BurmaNet News, April 25-27, 2009

[Editor]

April 25-27, 2009, Issue #3698



INSIDE BURMA
AFP: Aung San Suu Kyi party members meet in Myanmar: spokesman
DVB: Armed groups rebutt child soldier report
Narinjara: Village councils to be formed with military supporters for 2010
election

BUSINESS / TRADE
DVB: Workers sacked after speaking to foreign media

HEALTH / AIDS
IPS via Irrawaddy: Water woes still plague Nargis survivors

REGIONAL
IPS: Burmese refugees 'treated like a commodity'

INTERNATIONAL
New Straits Times: US looking into two refugee reports

OPINION / OTHER
The Nation (Thailand): Than Shwe's winning formula to hold the reins of
power – Kavi Chongkittavorn
The Nation (Thailand): A good chance for Burma to respond – Editorial
Irrawaddy: When good news goes bad – Yeni

PRESS RELEASE
Council of the European Union: 2938th General Affairs council meeting



____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

April 27, Agence France Presse
Aung San Suu Kyi party members meet in Myanmar: spokesman

Members of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's party came from across
Myanmar on Monday to discuss elections planned for next year by the ruling
junta, a spokesman said.

Around 100 members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) gathered at
party headquarters in Myanmar's largest city ahead of a full meeting
starting on Tuesday, said spokesman Nyan Win.

The detained Nobel Peace Laureate's party has not yet said whether it will
take part in the general elections - which critics say are a sham aimed at
entrenching the power of Myanmar's military government.

'About 100 party members have come to headquarters. We invited organisers
from states and divisions (around the country). Now we will prepare for
tomorrow's meeting,' Nyan Win told AFP.

'We will discuss about the coming elections. We cannot say whether we will
make decisions, it will be known after the discussions,' he added.

He said the meeting of party members from around Myanmar was usually an
annual event, but did not take place last year.

The NLD won a landslide victory in the country's last elections in 1990
but the ruling generals refused to let the party take office.

The military has announced the polls next year under its so-called
'roadmap to democracy'. Diplomats say the junta may be aiming for a date
in March 2010.

The polls are set to be held under a new constitution that was approved in
May last year, days after Cyclone Nargis devastated southern regions of
the country and left 138,000 people dead or missing.

Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962 and is under tough
sanctions imposed by the US and European countries because of its human
rights records and continued detention of Aung San Suu Kyi.

____________________________________

April 27, Democratic Voice of Burma
Armed groups rebutt child soldier report – Francis Wade

Two of Burma’s main armed ethnic groups have said that accusations in a
United Nations report that they continue to recruit child soldiers are
wrong and damage the credibility of the report.

In March the UN Secretary General released a report that listed Burma as
one of 10 countries guilty of the use of child soldiers. The Karen
National Union and Karenni National Progressive Party were accused in the
report.

On Saturday the KNU released a statement refuting the accusations and
inviting the UN to visit areas where they are active.

“Since 2003, the KNU has not only banned the use of child soldiers under
the age of 18, but has also strengthened the ban by instructing the [KNU
armed wing Karen National Liberation Army] officers at all levels to
follow the directive precisely and to verify and enforce the ban,” said
the statement.

“The mention in UNSG’s current report of discovery of ‘one case of a child
recruited by the Karen National Union (KNU)’ is probably a case of
mistaken identity,” it said, adding that they will launch an investigation
and publish the findings.

The UN claim they have been unable to establish contact with the KNU as of
December last year.

Last week Human Rights Watch slammed the report for apparently praising
the Burmese government’s policy on child solider recruitment, claiming it
failed to highlight their continued use by the army.

“They talk about non-state armed groups, and they should, but it puts a
far more positive spin on the military government’s cooperation than we
think they deserve,” said David Mathieson, Burma researcher at HRW.

In 2002, Human Rights Watch published a report that accused Burma of being
the world’s leading recruiter of child soldiers.

The Karenni National Progressive Party released a statement on 18 April
arguing that there was no justification for their inclusion in the report
and requesting to be removed from the list.

