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

March 6, Democratic Voice of Burma
Thai authorities order KNU to leave Thai soil – Thurein Soe

A letter stating that no Karen National Union members are allowed to live
on Thai soil has been sent to the KNU by Thai authorities.

The letter, sent on 11 February, instructs KNU members to move back and
settle on the Burmese side of the border.

It was issued by the Thai government on the instigation of the Burma’s
ruling State Peace and Development Council and the Democratic Karen
Buddhist Army.

"The Thai authorities issued the edict on the basis of the argument of the
SPDC and the DKBA that KNU issues orders for its troops to leave the Thai
side,” said KNU Central Executive Committee member David Htaw.

Htaw insisted that the KNU had maintained the decision not to base its
movements in Thailand and that it is more effective for KNU troops to
rally within Burma.

But the Thai authorities won't forcibly expel KNU members who receive
medical treatment in Thailand.

____________________________________
HEALTH / AIDS

March 6, Democratic Voice of Burma
Concern over meningitis outbreak in Magwe division – Nan Kham Kaew

Residents in Magwe division’s Pokokku are taking random medication to
prevent meningitis after a young local died two weeks ago from the
disease.


A monk in Pakokku, in central Burma, told DVB that local residents are
growing increasingly nervous following the man’s death.

“People are now taking these pills which they thought could prevent the
meningitis,” said the monk.

“They said you can’t have the condition after taking the medicine once and
have been giving each other advice to take it.”

A doctor in central Burma said meningitis was a common medical condition
in the region during the hot summer season when the dust level in the air
becomes dense.

He said the condition is caused by infection in respiratory system, which
can lead to inflammation of the protective membranes covering the brain,
possibly leading to death.

“The best thing to deal when it starts showing symptoms is to rush to a
nearest hospital,” said the doctor.

“At times like this, people should avoid hanging around in crowded places
and also should take care of their personal hygiene.”

____________________________________

March 6, Xinhua
1st private special treatment hospital in Myanmar new capital under
construction

A private special treatment hospital in a new satellite town in Myanmar's
new capital of Nay Pyi Taw is under construction to add to the developing
health facilities there, according to the project administrator Friday.

As a private-sector contribution, the 300-bed Okdarathiri Myothit Private
Hospital of Singapore-standard is being built to become the first of its
kind in the new capital, said the Universal Company undertaking the
project.

Nay Pyi Taw has already had some 1,000-bed and 200-bed state-owned
hospitals, it also said.

Myanmar moved its administrative capital to Nay Pyi Taw from Yangon in
November 2005.

Aimed at developing private healthcare services and utilizing effectively
the resources of private sector in providing such services to the public
in accordance with the national health policy, Myanmar permits systematic
running of private health care services which include private clinic
service, private hospital service, private maternity home service, nursing
home service and private mobile health care service.

For the development of the health sector, Myanmar has drawn up its health
vision 2030 with the aim to provide comprehensive health care for the
entire people.

Measures are also being taken for the expansion and upgrading of
hospitals, dispensaries and health centers.

According to official statistics, there were 839 hospitals and 1,468 urban
and rural health centers in Myanmar with 26,591 doctors and 21,781 nurses
as of 2007.

____________________________________
DRUGS

March 6, New Light of Myanmar
CCDAC holds discussion with secretaries of work groups

The Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control held the meeting 1/2009 with
secretaries of the work groups at the hall of Myanmar Police Force
Headquarters, here, yesterday afternoon.

Speaking on the occasion, Director-General of MPF Brig-Gen Khin Yi said
that the task forces undertaking the opium substitute tasks are to make
field trips to the rural areas by joining hands with the local military
units, police force, special anti-narcotic drug squads and local
authorities. In implementing the second five-year plan, over 700,000 acres
of seasonal crops and over 800,000 perennial crops could be cultivated
more than the first five-year plan. Over K 37 million was spent on
distribution of pedigree cow, pig, goat and chicken, K 13.5 million on the
medical treatment and K 9 million on fish breeding.

The Social Welfare Department trained 478 voluntary supervisors for drug
abuse control and they are to coordinate with the local authorities for
looking after the drug addicts at the rehabilitation camps, holding
educative talks and disseminating knowledge on danger of narcotic drugs
and HIV/AIDS, he said.

He added that from 1 January to 31 December 2008, action was taken against
3,773 persons in 2,429 drug-related cases. Myanmar signed bilateral
agreements with neighbouring countries in the region and sub-region in
carrying out the narcotic drug eradication tasks.

As of 5 January 2009, Myanmar is joining hands with the People's Republic
of China in conducting survey of poppy cultivation in Shan State. He urged
the secretaries of the work groups to strive for achieving the success in
2009 in implementing the second five-year plan of the 15-year narcotic
drug eradication plan.

