BurmaNet News, May 23-25, 2009

[Editor]

May 23-25, 2009, 2009 Issue # 3717


INSIDE BURMA
Mizzima: Suu Kyi’s trial will not end simply: Win Tin
Irrawaddy: Suu Kyi lawyer questions gov’t witnesses
AFP: Myanmar to allow reporters back into Suu Kyi trial - official
Bangkok Post: Wa army flexes its muscles

ON THE BORDER
Mizzima: Protests in Thai-Burmese border town for Aung San Suu Kyi
Mizzima: Villagers flee from DKBA troops out to recruit

ASEAN
AFP: Myanmar rejects ASEAN statement on Suu Kyi

REGIONAL
Democracy Voice of Burma: Burma 'necessitates' foreign intervention

INTERNATIONAL
AFP via Bangkok Post: NKorea, Burma loom large over Asia-Europe meet

OPINION / OTHER
Irrawaddy: Time is running out in Burma (Editorial)
Irrawaddy: The Generals are Angry - Kyaw Zwa Moe
Mizzima: Unified international approach needed for Burma - Htet Win

STATEMENT
UN Security Council: Security Council Press Statement on Myanmar


____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

May 25, Mizzima News
Suu Kyi’s trial will not end simply: Win Tin - Mungpi

Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Tuesday will be produced before
the special court in Insein jail and will be asked to give her testimony,
in a trial, where she has been charged for breaching her detention law,
her lawyer said.

Nyan Win, one of the defence counsels, said the court on Monday concluded
the hearing of prosecution witnesses, as the prosecution withdrew nine
witnesses, and has fixed Tuesday for the accused, Aung San Suu Kyi, to
give her testimony.

“Tomorrow, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will give her testimony to the court and
we will also submit a list of witnesses as defence counsels. We have
primarily selected Win Tin, Tin Oo, Kyi Win and Daw Khin Moe Moe as
witnesses for the accused,” said Nyan Win, adding that the list could
expand or even be reduced depending on the situation.

Burma’s democracy icon, Aung San Suu Kyi, has been accused of breaching
her detention law by accepting an uninvited American man, who allegedly
swam across the Innya Lake and entered her house.

She was charged under section 22 of the penal code of Burma’s 1974
constitution, but her lawyer said, the authorities are using conflicting
laws, as his understanding was that the 1974 constitution has been
nullified by the junta’s 2008 constitution.

In order to clarify his doubts, when lawyer Nyan Win asked the prosecutor
whether Burma is using a dual constitution, the judge overruled the
questions saying it was irrelevant.

“Yes, I did ask the question as I am confused whether we have two
constitutions but the judge overruled the question,” Nyan Win told
Mizzima.

Speedy trial

Nyan Win said, the case seems to be moving at a fast pace and that he
fears the regime wants to end it as quickly as possible and sentence Aung
San Suu Kyi.

Since the first court hearing on May 18, the trial has been conducted on a
day-to-day basis. And by the sixth-day of the trial, the court concluded
the hearing of prosecution witnesses.

Nyan Win earlier told Mizzima that the trial is likely to take about two
to three months, but on Monday he said his predictions were likely to be
wrong.

Win Tin, veteran journalist and central committee member of the NLD, said
the junta wants to conclude everything as quickly as possible and sentence
Aung San Suu Kyi to another five years.

“It is quite obvious that the junta is doing things as fast as possible
because they want to finish the trial and sentence her to another five
years, if not more,” Win Tin told Mizzima.

The junta’s ploy is to put the Nobel Peace Laureate away from the public
scene before the ensuing 2010 elections.

Ineffective International outcry

The trial against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has attracted outbursts by several
governments across the world and even made the United Nations Security
Council issue a press statement. But Win Tin, a veteran journalists and
central committee member of the NLD said nothing much will change because
of this.

He said the Burmese junta does have a fair understanding that there will
be outbursts which are rhetorical in nature by the international
community.

“But this is well-planned. And the government will not make a move unless
they know where the end would be,” he said.

He said it is impossible for the junta not to notice Mr. John William
Yettaw swimming across the Innya Lake and entering Aung San Suu Kyi’s
house. And since this is his second time, it is only obvious that the
junta had planned the ploy.

Following the charges against Burma’s democracy icon and her trial, the
international community including the UN and the Security Council issued
statements of condemnation and urged the junta to immediately release her.