“We, the KNPP reiterate that our armed group, the Karenni Army (KA), no
longer recruit child soldiers and we do not have any under-age soldiers in
our ranks,” it said, adding that it had issued numerous statements in the
past to that effect and had invited monitoring bodies to investigate.

The report had said that in June 2008 the parents of a 16-year-old boy who
travelled to a KNPP base to become a soldier were refused his release,
adding that they had sighted approximately 20 other children when they
visited there.

“We are willing to offer monitoring team logistic assistance and open
access to our army bases and the front line so they can monitor the
situation,” it said.

“We are also willing to have dialogue at any time.”

____________________________________

April 27, Narinjara
Village councils to be formed with military supporters for 2010 election

The Burmese military junta is preparing to form village councils
throughout Arakan State comprised of pro-tatmadaw people in order to win
the 2010 election in Arakan, said a senior clerk from the Maungdaw
district office on the condition of anonymity.

"We were ordered by the high authority from Arakan State to send the list
of the new village councils from every village in Maungdaw Township within
the month in order to reform the village councils in the near future," he
said.

Members of the new village councils will need to meet five requirements -
they must be pro-army, they must be respected by others, they must have a
fine character, they must possess a mid-level education, and they must not
be former village council members.

"We were told by the high authority to select those people who are
supporters of the Burmese army to serve on the village councils. Most
retired soldiers from Burma will be able to serve as members of the new
village councils around Arakan State," said the clerk.

According to a local source, some officials from the township
administrative office and some members from the USDA in Maungdaw Township
are now compiling the lists for new village councils.

Authorities have already formed the new pro-military councils in some
villages in Maybon and Buthiduang Townships.

The Burmese military junta is currently taking many steps to prepare for
the 2010 election in Arakan. The junta also recently announced that it
will be constructing a hydropower plant and a railway route to help
develop the state.

Many analysts believe that the recent development work is an effort to
lure Arakanese people into supporting the junta in the 2010 election. The
recent plans to form new village councils with army supporters is another
attempt to bolster their chances in the upcoming elections.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

April 27, Democratic Voice of Burma
Workers sacked after speaking to foreign media – Aye Nai

Ten garment factory workers in Bago division were sacked last week without
reason after speaking to foreign media about mistreatment in the
workplace.

The workers at Pho Shwe La garment factory in Bago’s Maha Myaing ward said
they were informed by the factory’s manager last Friday that they had been
made redundant.

No reason was given, but they claim the factory’s manager, Nweni Oak, was
reacting to an interview with the BBC’s Burmese service the previous week
about salary cuts of 20 per cent.

“On Friday, they paid us our month’s salary and told us we were being made
redundant,” said one of the factory workers.

“They said they will pay us our compensation on 5 May.”

She said she would be satisfied if the compensation is paid, although
another worker said that compensation would not suffice given her
commitment to the work.

“I did my best at work without complaining about extra tasks they asked me
to do and now they are sacking me for getting involved in the news,” she
said.

“I think this is too personal.”

The group had asked for assistance from Bago-based Guiding Star legal
advocacy group which is well known for providing help for farmers and
workers regarding rights abuses.

Aye Myint, head of Guiding Star, said this was another incident that
highlighted the lack of rights for manual workers in Burma.

“There are not many groups to help them when they are mistreated and
abused by their managers,” he said.

“The government’s labour office is only a dummy to pretend that they are
actually doing something to help.

“The lives of farmers and worker in Burma are going downhill,” he added.

____________________________________
HEALTH / AIDS

April 27, Inter-Press Service via Irrawaddy
Water woes still plague Nargis survivors – Minn Minn

“When the water is below us, we can make a living. But when it is above
us, we die,” 76-year-old U Toe mused, looking back at the damage dealt by
Cyclone Nargis nearly a year ago on May 2, 2008.

