BurmaNet News, April 8, 2009

[Editor]

April 8, 2009, Issue #3687

INSIDE BURMA
Mizzima: NLD reviews finer points of Special Announcement No. 18
Irrawaddy: KNU says ceasefire agreements essential for peaceful Burma
DVB: ‘Non-political’ group to assess sanctions
AP: Burma bus accident claims 20 lives

ON THE BORDER
News Track India: Chin suffers from inadequate access to protection in India

BUSINESS / TRADE
Mizzima: Water Festival benefits Junta Chief’s grandson
KNC: Yuzana Company builds houses for 100,000 workers
NLM: Stake-driving ceremony for construction of Nay Pyi Taw International
Airport held

DRUGS
Asia Times Online: Manhunt is on for Mekong Robin Hood
Bernama: Myanmar women nabbed, drug worth RM 157,000 seized

REGIONAL
GMANews.TV: PM Hasten Asean rights body, Romulo urges regional counterparts
Bernama: M'sia striving to resolve Rohingya refugee problem

INTERNATIONAL
Mizzima: RSF demands release of two bloggers - Nem Davies

OPINION / OTHER
Mizzima: Reflecting on the wisdom of Ludu Sein Win - Celeste Chenard

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

April 8, Mizzima News
NLD reviews finer points of Special Announcement No. 18 - Ko Wild

Chiang Mai – In a bid to explore a political strategy, the National League
for Democracy (NLD), is currently reviewing the finer points expressed in
its Special Announcement (18/09/08).

The NLD has said that convening Parliament, as mentioned in this statement
does not imply seizing power, but amendment and approval of the
Constitution.

For this process to be successful, dialogue between the two top leaders,
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr. Gen. Than Shwe should be initiated, without
any preconditions, NLD CEC member, U Khin Maung Swe told Mizzima.

"If Daw Suu and Snr. Gen. Than Shwe accept the amendment of the
Constitution, everything will be fine. Then we can consider other options
rather than forming a committee in Parliament. In the last stage, there
must be a Parliament, as we must recognize the results of the 1990 general
elections. After reaching an agreement, there will be the option of
forming a committee, amending the Constitution and getting it approved by
the Parliament. It depends on mutual trust," he said.

In the Special Announcement No. 18, the NLD says that the 2008
Constitution was forcibly approved by the SPDC, against the will of the
people. And it also urges the junta to convene Parliament at the earliest
with the elected MPs, in accordance with Section 3 of the 1990 General
Election Law.

This Parliament should be formed with a 'Constitution Review Committee',
with representatives of the 1990 election winning parties, elected MPs,
army representatives, ethnic representatives, representatives of ceasefire
groups and constitutional legal experts.

U Khin Maung Swe said that NLD had first focused on transferring power
from the junta just after general elections and it could accept the
changing situation later.

"We initially thought the junta would really transfer all three pillars of
power to the winning party, as there was no clear provision and
explanation before the elections. So we thought in a normal manner. Now,
we have called for convening the Parliament as recognition of the 1990
election results. However, it has nothing to do with the three pillars of
power, just amendment of the Constitution, and its adoption," he said.

Meanwhile, at the last 64th Anti-Fascist Resistance Day, Snr. Gen. Than
Shwe warned not to undermine the Constitution, which had already been
approved by the people.

"There is provision for amendment in the 2008 Constitution. It is not
undermining of the Constitution, but demanding a review, as we have the
right to do so, in accordance with the law. In every country in the world,
no law is perfect and needs to be amended. Calling for amending an
amendable Constitution does not mean undermining it," he said.

After releasing this special announcement, the Police Chief met NLD party
CEC members at the office of the Home Ministry and warned they could be
prosecuted, unless they withdrew this statement. But, the NLD replied that
they could not accept what he had said.

The United Nations has urged successive military regimes to recognize the
1990 general election results for over 10 years.

____________________________________

April 8, Irrawaddy
KNU says ceasefire agreements essential for peaceful Burma - Saw Yan Naing

The Burmese regime should sign ceasefire agreements with all ethnic armed
groups, including the Karen National Union (KNU), if it wants peace for
the country, said KNU leaders after talks in Thailand with Thai Foreign
Minister Kasit Piromya.

KNU General-Secretary Zipporah Sein said her organization was happy to
talk to the regime if the junta really wanted a constructive dialogue.

Kasit, who visited Naypyidaw last month, told Zipporah Sein and other KNU
leaders at a meeting in Bangkok on Monday that Burmese Prime Minister Gen
Thein Sein wanted to meet the KNU and discuss its stand.

Five Thai officials were also present at the meeting with the KNU leaders.

During his two-day visit to the Burmese capital, Kasit had talks with
Thein Sein and Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win. Kasit said he had been
asked to help in efforts to encourage ethnic rebels to involve themselves
in the junta’s seven-step roadmap.

In their meeting with Kasit, the KNU leaders repeated their stand that any
talks with Burmese government should take place in Thailand or a third
country.

“If we go and talk in Burma, there is no third party and we will be under
the management of the Burmese regime,” Zipporah Sein said.

She and other KNU leaders expressed skepticism about any Burmese
government offer to engage in talks. Such an offer “could be part of the
Burmese regime election process. If we have chance to meet, I think that
they [junta] will talk about the general election.”

Burmese observers in exile say they believe talk between Burmese
government officials and KNU leaders could be held in the near future,
most likely in Thailand.