Joint Secretary of CCDAC Police Col Kham Aung reported on the
accomplishments in the minutes of the meeting 1/2008.

After hearing the reports of officials, the director-general attended to
the needs.—MNA

____________________________________
ASEAN

March 6, Mizzima News
TCG mandate extended, critics question PONREPP – Mungpi

The role of a United Nations-backed group assisting in reconstruction and
recovery in Burma, following the devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis, has
been extended to another year for facilitating recovery work in the
country.

The Tripartite Core Group was formed with representatives of the Burmese
Government, the UN and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN),
to facilitate recovery and reconstruction work, after Burma was hit by
Cyclone Nargis on May 2, 2008.

The extension of TCG’s role of facilitating recovery and reconstruction in
the cyclone devastated areas in Burma came during the 14th ASEAN Summit in
Thailand last week.

A statement by the ASEAN Foreign Ministers said they had agreed to extend
the TCG’s mandate to July 2010, which the chairman of the TCG calls a
reflection of the bloc’s confidence in TCG’s work.

“The extension given to the TCG, reflects ASEAN’s confidence that the
mechanism is working efficiently in facilitating distribution and
utilization of assistance from the international community to support the
Government of the Union of Myanmar’s relief and recovery efforts,” Kyaw
Thu, Chairman of TCG and Chairman of the Civil Service Selection and
Training Board of Burma, said.

The extension of the TCG mandate came after the TCG in February, launched
a three-year Post-Nargis Response and Preparedness Plan (PONREPP), which
claimed to provide a blueprint for the reconstruction of communities,
devastated by the cyclone.

According to the PONREPP, the three-year medium-term recovery proposal
would require USD 691 million and placed the TCG to be the basis for
providing continued funding.

However, the Burma Economic Watch under the Economics Department of
Australia’s Macquarie University said, the PONREPP was a “deeply
disappointing document”.

“The recommendations set out in PONREPP, would condemn Burma, in the view
of BEW, to a continuation of the policies and programmes, which have
impoverished this once prosperous and hopeful country,” the BEW’s
statement said.

In its brief review of PONREPP, the Australian economists, who have long
observed Burma’s economy, said, among others, the document ignores the
important role of individuals and their enterprises, but privileges the
state, international agencies, and NGOs, as the primary vehicles for
Burma’s medium-term reconstruction and development.

The group said the document also depicts a model of top-down system of
working by presuming that for every reconstruction work, the state needs
to get involved and give instructions.

“Top-down ‘solutions’ and a distrust that people are best placed to know
their own interests, is PONREPP’s underlying and unrelenting theme,” the
BEW said.

The review further added the PONREPP had no justification for seeking USD
691 million from the International Community, while exempting the Burmese
junta’s foreign reserves, which BEW estimated at USD 3-4 billion, from
being used for recovery work in the country.

“It is surely not unreasonable for taxpayers in donor countries to
question why they are being asked to pay to safeguard the nest-egg set
aside by Burma’s military leaders,” BEW said.

BEW further added, with Burma ranking as the second-most corrupt country
in the world by Transparency International, and the junta’s corruption in
distributing aid having caused concern in the aid “industry’, PONREPP made
no mention of the endemic corruption in Burma.

“This is perhaps to be expected, given the make-up of the TCG itself, but
it is an example of how the interests of the ‘lowest common denominator’
actor have determined much of PONREPP’s approach,” according to BEW.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

March 5, Irrawaddy
Hundreds of thousands still displaced in Burma: Watchdog – Wai Moe

Burma’s problem of internal displacement continued in 2008 due to ongoing
conflict and human rights violations, according to a report released by a
Geneva-based watchdog, the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center (IDMC),
on Thursday.

The IDMC said in its 2008 country report on Burma that the number of
displaced persons in the eastern part of the country had increased by an
estimated 66,000 people over the past year, bringing the total for the
region to at least 451,000.

The group noted that in eastern Burma’s Karen State alone, there are more
than 100,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs). Meanwhile, in Chin
State, in western Burma, a new IDP crisis has emerged because of human
rights violations and a lack of food security.

According to the report, people in many parts of the country continue to
be displaced by forced labor and land confiscation “in the context of
state-sponsored development initiatives.” The report added that
information about IDPs in some parts of the country was not available.

Since 1996, over 3,200 villages in eastern Burma have been destroyed and
forcibly relocated or abandoned, the report said.


>From the 1980s onwards, several hundred thousand people have been forced

to flee their homes and live under difficult conditions in zones of armed
conflict, it added.

The report said the internal displacement in eastern Burma reflects the
Burmese army’s expansion of its counter-insurgency strategy into new
territories after a series of strategic gains.

Internal displacement is also occurring in ceasefire areas, caused by land
confiscation and other abuses by the Burmese army, according to the
report.

The group said that even in urban areas, large numbers of people have been
displaced by government development projects.