At the end of its fury, the cyclone, with sustained winds of close to 200
kilometers per hour, killed at least 137,000 people and destroyed the
lives of thousands more. Many of these people depended on the natural
resources of the fertile Irrawaddy delta, which was hardest hit by the
disaster.

Multimedia (View)
Those who survived the initial fury of the disaster soon faced—ironically
enough—a lack of potable water. Wells and ponds, traditional sources of
fresh water, had been inundated by the inflow of seawater. Water
containers, which are typically large ceramic jars or clay pots, were
smashed in the devastation. Long lines of survivors, carrying whatever
containers they had in order to get water, became a familiar sight
immediately after recovery efforts began.

In hindsight, the cyclone highlighted in the cruelest fashion the delicate
balance between man and water in the delta. The fertile soil, availability
of water and ample supply of labor once made this area the rice bowl of
the world. The waters of the delta also supported rich fish and shrimp
farms as well as natural salt farms.

But over the years, human habitation gradually changed the topography of
the delta and weakened the environment’s ability to resist cyclone-induced
strong waves and winds. This transformation accelerated over the past two
decades, as mangrove forests were cleared for charcoal production and
shrimp and fish farming. Dhani (nipa palm) trees were even more
intensively felled to provide thatch for the roofs of traditional village
homes.

Today, water problems continue to be among the biggest everyday concerns
of local residents, although relief and assistance accelerated immediately
after the cyclone.

In the months after the disaster, plastic jerry cans were imported for
residents’ water needs, and traditional ceramic jars and clay pot water
containers were brought in from other parts of Burma.

Ponds have been repeatedly cleaned since then, but survivors claim that
seepage of saltwater into groundwater sources has increased and clearing
is therefore of little avail. Digging of new wells may therefore not be an
option. Substantial resources have also been expended on fencing off the
remaining 40 percent of usable ponds and reservoirs—although there are now
few cows or buffaloes left to trespass into them.

Water filters of different types have been distributed by international
and local non-government groups and water rationing was enforced in
villages at one point, but water problems in the delta will remain for
years to come.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

April 27, Inter-Press Service
Burmese refugees 'treated like a commodity' – Marina Litvinsky

The mistreatment of Burmese migrants, asylum seekers and refugees in
Malaysia is the focus of a report released Thursday by the US Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations.

After receiving disturbing reports of trafficking in 2007, committee staff
conducted a year-long review of the allegations. The report, "Trafficking
and Extortion of Burmese Migrants in Malaysia and Southern Thailand," is
based on first person accounts of extortion and trafficking in Malaysia
and along the Malaysia-Thailand border. Committee information comes from
experiences of Burmese refugees resettled in the United States and other
countries.

Many Burmese migrants, escaping extensive human rights abuses perpetrated
by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and the Burmese military
junta, travel to Malaysia to register with the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), for resettlement to a third country,
according to the report.

Once in Malaysia, Burmese migrants are often arrested by Malaysian
authorities, whether or not they have registered with the UNHCR and have
identification papers. Burmese migrants are reportedly taken by Malaysian
government personnel from detention facilities to the Malaysia-Thailand
border for deportation.

Upon arrival at the Malaysia-Thailand border, human traffickers reportedly
take possession of the migrants and issue ransom demands on an individual
basis. Migrants state that freedom is possible only once money demands are
met. Specific payment procedures are outlined, which reportedly include
bank accounts in Kuala Lumpur to which money should be transferred.

It has become commonplace for the authorities to use the vigilante RELA
force to periodically arrest and "deport" Rohingyas, a Muslim minority,
but since Burma does not recognize them as citizens, the practice is to
take them to the Bukit Kayu Hitam area on the Thai-Malaysia border and
force them to cross over into Thailand.

Migrants state that those unable to pay are turned over to human peddlers
in Thailand, representing a variety of business interests from fishing
boats to brothels.

Human rights activists have long charged that immigration, police and
other enforcement officials, have been "trading" Rohingyas to human
traffickers in Thailand who then pass them on to deep sea fishing trawler
operators in the South China Sea.