Htay Aung, a Burmese researcher for the exile-based Network for Democracy
and Development, said there would be a “gap” between the KNU and Burmese
opposition groups in exile if the KNU signed a ceasefire agreement with
the Burmese government.

The Thai authorities were also likely to increase pressure on Burmese
opposition groups and the democracy movement would be weakened if the KNU
reached a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese regime, Htay Aung said.

The KNU has been fighting for autonomy since Burma gained independence
from British colonial rule in 1948. Several other splinter groups have
signed separate peace agreements with the military regime since 1994.

About 70 Karen rebels led by Nay Soe Mya, son of the late KNU leader Gen
Saw Bo Mya, defected to the Burmese military government on March 30, the
state-run newspaper, The New Light of Myanmar, reported on Saturday.

____________________________________

April 8, Democratic Voice of Burma
‘Non-political’ group to assess sanctions

A self-proclaimed non-partisan group in Burma has announced plans to
examine the effects of sanctions on Burmese citizens and present their
findings to the United States and European Union.

The group, calling themselves Lifting Sanctions, Internal and External
Forces, 2009 Campaign, announcement its intentions in a statement released
yesterday at a news conference in Rangoon.

“Economic sanctions are an inhumane policy which delays [Burma's] path to
democracy in the transition period,” China Radio International quoted the
statement as saying.

The group claim to be a non-political body, with no ties either to the
government or opposition movement.

It remains ambiguous as to whether the group would pass comment on the
ruling State Peace and Development Council’s role in the imposition of
sanctions.

"For the time being, it is early to say,” said member Aung Khine Win.

“We [have] neither cooperation nor separation with the military government.”

The Burmese government’s sentencing of political prisoners and heavy
restrictions on opposition parties has been citied as the main reason for
the imposition of sanctions.

Another member, Ko Ko Latt, insisted the group had no affiliation with the
pro-government 88 generation students (Union of Myanmar) group, who in the
past has called for the lifting of sanctions.

Yesterday, activist group 88 generation students (not to be confused with
the above) sent a letter to the SPDC outlining the need for the government
to carry out reforms as a precursor to sanctions being lifted.

If the government continued to ignore demands for the release of political
prisoners and an amendment to the 2008 constitution, which guarantees a
continuation of military rule, then the economic blockade would increase,
said member Nay Myo.

____________________________________

April 8, Associated Press
Burma bus accident claims 20 lives

Yangon - Twenty pilgrims died and 25 others were seriously injured when
their bus plunged almost a kilometre into a ravine in north-western Burma.

The Myanma Ahlin Daily newspaper reported on Wednesday that the bus was
taking the pilgrims, most of them women, from Yangon to the town of Sitwe,
600km to the north-west, when it developed engine trouble and veered off a
mountain road.

The accident occurred on April 1. News of accidents and other incidents
that occur in the countryside often takes days to reach Yangon given the
country's fragile communications and reluctance of many officials in the
military-ruled state to report them.

Numerous pilgrimages occur this time of year in military-ruled Burma.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

April 7, News Track India
Chin suffers from inadequate access to protection in India

In a new report released today, the Chin Human Rights Organization finds
that Chin people seeking protection as refugees face prolonged
wait-periods in extremely poor conditions with very little access to
humanitarian relief.

The CHRO has appealed New Delhi and the UNHCR to ensure that Chin in Delhi
have access to expedient and fair protection mechanisms as well as basic
human necessities.

“So many Chin in Delhi live in deplorable conditions- without jobs,
without basic amenities, without access to social services,” said Salai
Bawi Lian Mang, executive director of CHRO adding “In fact, the Chin are
refugees in desperate need of protection, but it takes years to gain
protection by the UNHCR. Meanwhile, the Chin are living on the bare
margins of society in Delhi.”

Currently, the estimated Chin population in Delhi is 4,200- the largest
asylum-seeking population from Burma living in Delhi.

Sixty-six percent of the Chin community are unemployed and those who are
employed typically work 10- to 12-hour days for less than Rs. 70 (US$1.35)
per day. Illnesses are common and access to affordable and quality
healthcare is limited. More than half of those Chin who died in 2007 and
2008 succumbed to easily treatable and preventable health problems, such
as diarrhea, stated in a statement issued by CHRO from California.

Mentionable that, hundreds of thousands of people of Chin were forced to
leave their homes in the Burmese province to escape from severe ethnic and
religious persecution of the military regime. They arrive in India in
search of security and the hope of enjoying basic freedoms. Currently,
some 75,000 to 100,000 ethnic Chin from Burma are living on the
India-Burma border State of Mizoram.

As UNHCR has no access and provides no protection to the Chin population
living in Mizoram, the only available means of protection in India is to
travel some 2,400 kilometers to Delhi. Due to the significant distance and
expense of this trip, only a small minority of the Chin population in
India is able to make it to Delhi. As of December 2008, the population of
Chin in Delhi numbered 4,200.

Although UNHCR supports several programs to provide for and improve the
welfare of the Chin community, many of these programs are inadequate and
ineffective to meet the community needs. Access to such programs is
limited to UNHCR-recognized refugees and more than half of the Chin
community in New Delhi is not eligible to benefit from such programs.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

April 7, Mizzima News
Water Festival benefits Junta Chief’s grandson - Myint Maung

New Delhi - The grandson of Burmese junta Supremo Senior Gen. Than Shwe is
reportedly making money by reselling municipal permits issued by the
Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC), for hosting pandals for the
upcoming water festival.