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, last week, indicated that he wished to
pay a visit to Burma as soon as possible to talk to the military junta on
the trial against opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi but he has not
mentioned how soon he can make the visit.

While welcoming the interests of the international community on Burma, Win
Tin said, Ban Ki-moon’s visit itself will not have much effect as the
junta is determined.

Critics, meanwhile, said the international community has been making
rhetorical condemnation of the junta’s actions, but nothing much really
has changed as the outbursts are rarely turned into action.

On Monday, European and Asian foreign ministers kicked-off a two-day
meeting in Hanoi, Vietnam. Reports, quoting diplomats, suggest that the
Burmese issue is likely to be widely discussed among the ministers at the
sidelines of the meeting.

But on Monday, Burma rejected a statement issued by Thailand as the chair
of the 10-nations grouping of Association of Southeast Asian Nations on
the trial against Aung San Suu Kyi saying it is against the tradition of
the grouping.

Public Anger

However, Win Tin said, the trial against Aung San Suu Kyi has ingited
public anger and it would not be wise for the government to underestimate
the level of peoples’ anger.

“As I sit in front of the Insein Bazaar everyday of the trial, I have seen
the peoples’ anger, particularly among the youth. They have asked me what
they should do? Or would they be sitting all day without taking any
action?” he asked.

While he said he cannot definitely tell what might happen, but if the
junta sentenced Aung San Suu Kyi, it would really bring out the anger in
the people.

“This time, I am sure, it will not be just another story of the junta’s
injustice, because the level of anger among the people is high. And the
junta cannot expect the people to simply disperse, after they sentence Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi. It will not be as simple as just drawing the curtain,”
he added.

____________________________________

May 25, Irrawaddy
Suu Kyi lawyer questions gov’t witnesses - Min Lwin

On the second day of the trial of Burmese democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi
on Monday, her lawyer cross-examined four government witnesses, said Kyi
Win, a member of her legal team.

The special government court in Insein Prison on Friday accepted charges
against Suu Kyi that she violated the terms of her house arrest by
allowing an American man, John William Yettaw, 53, to stay overnight at
her compound after he swam across Inya Lake.

Burmese activists shout slogans during a rally demanding the immediate
release of Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, in front of the
Burmese Embassy in Seoul, South Korea.

The government called a number of witnesses on Friday, mainly police
officers, who testified about Yettaw’s arrest and statements to police.

“Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Khin Kin Win, Win Ma Man and Yettaw will testify at
the trial on Tuesday,” said Kyi Win.

Khin Kin Win and Win Ma Man are caretakers who live with Suu Kyi in the
compound, where she has been under house arrest for 13 of the past 19
years.

Kyi Win said that Suu Kyi’s legal team requested that the court allow a
one hour break during the court proceeding. The judges did not rule on the
request on Monday.

“We need at least one hour to converse about the charge,” said Kyi Win.
“We need some time to talk to Suu Kyi, her caretakers and Yettaw before
they testify. If they don’t allow that, the trial will not be fair.”

John William Yettaw swam to Suu Kyi’s compound on May 3, where, claiming
illness, he was allowed to stay for two nights, according to Suu Kyi. Suu
Kyi has entered an innocent plea in the trial.

She said she had nothing to do with Yettaw’s breaching security around her
compound, and she told him to leave the premises, according to her
lawyers.

Meanwhile, Win Tin, an executive member of National League for Democracy
party, told the The Irrawaddy on Monday that the military government has
yet to make clear the location where Yettaw started to swim toward Suu Kyi
lakeside resident. Some reports have placed the location 2 kilometers from
the compound.

According to a foreign affairs ministry letter to Rangoon diplomats, Aung
San Suu Kyi is not being held in Insein Prison, as some news media have
said, but she and her two caretakers are being detained at the officers'
quarters of the Myanmar Correctional Department.

In the letter, the military government said the trial would be transparent
and fair. The public, diplomats and journalists are now excluded from
attending the trial. Diplomats and journalist were allowed to witness the
trial for one day last week.

The intent of Yettaw is still not known, the ministry letter claimed, and
the possibility of a political motive cannot be excluded, it said. Yettaw
has said he was working on a book and hoped to interview Suu Kyi as part
of his project.