"People seeking refuge from oppression in Burma are being abused by
Malaysian government officials and human traffickers," said Elaine
Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch.

The committee has received numerous reports of sexual assaults against
Burmese women by human traffickers along the border. One non-profit
organization official states that "Most young women deported to the Thai
border are sexually abused, even in front of their husbands, by the
syndicates, since no one dares to intervene as they would be shot or
stabbed to death in the jungle." Women are generally sold into the sex
industry.

"(The Burmese refugees) are treated as a commodity and frequently bought
and sold and we have been condemning this practice for a long time," Irene
Fernandez, executive director of Tenaganita, a non-profit group that
protects migrant workers, told IPS in January. "Our demands have always
fallen on deaf ears despite the accumulating evidence of the involvement
of uniformed officials in the trade."

The report, the first of three, states that Malaysia does not officially
recognize refugees, due in part to concern by the government that official
recognition of refugees would encourage more people to enter Malaysia,
primarily for economic reasons. Also, Malaysian officials view migrants as
a threat to Malaysia's national security.

"Malaysia does not recognize key international agreements on the
protection of refugees and foreign nationals. Nor does it apply to foreign
migrants the same rights and legal protections given to Malaysian
citizens," Fernandez said.

Foreign labor is an integral building block of Malaysia's upward economic
mobility. While Malaysia's total workforce is 11.3 million, there are
approximately 2.1 million legal foreign workers and an additional one
million illegal workers, though no accurate information is available.

While Malaysia accepts the presence of Burmese and others from outside of
the country for the purpose of contributing to the work force, persons
identified as refugees and asylum seekers on their way to a third country
are viewed as threats to national security.

In an interview with The New York Times, RELA's director-general, Zaidon
Asmuni, said, "We have no more Communists at the moment, but we are now
facing illegal immigrants. As you know, in Malaysia, illegal immigrants
are enemy No. 2."

Many of the approximately 40,000 Burmese refugees who have resettled in
the United States since 1995 have come via Malaysia.

In August 2008, committee staff met separately with officials in
Malaysia's immigration department and the prime minister's office, to
convey the committee's concern regarding the extortion and trafficking
allegations. Immigration Director-General Datuk Mahmood Bin Adam and
long-time immigration enforcement official Datuk Ishak Haji Mohammed
denied the allegations of mistreatment against Burmese migrants at the
hands of immigration and other Malaysian officials.

As reported recently in the Malaysia Star, "Home Minister Datuk Seri Syed
Hamid Albar also denied claims that thousands of illegal foreigners held
at detention centres were 'being sold off' to human trafficking
syndicates. 'I take offence with the allegation because neither the
Malaysian Government nor its officials make money by selling people.'"

However, according to the report, on April 1, 2009, Inspector-General of
Police Tan Sri Musa Hassan stated that an investigation has been launched.

The flow of refugees from Burma to Thailand, Malaysia and other countries
has cost Burma's neighbors millions of dollars in food and humanitarian
assistance. The committee calls on officials of impacted Asean countries
to measure the financial cost of hosting refugees displaced from Burma,
and to request financial compensation from Burma's military junta for
costs incurred in caring for the refugees.

It asks the government of Malaysia to address the trafficking, selling and
slavery of Burmese and other migrants within Malaysia and across its
border with Thailand. As a signatory to the Convention on the Rights of
the Child and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), Malaysia is urged to consider
alternatives to detention for refugees and asylum seekers, especially for
women and children.

"Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak should act on this US Senate report
to protect the rights of refugees and victims of human trafficking," said
HRW's Pearson.

The report advises the US, in coordination with other donor countries, to
continue providing funds to facilitate sharing of information on human
trafficking among authorities of Thailand and Malaysia; and to provide
technical and other assistance to the governments of Malaysia and Thailand
so that the trafficking of Burmese and other migrants may be more actively
pursued and prosecuted.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

April 27, New Straits Times
US looking into two refugee reports

THE United States Senate foreign relations committee is working on two
reports containing allegations by Myanmar migrants of extortion and
threats of being turned over to human traffickers in southern Thailand if
ransom demands were not met.