Pho La Pyea, who has received ten permits for building pandals, will
reported host two to be located on Rangoon’s Prome Road near Inya Lake,
opposite the Institute of Economics, but will eight others at Kyat 3.8
million (USD 2,900) each.

"Pho La Pyea got building permits for 10 mandaps (pandals). He will host
two of them. But the remaining eight are being sold," a youth, who is a
close associate of revelers and will visit the mandaps along that road
said.

"Most of these permits are bagged by close associates of generals. Youths
say that the son of Maj. Gen. Tin Aung Myint Oo could not get mandaps at
good locations because Pho La Pyea took all of them," he added.

While traditional water festival in Buddhist dominated Burma is held as a
celebration to welcome the New Year, it has long been commercialised by
hosting pandals, where the host earns from people who comes and play with
water.

People who wished to host pandals have to seek building permit and share
the cost among them. The price of these permits usually varies from
location to location.

The latest issue of 'The Voice' weekly reported that YCDC Chairman Brig.
Gen. Aung Thein Lin told local journalists at a press briefing held on
March 25 that they would not allow building large mandaps on Inya Road and
University Avenue. They would permit medium and small size mandaps only.

But the weekly did not say what the reason behind this restriction was.

It is learnt that the civic body decides on the size of these mandaps.
Large mandaps are for over 50 feet in length, the medium ones are between
25 feet and 50 feet and the small ones are below 25 feet.

The deposit for using pedestrian platforms on these two roads are Kyat
50,000. As for other locations, the fees are Kyat 30,000 for large sized
mandaps, Kyat 20,000 for medium ones and Kyat 10,000 for small ones. They
have to sign a bond to pay fine and all expenses for repairs if these
platforms are damaged during the festival.

The YCDC Engineering Department (Road and Bridges) said that there will be
50 mandaps on Inya Road, 24 mandaps on University Avenue and 228 mandaps
in other locations during last year’s festival.

The 20 year old Pho La Pyea is studying in Hlaingtharya Technical College.

Last year Snr. Gen. Than Shwe was outraged after hearing that his grandson
Pho La Pyea had 'Yaba' ecstasy drugs distributed by business tycoon Maung
Weik who had a close rapport with the regime. He ordered busting of the
drug trafficking gang operating among the affluent youth in Rangoon.

During the operation, Maung Weik was arrested and he is now serving time
in Pathein prison in Irrawaddy Division.

____________________________________

April 8, Kachin News Group
Yuzana Company builds houses for 100,000 workers

Hundreds of houses for over 100,000 workers from lower Burma who are to
work in its crop fields in the Hukawng Valley in Kachin State are being
constructed by Rangoon-based Yuzana company, said sources close to the
firm.

Hundreds of wooden houses for workers and sheds for farming equipments are
being set up on both left and right sides along the Stilwell Road or Ledo
Road (also known as Burma Road in WW II) between Nawng Mi and Danai
(Tanai), said eyewitnesses.

Currently over a thousand Burman workers from lower Burma, are working in
the crop fields doing the company's general work. New Burman workers will
be brought in soon, according to sources close to the company.

In late 2006, the company started to grow mainly cassava plants and sugar
cane in some areas in parts of over 200,000 acres of land which was bought
from the Burmese regime in early 2006, said residents of Hukawng Valley.

Moreover, the Yuzana Company is creating crop fields by felling all trees
in the forests which have been protected by local Kachin people for a long
time. The timber is being transported to Rangoon by train for export since
2006, said local residents.

The Yuzana Company is owned by a young Burman tycoon U Htay Myint, who is
close to the businessman son of the junta's No. 2 Srn-Gen Maung Aye. The
residents of the Valley cannot protest because it is protected by local
Burmese Army bases, added locals.

On the other hand, the company is reconstructing the Stilwell Road with
sand-stones from Namti to Danai. But bridges are being constructed with
concrete by Chinese workers who are hired by the Yuzana Company, said
travellers.

On June 26, 2007, the junta's No. 1 Snr-Gen Than Shwe was urged to stop
the Yuzana company's grabbing of land from local Kachins by a letter,
which was signed by 19 representatives and over 800 farmers in villages
along Ledo Road- Nawng Mi, Warazup, Tingkawk, Kawng Ra and Danai Town in
the Valley. However there was no response.

Presently, native Kachins of Hukawng Valley are angry and fuming over the
activities of the Yuzana Company and the junta for grabbing their land
with military muscle and they view them as the "invaders of their land".

____________________________________

April 8, The New Light of Myanmar
Stake-driving ceremony for construction of Nay Pyi Taw International
Airport held

Nay Pyi Taw— A stake-driving ceremony for construction of Nay Pyi Taw
International Airport was held at Nay Pyi Taw Airport today, attended by
Secretary-1 of the State Peace and Development Council General Thiha Thura
Tin Aung Myint Oo.

Present were Commander of Nay Pyi Taw Command Maj-Gen Wai Lwin, the
ministers, the deputy ministers, the attorney-general, the deputy
attorney-general, departmental heads and guests.

Minister for Transport Maj-Gen Thein Swe reported on data of the Nay Pyi
Taw International Airport Project.

Managing Director of Asia World Co U Tun Myint Naing reported on drawing
design of the airport with the assistance of CPG Consultants Pte Ltd of
the Republic of Singapore and arrangements for construction of the airport
in three phases.