A report released last year by the leading human rights watchdog, Amnesty
International, also examined the problem of internal displacement in
Burma.

The report, Crimes against Humanity in Eastern Myanmar, released in June
2008, details the effects of Burma’s ongoing military offensive in the
area.

The report cites “widespread and systematic violations of international
human rights and humanitarian law” in eastern Burma as evidence of crimes
against humanity in the country.

“The weight of evidence therefore suggests that some of these violations
constitute crimes against humanity and that the impunity prevailing in the
country for such crimes has contributed to further human rights crises,
notably the government crackdown on demonstrators in September 2007,” the
report said.

Under Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court
(ICC), crimes against humanity are defined as certain illegal acts
“committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against
any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack.”

The ICC identifies 11 crimes, including murder, enslavement and
“deportation or forcible transfer of population,” as acts that could
constitute crimes against humanity.

“Although Myanmar [Burma] is not a party to the Rome Statute, the
definition in this Statute of crimes against humanity reflects rules of
customary international law binding on all states, regardless of whether
or not they are parties to the Statute,” according to the AI report.

On March 4, the ICC issued a warrant for the arrest of Sudanese President
Omar Hassan al-Bashir, who is accused of committing genocide in Sudan’s
western Darfur region. It was the first time in history that a warrant had
been issued for the arrest of a current head of state facing charges of
crime against humanity.

____________________________________
INTERVIEW

March 6, Irrawaddy
Washington’s man in Thailand discusses Obama’s Asia policies

In a wide ranging interview with The Irrawaddy, US Ambassador to Thailand
Eric G John spoke about what Asia and the countries of Asean in particular
can expect from the foreign policy program of Barack Obama’s presidency.
He also confirmed that the Obama administration will review Washington’s
policy on Burma.

Question: US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s recent visit to Asia was
seen by many as a sign that President Obama wants to focus his foreign
policy on this region. What can the US do to improve its relations with
Asia, particularly Asean?

Answer: We’ve had a long-standing relationship with Asean, one that spans
more than 30 years. I understand the perception recently may be that we
have not paid enough attention to Asia or Asean, but a closer look will
reveal that we have always been engaged with this region. During the last
administration, we established the US-Asean Enhanced Partnership, and we
have taken definitive steps to improve bilateral cooperation with many
Asean members in recent years.

Having said that, the Obama administration has sent a clear signal of its
intention to make relations with Asia an even greater priority. Last
month, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton made her first official
overseas visit as Secretary of State to Asia, the first time this has
happened in nearly 50 years. During her tour of Asia, Secretary Clinton
became the first US Secretary of State—and the highest ranking US
official—to visit the Asean Secretariat in Jakarta, Indonesia. I believe
that her visit to Asean’s headquarters marks a new era in US-Asean
relations, and one that will see unprecedented engagement between the
United States and Asean member countries.

As Secretary Clinton announced in Jakarta, President Obama and his
administration will soon launch a formal interagency process to pursue
accession to Asean’s Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia.
This is a major step forward in our relationship with Asean. The Secretary
also told Asean Secretary General Surin Pitsuwan that she plans to travel
to Thailand in July to participate in the Asean Post-Ministerial and Asean
Regional Forum. The US Ambassador for Asean Affairs and Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State Scot A Marciel—the first such ambassador appointed
among Asean’s 10 dialogue partners—represented Washington at the Asean
Summit in Cha-am, Thailand February 27-28. The participation of these
high-level US government officials in these critical regional fora
certainly reflects the importance we place on our relationship with Asean.

Looking forward, there will be many opportunities for the US and Asean to
work together. The economic development and well-being of all Asean
nations is of great importance to the United States and increasing trade
with Asean will be a key objective for the new Obama administration. The
United States provides a huge market for Asean’s exports. In 2007, we
purchased US $111 billion in Asean goods. US private sector investment in
Asean exceeds $130 billion, more than in China, Japan or India. In turn,
the United States each year exports more than $60 billion in goods to
Asean, our fourth largest market.

In addition to trade, the United States will also look to partner with
Asean to make progress on climate change, counterterrorism, disease
control, the situation in Burma, disaster relief and many other issues of
importance to the region. The US and Thailand will co-chair the Asean
Regional Forum Intersessional process on Disaster Relief Management, for
instance.  I am certain that under President Obama and Secretary Clinton’s
leadership the US-Asean partnership will strengthen an already vigorous
relationship, and we will engage in dialogue and action with Asean to
address the full range of these issues in the months and years to come.

For the full interview, please visit:
http://irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=15253
____________________________________

March 6, Myanmar Times
Success of ASEAN ‘up to the people’: Surin – Roger Mitton

Myanmar Times special correspondent Roger Mitton conducted a wide-ranging
interview with the ASEAN secretary general, Surin Pitsuwan, ahead of the
14th ASEAN summit in Hua Hin, Thailand, last weekend. Here are some of the
issues they discussed:

Q: You said the Myanmar government has cooperated well with ASEAN in the
Nargis relief effort. Can ASEAN build on that cooperation?