____________________________________

May 24, Agence France Presse
Myanmar to allow reporters back into Suu Kyi trial - official

Yangon--Myanmar's military regime will allow some journalists to cover the
trial of Aung San Suu Kyi on Tuesday, an official said, in what would be
the second time it has opened up the prison tribunal.

Authorities will admit 21 journalists to the hearing at the notorious
Insein Prison near Yangon - 10 from local media and 11 representing
foreign organizations, the Myanmar official said on condition of anonymity
Monday.

It was not immediately clear if foreign diplomats would be allowed into
the court as they were last Wednesday, when the junta unexpectedly gave
access to representatives from all embassies in Yangon and to the media.

A western diplomat who didn't want to be named said it was "likely" that
envoys would be allowed in on Tuesday but that they were still waiting for
official confirmation.

____________________________________

May 25, Bangkok Post
Wa army flexes its muscles - Maxmilian Wechsler

Speculation over the health of strong man Pau Yu Chang was proved to be
wrong when he presided over a parade by the United Wa State Army last
month

Labelled by many foreign governments as one of the world's biggest drug
lords, Pau Yu Chang, the supreme leader of the Wa people, looked every bit
the commander-in-chief when he officiated at a show of military muscle
last month.

On a brightly decorated stage in the Wa capital of Pang Sang, not far from
the Chinese border, Pau Yu Chang stood with all the authority of an
absolute ruler in green fatigues and a Castro-style cap. He was flanked by
his wife and an entourage of Burmese military officials, leaders of the
disparate armies in the Shan State and associates from his days in the
drug-trafficking trade.

A US federal grand jury issued an indictment for Pau Yu Chang on Jan 24,
2005, on drug-trafficking charges. But that now seems like ancient history
after the Wa supreme leader's promise nine years ago to phase out poppy
production in five years, otherwise "you can chop my head off".

Pau Yu Chang has faced many difficulties over the past few years. Several
United Wa State Army (UWSA) commanders planned to overthrow him in 2004.
There was also speculation that he was seriously ill and near death with a
fatal brain disease. But sources close to the UWSA have confirmed to
Spectrum that he was suffering from trichinosis, a food-borne infection
caused by eating raw meat, which the source said he had recovered from
after being treated at a Beijing military hospital.

Pau Yu Chang has absolute power over the lives of 400,000 to 550,000
people who live in Wa state, officially called Special Region 2 of Burma's
Shan State. The region is divided into two areas, with Pang Sang north, on
the Chinese border, and the second part south, along the Thai border.

Pau Yu Chang serves as both chairman of the United Wa State Party (UWSP)
and commander-in-chief of its military wing, the UWSA.

On April 17, he presided over a military parade to mark the 20th
anniversary of what the Wa, renowned for their fearsome fighting skills,
call "peaceful construction" of the state. Spectrum was provided with rare
photographs of the ceremony by a businessman who attended. The parade was
held in People's Square, opposite the UWSA headquarters, and witnessed by
about 30,000 spectators.

As he walked around chatting with people at the parade he didn't appear
worried about his safety, although a security detachment watched over his
every step. Also on the podium were officials from ceasefire groups in the
north, centre, south and east of Shan State, where it is believed that
poppy cultivation is still going on. They included the Myanmar National
Democracy Alliance Army (Kokang), the Shan State Army-North, the Pa-O
National Army and the National Democratic Alliance Army (see map).

Pau Yu Chang arrived at the ceremony in a new black Lexus SUV, licence
number WS 0001 (WS stands for Wa state). The car is not armour-plated, a
source said. Parked not far away was a green US-made, armoured Humvee used
to escort Wa leaders.

Pau Yu Chang observed about 2,000 well-equipped UWSA troops marching past
in formation and 400 others from the 171st military region bordering
Thailand performing military training exercises.

To the disappointment of many of the spectators, the UWSA didn't have on
display any of the heavy weapons and sophisticated military hardware
obtained recently from China.

''It was still a very impressive display of UWSA might,'' said Ai Meung, a
prominent Wa businessman who has close connections to the leadership and
was one over 1,000 VIPs who attended the ceremony.

He spoke to Spectrum from Mae Sai after returning from Pang Sang with his
colleagues. The 20th anniversary marked the defeat of the Communist Party
of Burma and the formation of the UWSP/UWSA in April, 1989. Celebrations
were held in Pang Sang from April 15 to 18, Mr Ai said.