The Secretary-1 said the present new Nay Pyi Taw airfield was built in
accord with the characteristics of a city before the Nay Pyi Taw
construction project started. Now Nay Pyi Taw construction tasks have
completed to some extent and transport networks such as railroads and
motor roads that centred on Nay Pyi Taw have gradually developed.

He said basic structures have been built in Nay Pyi Taw and
State-sponsored ceremonies are being held there and diplomats and embassy
staffs come to discharge their duties. Moreover, Heads of State, Heads of
government come to Nay Pyi Taw on goodwill visits.

According to the present position of the Nay Pyi Taw Airport, there are
limitations for taking off and landing of big planes and for other
services. Therefore, it is necessary to upgrade the present airport to
meet international standard. The international airport project will be
implemented in three phases. At the first phase, necessary structures and
terminals will be built to handle 3.5 million passengers per year.

The Secretary-1 called for construction of the airport in accord with the
standard set as it is the building that the State can be proud of. The
Secretary-1 and party went to the site where the stake-driving ceremony
will be held.

At the auspicious time, Commander Maj-Gen Wai Lwin, Ministers Maj-Gen
Thein Swe and Col Thein Nyunt drove the stakes at the designated places
and sprinkled scented water on them.

____________________________________
DRUGS

April 7, Asia Times Online
Manhunt is on for Mekong Robin Hood - Brian McCartan

A shootout on the Mekong River between Myanmar's army and a rebel militia
killed one and injured three Chinese sailors and motivated a manhunt that
involved the security forces of four nations. The mid-February incident
underlined the still-lawless nature of the notorious drug-producing Golden
Triangle, where Myanmar, Laos and Thailand meet and where China is making
strong trade and investment inroads.

The ethnic Shan rebel Naw Kham, 48, the target of the manhunt, is a former
member of drug lord Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army and current leader of the
Hawngleuk militia, known to be active around the Myanmar border town of
Tachilek.

Naw Kham is wanted dead or alive by certain regional governments and
stands accused by Western counter-narcotics officials for drug
trafficking. Yet he remains immensely popular among many of the Golden
Triangle's poor rural residents, who see him as a sort of modern-day Robin
Hood for his daring attacks on rich Chinese commercial interests.

As a government-sanctioned militia leader, he was known to have close
contacts with certain factions of Myanmar's army, particularly the
divisions responsible for the remote Shan State. Those contacts included
ties to Major General Ko Ko, previously commander of the Tachilek area in
the late 1990s and currently chief of the army's Bureau of Special
Operations Number 3, which is responsible for the Pegu and Irrawaddy
Divisions.

Those top-level connections haven't always been enough to protect his
interests. On January 10, 2006, in what the Myanmar government at the time
referred to as a "successful operation", Naw Kham's compound in Tachilek
was raided. A large stash of methamphetamine pills and production
equipment, as well as a cache of 150 weapons and ammunition, were seized.

Thai and Chinese anti-narcotics officials provided intelligence for the
sting operation, according to Myanmar officials who held a press
conference after the raid. That wasn't enough, however, to actually nab
Naw Kham, who, presumably with the help of his Myanmar military
connections, was tipped off to the raid and not in residence when
officials converged on his compound.

He later regrouped with his militia members to a Golden Triangle area
closer to the Mekong River. In 2007, his militia began to levy a
protection "tax" on boats traveling along the waterway, as well as
overland transport through the remote areas he controlled. Naw Kham has
consistently claimed he serves the non-ceasefire Shan State Army-South
(SSA-S), but this has been denied by the group's leader, Yord Serk.

According to a report by the Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN), an
exile-run news group internationally renowned for its coverage of the drug
trade, Naw Kham's group collected 5,000 baht (US$141) per kilogram of
heroin and 2.5 to three Thai baht per pill of methamphetamine, as well as
taxes on legitimate commercial goods.

By 2007, the Myanmar government had eased its pursuit and Naw Kham was,
according to Western counter-narcotics officials, maintaining houses near
Tachilek in Myanmar, in Laos' Bokeo province as well as near Chiang Saen
in Thailand's northern Chiang Rai province. "Sure the [Myanmar military]
helped him," claims SHAN editor Khunsai Jaiyen. "Naw Kham's group was too
small to operate in the tri-border area without protection."

Naw Kham's extortion activities have won him some powerful enemies.
According to a Western counter-narcotics analyst with extensive knowledge
of drug trafficking activities in the area, Naw Kham had started to
confiscate drug shipments that he was paid to protect and on-sold the
narcotics for his own profit. That is known to have peeved the United Wa
State Army (UWSA), the largest drug trafficking organization in Myanmar,
situated along both the Chinese and Thai borders. The UWSA is known in
2008 to have sent a contingent to confront him, but were apparently
blocked by the Myanmar Army.

Chinese enemy
Naw Kham is known to have made an even more powerful enemy in Beijing. A
string of shootings of mostly Chinese cargo vessels on a stretch of the
Mekong near the Golden Triangle in early 2008 culminated in an attack in
February on a Chinese maritime police patrol boat, the Jang Guojong 007.
Three Chinese police officers were seriously injured in the attack which
the Myanmar exile media, as well as Lao and Thai government sources, say
was the work of Naw Kham's militia.