The first report contains detailed allegations about the extortion and
threats by Malaysian officials and the second contains specific
allegations by victims on who were paid and the recipients' bank account
numbers.

One of the committee members says he received signed statements from
former Myanmar refugees who have resettled in United States and had given
first-person accounts of what had happened to them while on Malaysian
soil.

They alleged that they were arrested by Rela and placed in government
detention facilities before being transported to the Malaysia-Thai border.

They were then approached by agents of traffickers who demanded money if
they wished to return to Malaysia.

Those who refused to pay were turned over to human traffickers in southern
Thailand.

"It's this same pattern of allegations that the committee received over
the past year that caused us to investigate the matter," the committee
member said.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

April 27, The Nation (Thailand)
Than Shwe's winning formula to hold the reins of power – Kavi Chongkittavorn

ONE DOES NOT have to be Nostradamus to predict that by next year the
current Burmese junta leaders would be stronger and have a tighter grip
over the country and its people, thanks to various efforts to break the
current Burmese impasse. They all mean well, to rescue the Burmese people
from the brutal and heartless regime, and in the past one year from the
disastrous consequences brought by Cyclone Nargis. Somehow, their efforts
have not produced the outcome they have in mind.

After the planned election next year, the perception of Burma and its
regime will certainly shift even though it may not be transparent, free
and fair and a genuine expression of the people's will. We have heard
repeatedly the appeal of the United Nations and other organisations for
inclusive and credible polls, but the junta has not yet responded. If
history is any indicator, the answer in months to come is clear: Rangoon
will remain mute. During the referendum on the constitution last May,
despite all the criticism and global calls for transparency and
accountability, the Burmese junta did nothing, not even the possible
changes to the polling date following the cyclone. Now, this constitution
serves as the framework for the junta's exit strategy.

The world as it is today, with a full-blown economic crisis, will not pay
much attention to the quality of the democracy or the form of governance
inside Burma, especially when recovery efforts continue in the Irrawaddy
Delta. Under these circumstances, policies and measures adopted by the US,
European Community, Asean and other major countries will inevitably
benefit the junta since these players do not have unified positions and
coordinated approaches. Each thinks its policy is better and
result-oriented than others. Sad but true, that policy-makers on Burma
have spent more time discussing their differences than trying to bridge
perception gaps or consolidating tangible engagements that could
immediately impact on the Burmese junta and changes on the ground.

Indeed, the situation today is very ideal to further augment the power of
General Than Shwe and Tatmadaw. They just have to stay put, totally immune
to international outcry, and never show signs of weakness. Than Shwe has
demonstrated political prowess, knowing the so-called international
community will succumb to his wishes and plans provided he is not the
first one to crack. The generals in Naypyidaw have also provided
policy-makers on Burma and donors in state or non-state organisations
abroad with nuances on their political future and prospects, which raise
hopes of betterment the next day. Altogether it has been over two decades
of such expectations.

Still, they have never failed to push forward their views that the Burmese
people need help in a big way, especially in healthcare and education.
Outside help is also much needed. Of course, the junta does welcome
foreign humanitarian assistance especially from those ready to accept its
terms and conditions. One year after Nargis, the voices calling for more
assistance are louder. Dominant international humanitarian organisations,
including UN agencies and other nongovernmental organisations - both that
were there before or after the cyclone - have already urged more
assistance to help the Burmese people to rebuild their lives. They still
need US$691 million (Bt24.5 billion) for the next three years.

Since May 19 last year, the presence of Asean and UN relief agencies on
the ground have coordinated with the junta in distributing aid and helping
the Burmese cyclone victims. The tripartite cooperation has repeatedly
received the thumbs up. They reiterated the Burmese rural community
leaders are now having unprecedented opportunities to learn and work
together with foreign relief officials. Currently they have developed the
capacity to organise themselves into informal civic groups to help their
own people affected by the cyclone and rebuild their community. This
progress could lay the foundation for increasing civic participation and
the democratisation process in Burma.