Pau Yu Chang wasn't the only one on the stage with a background in drug
trafficking, his elder brother, Pau Yu Yi, also indicted on Jan 24, 2005
was there, looking relaxed and chatting freely. Former notorious drug
kingpin Peng Jiafu was also a guest, along with representatives of the
ceasefire armies who claim to have given up the drug trade, though it is
possible they still have some involvement, said Mr Ai.

''Everything that happens in the Wa state evolves around Pau. He will make
the final decision on everything. It is him, for example, who allowed the
drug business to flourish for years and then almost closed it down,'' he
said.

Pau Yu Chang made international headlines in 2000, when he told then
Burmese Prime Minister Khin Nyunt: ''If we have any more opium here after
2005, you can come and chop my head off.''

After the military parade, Pau Yu Chang delivered a speech, a hard copy of
which was given to Spectrum which said in part: in which he said: ''In
1990 we made a plan to eradicate poppy growing within 15 to 20 years in
our territory. The poppy ban decision was our own initiative, not
influenced by external pressure, in order to comply with the international
drug control movement. On June 26, 2006, we formally announced Wa to be
poppy free. Joint monitoring and surveillance by domestic and
international drug control agencies for the past several years have found
no new poppy cultivation.''

Pau Yu Chang thanked foreign organisations for helping the Wa state over
the past 20 years of ''peaceful construction'', naming, among others, the
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the World Food Programme
and Health Unlimited.

''Pau created at least a 25,000-strong army consisting of eight divisions
positioned in the north and south and built it into a formidable force.
The UWSA is now the strongest after the Burmese army. They are well
equipped, trained and organised,'' Mr Ai said. ''Its other component is
the village militia, with about 10,000 people armed with M16 assault
rifles whose duties are to recruit soldiers, to gather intelligence and to
collect food for the UWSA''.

According to Mr Ai, the UWSA possesses AK-47 assault rifles made in China
and some produced locally. A small factory in Wa state has been secretly
producing AKs and ammunition for four or five years, he said. It is
rumoured that some of the rifles are sold to other groups in the region.

''The UWSA has mortars of different sizes, and rocket-propelled grenades.
It also has several small four-wheel armoured vehicles, armoured personal
carriers, anti-aircraft and field guns, surface-to-air missiles and
Chinese-made trucks to transport soldiers. Everything originates from
China and is kept away from public eyes,'' Mr Ai said.

''Maybe they didn't want the Burmese officers _ some of whom were very
busy filming and photographing the military parade and other events _ to
see their weapons. They came with two Caucasians who were also sitting on
the stage.

''The UWSA is run by very capable and smart people who use computers,
high-tech satellite navigation, etc. Most of them are educated in China.
They can buy everything from China, whether through official channels or
from merchants. The UWSA also runs a TV station based in their
headquarters,'' he added.

Now that the drug trade has been curtailed, the UWSA makes money from many
ventures, Mr Ai said.

''All divisions have their own business in the area they control. They own
cigarettes, beer, whiskey and drinking water factories, make DVDs and
cables, have logging companies and operate jade mines. The giant Hong Pang
Group is controlled by the UWSA as well,'' Mr Ai said.

Mr Ai observed that the the Burmese army had no control or bases in the Wa
regions. ''In fact, they even need permission from the Wa authorities to
enter,'' he said. He added that the Wa have their own police force and
customs.

A source told Mr Ai that in case anything happens to Pau Yu Chang, his
replacement would officially be Shao Minliang, the current vice-president
of the UWSP.

''However, I heard from some UWSA commanders that the most powerful man in
the future could be his younger brother, Pau Yu Liang. He is currently
looking after the Wa's financial affairs,'' Mr Ai said.

The US Department of the Treasury labelled the Wa group in November 2008
''the largest and most powerful drug trafficking organisation in Southeast
Asia and a major producer and exporter of synthetic drugs, including
methamphetamines''.

According to Mr Ai, the UWSA should be classified as ''anti-narcotic'' as
it was no longer involved in the drug business, with the exception of some
rogue individuals who do it covertly.

Pang Sang is a bustling city. Expensive cars including Toyota Prados, Land
Cruisers and Mitsubishi Pajeros are driven around. There's a lot of
construction going on of hotels, shopping malls and residential homes, Mr
Ai said.