Several reasons, none of them confirmed, were put forward for the attack.
They include: the protection of illegal drug shipments; retaliation
against another drug trafficking organization for using the patrol boat to
transport narcotics down river and undercut Naw Kham's enterprise; as a
warning to Chinese businessmen building a casino in nearby Tonpheung on
the Laotian side of the river to pay his militia protection money; or to
steal outright money being transported by the boat to the multi-million
dollar casino project.

Whatever the reason, Western counter-narcotics officials say Beijing was
infuriated about the incident and put strong diplomatic pressure on the
Lao, Thai and Myanmar governments to capture Naw Kham. A source close to
the Lao government said that Lao leaders were displeased by the attack,
which caused Vientiane
to lose face since the attack occurred on Laos' stretch of the Mekong.

The Myanmar government, some say bowing to Chinese pressure, staged on
February 18 another attack on Naw Kham's militia. The events surrounding
the Mekong firefight are still murky, but what is known is that four
Chinese cargo boats were stopped by Naw Kham's men at an island in the
river and ordered to pay protection money. Soon thereafter, soldiers from
the Myanmar army's Light Infantry Battalions 359 and 526 situated in
Tachilek attacked Naw Kham's militia members.

During the firefight one of the Chinese boats was hit by either a
rocket-propelled grenade or a grenade fired by a M79 grenade launcher.
Four Chinese on the boat were wounded, one of whom later died of his
injuries. The Myanmar military, associates of Naw Kham and individuals who
claim to be witnesses to the fight, give conflicting accounts about who
fired the grenade. What seemed more clear from the incident was that
certain Myanmar army officials were given marching orders to stop
protecting Naw Kham.
Some analysts say that Chinese pressure on the Myanmar, Lao and Thai
governments had been building steadily since the 2008 patrol boat attack.
They suggest that plans for this year's counterattack were hatched at a
February 7 meeting between Myanmar and Thai security officials, which may
also have been attended by Chinese representatives. The Bangkok Post, a
Thai English-language daily, reported that Chinese police had joined both
Myanmar and Lao security forces in the chase.

Naw Kham escaped the initial attack, which killed five of his men, but the
ensuing manhunt is believed to have decimated his organization. According
to SHAN, as of February 24, at least 34 of his men had been arrested by
Myanmar soldiers and police. Others are believed to have fled to Laos,
where according to sources in the area they were either killed or arrested
by Lao security forces.

Myanmar's army chief of staff General Thura Shwe Mann, the number three
ranking official in the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC),
made a two-day visit on February 24 to Laos, where security was reportedly
at the top of the agenda in talks with Lao President Choummaly Sayasone
and Minister for National Defense Lieutenant General Duangchay Phichit.

Jungle gang
Naw Kham's militia, with at most 50 men and their family members, was run
more like a gang than a fighting force. Yet he is known to have received
generous support from villagers and influential businessmen in Myanmar,
Laos and Thailand who are believed to have benefited from his drug
trafficking activities. With his ability to move and operate in an area
patrolled by three sovereign countries, he almost certainly also received
protection from certain Myanmar, Lao and/or Thai security officials.

Some of that support arose from Naw Kham's charisma and business savvy;
his extortion rackets and drug trafficking activities are believed to have
generated rich profits. More significantly, he was able to tap a growing
undercurrent of resentment about China's growing commercial influence in
the Mekong region. Many villagers in the area were happy to see him "tax"
Chinese cargo vessels, which often carried products that undercut the
price of their local foods and wares.

He is known to have a particular following in the Tonpheung district in
Laos' northwestern Bokeo province, where a huge Chinese casino and hotel
project has forced many from their homes with little or no compensation.
As an added insult, the Chinese company responsible for the project
imported Chinese workers for the project instead of hiring displaced and
underemployed local villagers.

Some say the displaced villagers saw Naw Kham as the only way to challenge
the Chinese investors, who are working hand-in-hand with the Lao
government through a concession arrangement. Sources along the border say
that villagers have supported some of Naw Kham's operations, including
allegedly the 2008 attack on the Chinese patrol boat. According to SHAN's
Khunsai, the gunmen were Naw Kham's in that particular incident, but they
were given back-up support from Lao villagers.

They are battling against big money interests. The four-star, 689-room
hotel and casino is being constructed by the Kings Romans Group Co Ltd
(also known as the Dokngiewkham Company) and is expected to open in the
coming months and be fully operational by 2010. Provincial vice governor
Amphone Chanhthasomboun told the Vientiane Times in August that the
project would cost about US$300 million, although other in-the-know
sources predict the project is worth closer to $200 million.

The casino and hotel are only the start of a Chinese-financed new town on
the Mekong, situated around 46 kilometers northwest of the provincial
capital of Huay Xai. A 827-hectare concession, granted by the Lao
government in 2007, gives the Chinese company rights for 50 years with an
option to extend for an additional 25 years.

The Lao government retains a 20% share in the so-called "economic zone",
which will entail 47 projects, including hotels, golf courses, shopping
centers, schools, universities, hospitals and water systems. The entire
project is slated for completion in 2018 and will include investment of
$2.2 billion. Huay Xai's rundown airfield is also scheduled to be upgraded
to an international airport as part of the broad scheme.

The enterprise, some in Laos fear, will be similar to Boten in Laos' Luang
Nam Tha province, where Lao villagers were forcibly displaced and now live
in a shantytown to make way for a Chinese-invested casino, hotel and
shopping area populated almost exclusively by Chinese visitors. What
happened at Boten is well known in Bokeo province and has fueled
resentment against Chinese in northern Laos, where growing numbers of
migrants are settling and seen to be dominating business opportunities.