The argument that helping Burma and saving lives is urgent and should not
be politicised have been used by all parties concerned both inside and
outside Burma. Everybody knows, despite such a mantra, everything in Burma
has been politicised, more than people would like to admit. In the
post-Nargis recovery process, the calls for additional assistance will be
more pronounced. Foreign relief organisations, which have made it inside
Burma, have been quite satisfied with the current state of affairs. They
want to stay there beyond the one-year time-frame. When doubts were
expressed about the possible abuse of distribution of aid, they labelled
them as bias.

Now it has become a self-fulfilling prophesy. Some quarters in the
international community have come round to accept that the Burmese
generals are a bunch of tough guys and will not change any time soon. It
is better for them to show flexibility and understanding of the Burmese
quagmire and help the Burmese people even though the regime will benefit
from such generosity. In such a backdrop, General Than Shwe just has to
stick to his position for another 12 months or so. Then, he can tell the
world proudly: I told you so.

During her Asian trip in February, US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton
threw a wrench in the works by saying the US was reviewing its Burmese
policy as neither engagement nor sanction was working. Immediately, it
caused ripples in the debate on Burmese policies. The EU has made it clear
that it would continue with the sanctions unless there is genuine progress
inside Burma. In the US, lawmakers and lobbyists have already called for
an end to the long-list of US economic sanctions. Under the new US
leadership, Washington would like to work closely with Asean to find a
lasting solution to the Burmese political crisis. Nobody knows what would
be the revised US policy on Burma. Asean does not support sanctions
against Burma. Some Asean members such as Thailand and Singapore have
suffered from the Tom Lantos-Jade Act. Thai gem traders and jewellers have
complained to the Thai government of the damages caused to their
billion-dollar business.

Under the chairmanship of Thailand, Asean supposes to have a more
pragmatic approach on Burma with the Abhisit-led government. As a
frontline state, Thailand wants to restore respect for the conduct of its
regional foreign policies. That hope was prematurely dashed by the
political chaos in Pattaya. At first, it was thought that Thailand, with a
more broad-based approach, without the past vested interests on Burma
personified by Thaksin, would garner Asean support and beyond. The Pattaya
mayhem, followed by the Songkran riots, completely tarnished the chair's
reputation and leadership on the Burmese issue.

Last week, at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand, British
Ambassador to Burma Mark Canning was very candid, revealing that the
largest aid donors to Burma post-Nargis were the US and Europe which has
imposed sanctions. For the Burmese generals, this formula is a win-win
roadmap.

____________________________________

April 27, The Nation (Thailand)
A good chance for Burma to respond – Editorial

Extension of EU sanctions against the junta is a welcome move, but the
offer of talks should stand if there is progress inside the country

The European Community decided yesterday to renew economic sanctions
against Burma for another year. This is a good decision from the EU and
was made in good faith when the group's foreign ministers met in
Luxembourg. After all, the EU - albeit a strong and unyielding critic of
the military regime - is still one of the biggest donors for humanitarian
assistance to the Burmese people, especially since Cyclone Nargis hit the
country last May. The EU position should eliminate any lingering doubts
among the junta leaders in Burma that the EU will give in to their
stubbornness.

During the past few months, the debate among EU members has been intense,
as some thought the time had come to relax the sanctions and go soft on
Burma. They believe that there are some moderate elements in the Burmese
government that need to be supported and further nurtured. But rather than
coming up with additional sanctions, the EU has instead reached a
compromise among its members with the one-year extension, with the hope of
an olive branch in case there is progress in the near future.

The EU sanctions will have an impact on the policy review in Washington DC
in the months to come. Like it or not, when US Secretary of State Hilary
Clinton came to Asia in February and revealed that the US was reviewing
its policy on Burma, it sent shock waves around the world. She said that
neither sanctions nor engagement with the junta had worked so far. At the
moment, nobody knows which direction the US will take. Certainly, the
renewal of EU sanctions will have some influence over the future US
policy, although it is not possible to envisage the US having a policy
that would end its current sanctions against the regime, especially with
the latest Tom Lantos-Jade Act. The EU extension indeed sets a new
benchmark for the international community to follow.