''The buildings in Pang Sang are made of concrete and up to eight-storeys
high. There are two or three casinos that are frequented by tourists from
China. No photos are allowed to be taken inside or around the casinos.

''I met a few Thais there. Some of them are believed to be intelligence
officers. Some Chinese spies are also operating in and around Pang Sang.
They are mainly focusing on drugs,'' Mr Ai said.
He said a lot of consumer goods come from China and Thailand. ''You can
buy everything you want there like TV sets, refrigerators and other
appliances but you cannot find drugs. Goods from Thailand include
Coca-Cola, Red Bull, food, shampoo, soap, toothpaste and medicines.''

Mr Ai confirmed that the smuggling of cars _ especially SUVs _ from
Thailand, continued unabated.

He said that Chinese yuan and US dollar were the most-used currencies in
Pang Sang and around the Wa state. He has never seen Burmese money there.

''People are generally happy there, but not in the rural areas because
since the Wa authorities banned opium growing the farmers are suffering.
They now grow rubber, tea and fruit, none of which are as profitable as
opium. However, the authorities are very strict and will punish them
harshly if they grow opium, but the Wa administration has several projects
to develop rural areas and to help the farmers,'' Mr Ai said.

''There are many schools offering good and free education. But to study at
a university you have to go to Kunming or to other cities in China.''

He said the UNODC had an office in Pang Sang staffed by locals, but
foreigners come from time to time. The UNODC has access to about 70% of Wa
state to conduct inspections.

He claimed that ''there's no more opium in the state but methamphetamines
are still produced and some heroin refineries are still operating, mostly
by Chinese criminals and by some criminal elements not officially
connected with the UWSA leadership. When Pau gets information about a
methamphetamine factory or refinery, he will immediately order to stop
them.''

The Wa want complete autonomy but not independence. They still want to be
a part of Burma.

''The Wa leaders also invited some rebel groups such as the Shan State
Army-South and the Karenni National Progressive Party to the anniversary
celebrations, but I don't know if they came or not. Maybe they were there.
No Chinese military representatives came, however,'' Mr Ai said.

He said all the guests, especially from the ceasefire armies, were
impressed by the military parade.

''Over 1,000 VIP guests were invited to have lunch with Pau on the evening
of April 18. Some of the ceasefire groups met after behind closed doors to
discuss how to deal with the SPDC in the future,'' he said.

Mr Ai said every ceasefire group looked towards the UWSA because it was
the biggest and best-armed army in Shan State.

The UWSA has two or three small factions, including that of Wei Hseuh-kang
who is still dealing drugs, Mr Ai said. He said no one was surprised that
Wei Hseuh-kang was one of a very few Wa leaders who didn't turn up for the
military parade as he is wanted in Thailand and the US on drug-trafficking
charges. The US Department of State is offering a hefty reward of up to $2
million for information leading to his arrest or conviction in the US.

According to Mr Ai, Wei Hseuh-kang who stays in the southern Wa area is
still powerful, but his influence is slowly declining.

Wei Hseuh-kang was arrested in Chiang Mai in November 1988, following the
seizure of 680kg of heroin in southern Thailand the previous year, which
was linked to him. He was sentenced to life imprisonment, appealed the
verdict, was granted bail under mysterious circumstances and fled to
Burma.

The Thai court overturned the previous verdict and sentenced him in
absentia to death in October 1990. Wei was indicted for drug-trafficking
in the US on Jan 24, 2005.

''One UWSA senior officer told me that when the UWSA leaders meet, if
there are more than 30 people present, he will never attend. If fewer, he
will come, but prohibit photos from being taken. He is now extremely
careful knowing that there's an effort to capture him,'' Mr Ai said.

http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/investigation/17262/wa-army-flexes-its-muscles

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

May 25, Mizzima News
Protests in Thai-Burmese border town for Aung San Suu Kyi

Thai security officials on Sunday took pictures and kept a watched on
participants of a peaceful demonstration in protest of the charges against
Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi by the ruling military junta.

The small but vocal gathering marched for about 200m on Thai soil from the
Moei River past the Immigration office alongside the Thai-Burmese
Friendship Bridge, between Mea Sot and Myawaddy towns.

Thai military and police kept a watched and took pictures of the
protesters, who made a brief speech at the crowded market place of Mea Sot
town in Tak province of Thailand, before dispersing.