Local resentment over Chinese investment and settlement has been
compounded by China's controversial control over the upper reaches of the
Mekong, where Beijing has erected a series of dams that environmentalists
say has adversely altered the river's flow. Locals claim that water levels
are adequate when Chinese vessels are scheduled to travel down the river,
but are lower when Thai vessels attempt to make the trip upstream. Chinese
officials counter that only 18% of the Mekong's flow originates in China
and so its dams do not significantly affect downstream water levels.

The Mekong has in recent years become a profitable transportation route
between northern Thailand and China's otherwise remote and landlocked
southwestern Yunnan province. The river route became economically viable
after the dredging and blasting of river rapids in Laos and Myanmar in
2004. China sees the route as an outlet for manufactured goods from Yunnan
and to import agricultural products and fuel from Thailand. Although a
faster land route linking China and Thailand through northwestern Laos was
completed last year, the lack of a bridge across the Mekong means that the
river route is still profitable.

It will likely be more so with Naw Kham's extortion racket driven out of
the area. Naw Kham is still at large and was always a small player in a
region increasingly being driven by big powers. Yet he captured the
imagination of many locals fuming over the perceived exploitative nature
of growing Chinese investments in the Golden Triangle area.

And in such an environment, even hit-and-run characters like Naw Kham can
take on the stature of local folk hero.

Brian McCartan is a Chiang Mai-based freelance journalist. He may be
reached at brianpm at comcast.net.

____________________________________

April 6, Bernama
Myanmar women nabbed, drug worth RM 157,000 seized

Kuala Lumpur - Police arrested two Myanmar women and seized 3.15kg of
heroin worth RM157,000 in a raid at Taman Segar in Cheras, here here
yesterday evening.

Kuala Lumpur Narcotics Criminal Investigation Department chief ACP Kang
Chez Chiang said police arrested the two women, aged 30 and 38 years, at
5pm and seized the drug from them.

He told a news conference that investigations on the two women led to the
arrest of two local men, aged 24 and 29 years, who were inside a car at
the parking lot of a hypermarket in the housing area.

Police also seized the car as well as six mobile phones and RM2,500 in
cash from the two men.

The case is being investigated under Section 39B of the Dangerous Drugs
Act 1952 which carries the death penalty upon conviction.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

April 8, GMANews.TV
PM Hasten Asean rights body, Romulo urges regional counterparts

Manila — The Philippines urged its counterparts in the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) Wednesday to hasten the creation of an
Asean rights body to protect freedoms in the region.

Foreign Affairs Secretary Alberto Romulo emphasized the need to make human
freedoms the centerpiece of regional growth and civilization.

"(The ASEAN Human Rights Body [AHRB]) must ensure the body is focused on
strengthening human rights values, so that it can become an institution
for building democratic states and a democratic regional community in
Southeast Asia," he said at remarks delivered recently at the Asean
Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Hua Hin, Thailand.

Excerpts of his remarks were posted Wednesday on the Department of Foreign
Affairs (DFA) website (www.dfa.gov.ph).

Romulo said Asean should derive its inspiration from the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights drafted and adopted by the United Nations more
than 60 years ago.

The Declaration “came to embody the core values and common standard of
inalienable rights for all of mankind," Romulo said, recalling that the
Philippines, together with 11 Asian countries, was one of the states that
drafted the landmark document.

He said Asean thus needs not start from a clean slate, but should rather
aim “to build and improve on existing universally accepted human rights by
adding value to these standards."

Romulo said the Asean spadework to create the AHRB is “remarkable" for
being the first human rights institution for a regional community.

But he stressed human rights must have a single norm, a universal standard
“applicable to one and all without exception."

But he also called on Myanmar to carry out its own "Roadmap for
Democracy," its avowed program of releasing political detainees, including
the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

He called for its unfettering of the National League for Democracy, and
allowing its unconditional participation in free national elections.

Since its acceptance into the ASEAN family in 1997, the government of
Myanmar has been declaring its commitment to democracy and promising a
process of national reconciliation. Fulfilling these commitments is long
overdue, he added.

“For the Myanmar government to fulfill these commitments before the
launching of the AHRB would be a compelling act of goodwill and sincerity.
It would make AHRB credible not only to the world community but even more
important – to our own peoples," he said.

He expressed support for Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda’s
proposal that the AHRB disseminate human rights norms and educate the
people in their entitlements and expectations from the human rights body.

Romulo said that once the AHRB has proved its efficacy, calling it by
proper name, “ASEAN Council for the Promotion and Protection of Human
Rights," would accord it the “level of prestige and significance
appropriate to its work within the ASEAN framework."

____________________________________

April 08, 2009 16:17 PM

April 8, Bernama
M'sia striving to resolve Rohingya refugee problem - Rais

Kuala Lumpur - Malaysia is taking measures through the Asean Secretariat
to have the 15,001 Rohingya refugees repatriated to their home country of
Myanmar or encourage third countries to accept them, the Dewan Negara was
told today.

Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Dr Rais Yatim said the Rohingya refugees in
this country received various sources of assistance from Malaysians and
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) as well as
several third countries including Australia and Canada.

He was replying to a question from Senator Datuk Abdul Rahman Bakar.