A: Ten years ago, there was a need to encourage more candid and more open
discussions about problems between us in ASEAN. Because, while some of
those problems might be domestic in nature, others could affect the
neighbourhood. Now, of course, globalisation has done away with the notion
that you can have absolute control of your own problems. I think that has
been realised across ASEAN. So that in Myanmar, what they are doing now is
more like flexible engagement. In fact, they have even gone beyond that.
They are very, very open and candid about their engaging. And on some of
the matters sensitive to them, they volunteer to give a briefing to their
ASEAN colleagues. I think that is progress.

Q: The new ASEAN charter has provisions for safeguarding human rights and
democracy. Do you think all the members will adhere to them?

A: We are a diverse group in ASEAN. We go every which way, including in
the implementation of economic goals, governance, the way in which the
societies are governed. We are very diverse. The good thing that the
charter brings is to clearly specify and spell out these things. I don’t
think the power of the charter should be under-estimated. It spells out
the mission that every member must aspire to and must try to achieve.

Q: So you don’t think the diversity will deplete the force of the charter?

A: I think the various elements in the whole spectrum of ASEAN, including
the people of all member states, will have to take a look at the charter
and seek ways to really enforce it. For the last four decades, ASEAN has
been a leader-driven organisation. The new charter now provides for people
to participate and make a contribution. If people take that seriously,
we’ll have a chance to help drive and shape the region and the
organisation. If they don’t, then you can’t blame the leaders. They have
made their commitment, they have opened up the space. Now it’s for the
people of ASEAN to seize the opportunity.

Q: Getting the charter ratified was not easy, especially in Thailand with
all the unrest last year?

A: That’s right, the most difficult part was in Thailand. But also in
Indonesia and the Philippines, which have their own rhythm, their own
processes to go through. It was a lesson for all of us, that in the open
systems, you can’t take anything for granted. And if you want democracy,
you have noises. You have a lot of people who want to be part of the
process. So it was a good learning experience. And the charter has
certainly given us a boost. People around the world are taking ASEAN much
more seriously because of the charter.

Q: You’re an optimist?

A: Well, I don’t see it as unusual that some ASEAN members may be
reluctant, or may interpret the words of the charter differently. It’s
really up to the people. My hope is that they will make a contribution and
they will drive the organisation onward. Perhaps bit by bit, perhaps
slowly. But the space is there. Seize it.

Q: Cambodia was the last member to join. Do you think its inclusion in
ASEAN has helped it become more stable and democratic?

A: The inclusion of Cambodia has been mutually advantageous. Certainly
ASEAN has benefitted from the membership of Cambodia. On some issues,
Cambodia has played a very constructive role. And Cambodia itself, while
it took some time to join, has also benefitted from the support and the
cooperation of ASEAN, even in the settlement of its own internal affairs.

Q: Regarding disputes between members, like that between Cambodia and
Thailand over Preah Vihear, ASEAN seems rather toothless.

A: I don’t think so. In that particular case, ASEAN encouraged the parties
to reach a resolution amicably and bilaterally. And ASEAN members were,
and continue to be, standing by, making phone calls, making visits, making
representations. I appealed to some members to get involved, positively,
to express concern and encourage caution and restraint. Many of them did
so without my nudging or appeal. In the end, the issue did not play up. So
I think the restraint and caution that was urged by their ASEAN colleagues
had some impact.

Q: Australia’s Prime Minister Kevin Rudd is pushing for a European
Union-style Asian community. Won’t that diminish ASEAN?

A: The role of ASEAN will only be diminished by the activities of ASEAN,
not by any other architectures outside. Even without those architectures,
if ASEAN, as an organisation, does not deliver on the promises in the
charter, then it’s going to be diminished. My commitment is to make sure
that does not happen, to make sure that ASEAN is relevant and continues to
be relevant. But in doing that, we cannot restrain anybody from exercising
imagination. It is for the good of the region. I told Mr Rudd that we need
to know more about his vision. These challenges help keep ASEAN’s momentum
going.

Q: You were foreign minister in the last Democrat Party-led government in
Thailand. Now the Democrats are back in power, do you not regret leaving
to become ASEAN secretary general?

A: No. I was asked by the leadership of the Democrat Party to come back,
but I declined. I said I’ve made my decision, thank you very much. I’ll
come back and serve when I’m free. But for now, I’m committed to this job.
I’ll give it my best five years. It’s extremely challenging. Often very
inspiring. Often very much under pressure – but I think that’s to be
expected. I have said that I would give my full measure to the job and I
think ASEAN needs someone with a very strong commitment in order to drive
it forward under the new charter.