While the soldiers hung back from the main group, photographing them from
a distance of 60-70m, the police were closer with some blatantly
photographing the marchers, many of whom were foreigners.

The small group about 75 people marched in protest against Burma’s
military ruler for charging Nobel Peace Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and
conducting a trial against her at the notorious Insein prison in Rangoon.

On Friday, the special court in Insein accepted the charges against Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi. She was charged for breaching her detention law, by
accepting an uninvited American man, who allegedly swam across the Innya
Lake and entered into her house.

The protestors called the charges unacceptable and called on the
government to stop the trial and to release her along with other political
prisoners as soon as possible.

____________________________________

May 25, Mizzima News
Villagers flee from DKBA troops out to recruit - Ko Wild

Villagers of Kawkereik district, Karen State are fleeing from troops of
the ‘Democratic Karen Buddhist Army’ (DKBA) who come to their villages to
forcibly recruit soldiers for its army.

DKBA’s 999th Brigade mainly recruits villagers under the age of 30 in
Kyonebai, Chaungphyaar, Kawkabaung, Ohntabin villages in Kyonedoe Township
in this district through the village chairmen. They are forcibly
recruiting even villagers in the 40 to 50 age group if their preferred age
group is not available. The villagers in these villages have to flee from
the clutches of DKBA to avoid going to the frontline.

“They recruited 25 people from Kyonebai and 10 men from Chaungphyar,
Ohntabin and Kawkathaung. No one dares to go with them. All have had to
flee from their homes. But they have to give soldiers to them anyhow. The
youth might think of going with the DKBA if they are not meant to do
combat duty. But now they have to go to the frontline in Karenni and
Kachin State for combat duty,” a local villager told Mizzima on condition
of anonymity.

The DKBA issued orders which said those who do not wish to serve in their
army must pay hundreds of thousands of Kyats for hiring a person instead
of them. All these substitutes must have passed at least the 8th grade.
The parents of these youths are in trouble and miserable.

“Many people are in trouble as they cannot find both soldiers and cash.
Some mothers and grandmothers are crying their heart out. Some youths went
to monasteries to be ordained as monks to avoid conscription. But they
cannot escape from the DKBA’s clutches. So now the children are fleeing
between Kyonedoe, Pa-an and Myawadi towns,” he added.

Another local resident told Mizzima that the conscription of soldiers by
DKBA is now rampant in all the villages in Kawkereik district and the
deadline for sending soldiers to them is just three days away. Now they
have to give soldiers besides giving cash in the past.

“The DKBA is demanding fees frequently from the villagers in the range of
Kyat 40,000 to 50,000. So the villagers are scared of them. We have not
yet found any solution to this serious problem. Many armed groups are
here, the Peace Council, DKBA and KNU. All come in turns. And then they
recruit soldiers forcibly from us. We fear all of them,” he said.

Similar forcible recruitment has been reported in Paikyone Township in
Pa-an District and it is learnt that there are about 200 new forcibly
recruited soldiers from Kwanbi and Maethane villages in Hlaing Bwe
Township, he said.

DKBA is the breakaway faction of the KNU which split from the mother unit
in 1994 and signed a ceasefire agreement with the SPDC (junta).

____________________________________
ASEAN

May 24, Agence France Presse
Myanmar rejects ASEAN statement on Suu Kyi

Yangon – Myanmar's military regime has "strongly rejected" a statement by
the Association of Southeast Asian nations condemning the trial of
pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, state media said.

The ruling junta accused Thailand, which issued the statement one week ago
as the rotating chairman of the 10-member bloc, of interfering in
Myanmar's internal affairs, the New Light of Myanmar newspaper reported.

"This statement issued by the alternate ASEAN chairman -- which is not in
conformity with ASEAN practice, incorrect in facts, interfering in the
internal affairs of Myanmar -- is strongly rejected by Myanmar," it said.

 "It is sadly noted that the alternate ASEAN chairman failed to preserve
the dignity of ASEAN, the dignity of Myanmar and the dignity of
Thailand," said the statement, which was also carried on state-run
television and radio.

Myanmar's statement said that the actions it had taken against Aung San
Suu Kyi were "in accordance with the normal practice in every state and it
is merely the internal affairs of Myanmar."

It said that Thailand breached ASEAN procedures by failing to seek a
consensus of foreign ministers for the statement, adding: "Such an act may
cause an undesirable tradition in ASEAN."