To a supplementary question, from Senator Datuk Wira Syed Ali Alhabshee,
on the diplomatic efforts of the ministry to enable Malaysia overcome the
"serious" problem of the Rohingya refugees, Rais said the foreign ministry
had notified the Myanmar government officially about the problem and that
country had given several commitments through Asean.

"However, the Asean Secretariat has to gather data on the Rohingya before
any specific action can be taken," he said.

http://www.bernama.com.my/bernama/v3/news.php?id=402684

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

April 8, Mizzima News
RSF demands release of two bloggers - Nem Davies

New Delhi – 'Reporters Sans Frontier' (RSF), an international media
freedom group, today demanded the release of two Burmese bloggers Ko Thura
a.k.a. Ko Zargana and Nay Phone Latt because they were punished unfairly.

'Reporters Sans Frontier' (RSF) based in France demanded that the junta
release the two bloggers because the long term jail sentences awarded to
them was unfair. They were arrested for possession of video CDs allegedly
attacking the junta and wrote their views and opinions on their blogs.

"They do not deserve such long terms in prison so they must be released,"
the RSF statement issued today said.

The lawyer representing the two bloggers said that his clients should not
have been given such long prison terms for just using the internet.

"Usually such cases are not awarded long prison terms because it was just
use of the internet," he said.

The RSF statement also urged the special envoy of the United Nations Mr.
Ibrahim Gambari, to focus on what is going on in Burma during his
forthcoming visit to the country as the junta interferes with the
judiciary by directly ordering the special tribunals which hear these
cases.

Ko Zargana was whisked away from his home in early June last year while he
was into Cyclone Nargis relief work. He was sentenced to 59 years in
prison after being charged under the Electronic Law, State Security and
Video Law. His sentence was later commuted to 35 years.

Youth blogger Nay Phone Latt was sentenced to 20 years in prison after
being charged with inciting crime against public tranquility and state
security, and under the Video Law and Electronic Law. His sentence was
reduced to eight and-a-half years in February this year.

Appeals have been filed at the Rangoon Supreme Court again for their
acquittal.

"We submitted appeals in Nay Phone Latt's case on April 6. It will take
some time given the court procedure. This appeal argues for the acquittal.
We hope for the best but we have to wait and see how the regime handles
our appeal," advocate U Aung Thein said.

At present, the junta is holding Ko Zargana in Myitkyina prison and Nay
Phone Latt is being held in Pa-An prison in Karen State.

Ko Zargana's sister-in-law Ma Nyein returned from Myitkyina prison today
without meeting him. She was denied permission to meet him in a prison
interview by the prison authorities on the pretext that it was not yet
time.

"Myitkyina prison jailor U Hla Shwe had promised me that I could see Ko
Zargana one day before my departure from Rangoon. But he didn't let me
meet him when I arrived there. I requested them to let me meet him but
they refused. So I did not leave the food parcels and other packages that
I brought from Rangoon with the jailors as I was not certain it would
reach  Ko Zargana," Ma Nyein told Mizzima.

Poet Saw Wei, who is serving a two-year prison term in Yemethin prison, is
now suffering from severe gastric ailments. He was arrested in February
2008 after his poem appeared in the Rangoon based 'Love' Journal. The poem
allegedly ridiculed the junta leader. The sentence 'Snr. Gen. Than Shwe
mad with power' appeared when the first word of each stanza in his poem
was pieced together.

"He has been suffering from gastric disorder for a long time. Now I hear
that he cannot eat as he is suffering from severe gastric problems. I will
meet him tomorrow during the prison interview," his wife Daw Nan San San
Aye told Mizzima.

The Burmese junta has a tight leash on the media and at least 10 bloggers
are being held in prisons apart from other media persons.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

April 8, Mizzima News
Reflecting on the wisdom of Ludu Sein Win - Celeste Chenard

“A clear cut international policy on the 2010 election is needed”

Through his words, veteran journalist Ludu Sein Win has fought to improve
the situation in his country for over four decades, tireless in his
pursuit of a better Burma.

Beginning his career as a reporter at the left-wing Ludu newspaper in the
mid-1960s, it wasn’t long before his words and associations drew the ire
of Burma’s then military head-of-state, General Ne Win, who ordered the
publication shut down in 1967. As a consequence, Ludu Sein Win spent the
ensuing 13 years in jail, and ever since his release a subject of
surveillance at the hands of Burma’s security forces.

Today, despite paralysis in his right hand and the need of
mechanically-assisted breathing, Ludu Sein Win, 69, still receives young
people at his downtown Rangoon home, reveling audiences with both his
personal story and his opinions on issues critical to Burma’s future.

With the 2010 general elections looming on Burma’s political horizon, Ludu
Sein Win, in a recent sitting, didn’t mince his words – making a resolute
appeal for a unified stance, inclusive of the international community, in
combating the junta’s heretofore unilateral roadmap.

According to Ludu Sein Win, “The feelings of the people and my own feeling
is totally to boycott the election. If we don’t recognize the national
convention, boycotting the election is the only possible strategy.”

The media, international community and political activists, in his
estimation should all come together in not recognizing the national
convention, thereby encouraging a nationwide boycott of the election.

When specifically asked about the role of the international community in
the 2010 elections, he made a clear request: “I want to ask Western
countries and the exiled media to try to conduct a concerted effort, with
a unanimous decision, to compete with the regime.”

His words are a reminder that whatever politics the U.S. opts to employ
towards Burma will greatly impact worldwide opinion and influence the
behavior of many other countries.