Sanctions should continue against the regime, and at the same time there
should be a willingness to talk if progress is seen to be made inside
Burma. There have been recommendations that assistance should be given to
Burma without any conditions. That would be suicidal because it would only
benefit the regime without any prospect of constructive change. Some US
lawmakers have called for an end to sanctions. Maybe they should take some
history lessons about the regime's behaviour and how it has treated its
people.

The EU position is commendable and shows moral courage. The EU is ready
for dialogue with the junta, and the latest policy pronouncement gives the
Burmese junta the opportunity to respond to specific questions raised by
the EU, especially the status of the proposed election and the release of
political prisoners, including opposition party leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

The junta is preparing for next year's election and the international
community, including the EU, has already called for an inclusive process
that is transparent, free and fair. So far, there has not been any
positive response.

The Burmese leaders know full well the strengths and weaknesses of the
international community. As long as there is no concerted approach and
policy coordination, the regime is safe because, after more than 20 years,
outside parties have not cooperated with one another. China and India, the
two most powerful Asian players, are still in two minds about their own
roles regarding Burma. They have their own interests to protect in
supporting the regime. Asean has tried in its own way to engage Burma as a
family member but there are limits to what the grouping can and cannot do.
For instance, Asean might be successful in persuading Burma to allow
international relief organisations inside the country but the grouping has
failed to convince the generals to expand the areas of coverage beyond the
Irrawaddy Delta, even after one year of rehabilitation efforts.

When foreign ministers from Asia and Europe meet next month in Hanoi,
Burma has to defend itself and explain its political circumstances and its
political inertia. Asean is not going to defend Burma like it used to do.
With the Asean charter in place, Burma should know its obligations and
duties as a member of the grouping. Failure to do so would be remembered
by Asean in the future.
____________________________________

April 27, Irrawaddy
When good news goes bad – Yeni

“No news is good news.” For most, this means that a day without incident
is a good day, indeed. But for journalists, it tends to mean that truly
newsworthy stories are rarely “good news”: death, disease, disaster and
downfall will always trump feel-good tales of triumph on the front page.

Journalists are often accused of focusing on the negative and ignoring the
positive. But when you are trying to shed light on a situation, you are
bound to cast some shadows. This is especially true in the case of Burma,
a country run by benighted generals who prefer to keep their people in the
dark.

At a media workshop I attended recently, a fellow journalist asked me if
there was any good news to report about Burma’s recovery from Cyclone
Nargis one year after the disaster claimed nearly 140,000 lives and
severely affected 2.4 million people.

In a way, the best news is that the bad news is still coming out of Burma,
despite the junta’s efforts to suppress reporting of the realities on the
ground. The international and exiled Burmese media have both played an
important role in revealing how far from normal the situation in the
Irrawaddy delta remains.

A year ago, Cyclone Nargis dominated international headlines and news
networks for nearly a month. Then UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon visited
Burma, and the junta agreed to allow aid workers into the country to
assist people in some of the worst-hit areas. End of story, at least as
far as many people were concerned.

But for The Irrawaddy and some other news outlets, this was just the
beginning of the story. For the past year, we have been watching
developments in the delta closely and listening to the testimony of
ordinary people as well as the pronouncements of the junta and their
partners in the recovery efforts.

What we have learned is not to take the official version of developments
at face value, even when it is coming from respected international aid
agencies. We have found that many relief workers who offer an optimistic
assessment in public will often privately confide that the situation in
the delta is a mess, and is likely to remain one as long as the regime
continues to set the priorities.

The other good news coming out of Burma is that, despite all the
constraints imposed upon them, many ordinary Burmese continue to do
everything in their power to help heal the delta. We have learned that
local private relief groups, formed by monks, students, celebrities,
medical groups, businessmen, charitable organizations and others are still
very active in the relief effort, laying the groundwork not only for
renewal in the delta, but also cultivating hope for the country’s
prospects of achieving justice, pluralism and, ultimately, democracy.