After all, should not the Obama administration seriously consider the fact
that effective and collective action by the international community may be
the only way to successfully, if indirectly, undermine the junta?

However, though advocating for a firm and continued rejection of the
16-year national convention process, a long-standing position of Burma’s
democratic opposition and activists, Ludu Sein Win also recognizes the
imminent need for reform within the ranks of the opposition’s leadership.

In Ludu Sein Win’s opinion, what is really important now is to build a
revitalized and strong leadership inside the country, one that can bring
new blood to the actual National League for Democracy (NLD) leadership,
which is presently epitomized by leaders in their 80s – or older.

“What we need is good leadership”, he argues. “Look at the NLD
headquarters, there are no activities, no discussions, no arguments
only
quiet. Chairmen are over 90 years old and some cannot walk without
assistance, or are blind. They discuss nothing and read nothing.”

“A leadership of octogenarians with no knowledge about the Internet cannot
compete with young, well educated members of the military,” he continued.
“The NLD needs a new organization within its headquarters because with
this current leadership we cannot compete with the government
we cannot
beat the government.”

Ludu Sein Win envisions a pivotal role for the evolving new media
technologies, in a cyber war that Burma’s military government seems to
have already acknowledged.

In a recent speech, a senior figure in Burma's military regime accused
foreign media of spreading lies to undermine national unity, a
state-controlled newspaper reported on Sunday.

“Some countries (...) are using the media as a weapon to weaken unity, to
disrupt stability and to deceive the international community,” Adjutant
General Thura Myint Aung is additionally quoted by the AP as saying in a
speech Saturday, marking the 14th anniversary of state-run Myawaddy
Television.

The implacable censorship board, a highly controlled Internet and the pure
number of jailed bogglers and journalists demonstrates just how seriously
the regime considers the threat emanating from alternative sources to that
of state-run media.

Undoubtedly, international media and the exiled media in particular have a
key role to play in the coverage of the coming elections. Understanding
this, isn’t it time to publish stories regarding the elections, especially
since Burma’s domestic media have not yet (or ever will?) discuss
electoral issues?

But to what extent can media, and in particular new media technologies,
really affect the regime’s self-imposed isolationism and stimulate
political change?

“The exiled media are very important for us,” confirms Ludu Sein Win,
“they are our only weapon to counter the propaganda and misinformation of
the authorities – they are the only media the whole nation can rely on for
information and comments.”

“It is very important for members of the exile media to work hard for the
course of the country and for the sake of the people,” he explained. “The
media must reflect the real situation of our nation and the real feeling
of the people and they must offer opinions and guide the people.”

However, the example of the 2007 uprising proves that intense media
coverage and pressure are not enough to beat the regime. Media can pair
with political transition or provide a supporting role, but alone cannot
launch a successful transition. This doesn’t mean that one should
underestimate the role of the media. On the contrary, the various forms of
media pressure are greatly needed to raise the awareness of the people and
to stimulate the necessary conditions leading to the collapse of the
regime.

When speaking of the media, Ludu Sein Win emphasizes the role of the
international and exiled media for those inside Burma, as for him they
represent a vital community working toward a hoped for transformation of
Burma’s socio-political and economic scene.

In his mind, it is not the tactics or the strategy that matters, but the
effective application of general pressure from the outside world.

And even if it is assumed that change can only come from inside Burma, a
strong and concerted approach to advocacy at the international level may
yet be the most productive means to pursue change and demonstrate support
for political activists, a strategy that could also lend itself toward the
vital emergence of a strong, internal opposition leadership.

But could such a strategy actually bear fruit? Do Ludu Sein Win’s
prescriptions to cure Burma’s wounds have a chance to succeed? With
certainty, it wouldn’t be a piece of cake. But after years of failed
politics, it should at least be worthy of pursuit, if an alternative
approach to Burma is indeed required.

Even inside the U.S., American politicians don’t agree about the right
policies to adopt. In a letter to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, 17
members of Congress recently gave notice they were "greatly concerned" by
indications that the United States was considering lifting sanctions on
Burma.

Further, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton admitted, in February,
that both the policy of constructive engagement by the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations and the sanctions-led approach applied by the U.S.
and European Union have failed to achieve any results.

It is a position echoed in the words of Ludu Sein Win with respect to next
year’s projected polling: “We need a clear cut policy on this 2010
election. Sanctions are a part of the fight, not a solution.”

Ultimately, what is clear is that opposite strategies cannot undermine a
country ruled by a band of generals unwilling to give up their
prerogatives, especially when the main trading partners of Burma – India,
China and the nations of Southeast Asia – continue to willingly make
deposits into the coffers of the generals.

Nevertheless, at the end of the day, Ludu Sein Win remains true to his
roots and heart. Despite his overtures for a strong stance and strategic
vision for Burma from the international community and exile groups, Ludu
Sein Win is a self-professed romantic, still dreaming of popular uprising
and believing in the Burmese peoples’ ability to free themselves of the
generals’ yoke.

Even though he doesn’t see the prospects for another uprising in the near
future and hammers home the need for a concerted and enhanced
international approach to Burma, he maintains, “Change will not come from
outside the country, we cannot rely on U.N or U.S intervention. We must
rely on ourselves, we have the people power.”

For Ludu Sein Win, looking back at the events of late September 2007
proved to him that the Burmese people are not afraid and still willing to
sacrifice to see a better Burma, even if it may cost them their