But even this good news has its dark side. The junta, ever fearful of any
emerging alternative to their brutal rule, has initiated a crackdown on
independent aid workers. To date, twenty-one volunteers have been arrested
and detained in connection with their relief work in the Irrawaddy delta.
Meanwhile, Burma’s most famous satirist, Zarganar, is said to be suffering
from jaundice and hypertension in Myitkyina Prison, where he is serving a
35-year prison term for his relief role.

The survival of these private efforts now depends on their ability to
continue operating under the radar. This means that many are reluctant to
speak to us about their work, because it would attract unwelcome attention
from the military authorities.

“If the media focuses on our efforts today, tomorrow the authorities will
shut us down,” said one aid worker.

For Burma’s generals, it seems, any real news is bad news.

____________________________________
PRESS RELEASE

April 27, Council of the European Union
2938th General Affairs council meeting

The Council adopted the following conclusions:

1. The Council reaffirms the European Union’s unwavering commitment to the
people of Burma/Myanmar in achieving a peaceful transition to a legitimate
civilian system of government, to fight poverty and to improve their
social and economic conditions. The Council recognises that the political
and socio-economic challenges facing the country can only be addressed
through genuine dialogue with all stakeholders, including those from
ethnic groups. The Council notes, however, that the authorities of
Burma/Myanmar have still to take the steps necessary to make the planned
2010 elections a credible, transparent and inclusive process, based on
international standards. It calls for the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
and all other political prisoners and detainees.

2. In these circumstances, the Council deems it necessary to extend the
current EU Common Position by another year, including the restrictive
measures. The Council underlines its readiness to revise, amend or
reinforce the measures it has already adopted in light of developments on
the ground. The Council reiterates that the EU stands ready to respond
positively to genuine progress in Burma/Myanmar. The EU remains open to
dialogue with the authorities of Burma/Myanmar and is willing to meet them
at ministerial level in the margins of the ASEM Foreign Ministers Meeting
in Hanoi in May 2009.

3. The Council urges the government of Burma/Myanmar to engage more with
the international community, to work towards a peaceful transition to
democracy. It reaffirms the EU’s support for the Good Offices Mission of
the UN Secretary General and his Special Advisor, Mr Gambari, and welcomes
their continued personal commitment to further the political process. The
EU will continue to promote the action of the Group of Friends of the SG
and step up its dialogue on this issue, and on its implications for
regional stability, with key actors, including ASEAN and its Member
States, the United States, China, India and Japan. The EU encourages the
authorities of Burma/Myanmar to engage the UN in a meaningful manner. In
this context, the Council expresses its full support for the continued
work of EU Special Envoy Piero Fassino in support of UN efforts, as well
as coordinating with Asian partners, and in this context invites the
Burma/Myanmar authorities to cooperate with him.

4. The Council welcomes the adoption of the Resolution 10/27 of the UN
Human Rights Council and urges the authorities of Burma/Myanmar to comply
with it, in full cooperation with the Special Rapporteur on the situation
of Human Rights in Myanmar, Mr Quintana, whose extended mandate the
Council welcomes. The Council is concerned by the deprivation of
fundamental rights of ethnic minorities in Burma/Myanmar, in particular
over the situation of the Rohingya ethnic minority in Northern Rakhin
State, and urges the authorities to recognize their right to citizenship,
and to protect all their human rights.

5. The Council welcomes the extension of the mandate of the Tripartite
Core Group in coordinating post-Cyclone Nargis rehabilitation efforts, and
hopes that the TCG will be able to continue its effective role in
facilitating the flow of international assistance. In this context, it is
critical that unfettered access by humanitarian agencies continues to be
ensured. The EU recalls its large and growing role as a donor to the
country and stands ready to increase its assistance to the people of
Burma/Myanmar further."