____________________________________
REGIONAL

May 25, Democracy Voice of Burma
Burma 'necessitates' foreign intervention

The political and humanitarian crisis in Burma has reached a point whereby
it is affecting neighbouring countries and therefore justifies foreign
interference, said the head of a pan-Asian coalition group on Burma.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) bloc, of which Burma is
a contentious member, has come under fire recently for its policy of
non-interference after refusing to go beyond vocal criticism of the trial
of Burma’s Aung San Suu Kyi.

Thailand, who holds the revolving chair of ASEAN, expressed “grave
concern” last week but said it would not use strong measures or economic
sanctions to pressure the regime into releasing Suu Kyi.

But Debbie Stothard, coordinator of Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma
(ALTSEAN-Burma), says that the non-interference policy should not apply to
Burma.

“We see that the situation in Burma is not just a domestic affair,” she
said, adding that millions of refugees have left Burma for neighbouring
countries.

“So this is a situation you must interfere in; if you don’t interfere all
the other countries will also be affected.”

The comments were backed by Thai MP, Kraisak Choonhavan, who also heads
the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus.

“I think it necessitates international or forced intervention,” he said.

“It would be very difficult to arrive at that, but now there is a movement
of those who want to protect the people of Burma by bringing the
International Criminal Court (ICC) into play.

“If they [ICC] are in their right mind and they go through the facts,
there is no denying that [junta leader] Than Shwe and his cronies should
be persecuted at the ICC.

“But politics gets in the way – Russia and China always opposes that, and
that is the biggest obstacle to overcome.”

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

May 25, AFP via Bangkok Post
NKorea, Burma loom large over Asia-Europe meet

Prague - Foreign ministers from Asia and Europe began two days of meetings
Monday under the shadow of a North Korean nuclear test and the trial in
Burma of opposition democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

ASEAN Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan of Thailand listens during the
opening ceremony of the 9th Asia-Europe (ASEM) Foreign Ministers' Meeting
in Hanoi. Foreign ministers from Asia and Europe began two days of
meetings Monday under the shadow of a North Korean nuclear test and the
trial in Myanmar of opposition democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

"The two hottest subjects on the agenda are these two problems," said
Czech Foreign Minister Jan Kohout, whose country holds the rotating
European Union (EU) presidency.

Both matters were expected to come up for discussion Monday evening when
delegates to the ASEM (Asia-Europe) Foreign Ministers' Meeting held a
working dinner, Japanese foreign ministry spokesman Kazuo Kodama told
reporters.

"We need to condemn North Korea very strongly", said Alexander Stubb, the
Finnish foreign affairs minister, calling the nuclear test provocative.

Ministers had just begun a series of bilateral meetings in Hanoi as news
of North Korea's latest nuclear test emerged.

Japanese Foreign Minister Hirofumi Nakasone and his South Korean
counterpart Yu Myung-Hwan, who met on the conference sidelines, agreed to
work closely with the United States and China to forge a response to North
Korea's test, Kodama told reporters.

"The foreign minister believes that this nuclear testing certainly will
heighten the danger for security in Northeast Asia" and the entire world,
he said.

British Junior Foreign Minister Bill Rammell called North Korea's
announced nuclear test a "clear breach" of UN Security Council resolutions
and urged the country to return to disarmament talks.

Japan's Kodama said there was "an emerging consensus" that the ASEM
meeting, which placed the global financial crisis at the top of its
agenda, should issue a separate statement on the North Korean issue.

Swedish Foreign Minister Carl Bild said the EU had asked for the issue to
be mentioned in the ASEM communique while Indonesia's Foreign Minister
Hassan Wirayuda said he understood ASEM would make a pronouncement on
North Korea as either part of the general statement or perhaps separately.

On the Burma issue, a draft statement seen by AFP calls for Aung San Suu
Kyi's release.

"In light of the concern about the recent development to Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi, ministers... called for the early release of those under detention
and the lifting of restriction placed on political parties," said the
draft.

She faces up to five years in jail on charges of violating her house
arrest after an incident in which an American man swam to her house.

During a meeting Monday with Burma Foreign Minister Nyan Win on the
sidelines of the ASEM talks, the EU called for Aung San Suu Kyi's
immediate release, the Czech foreign minister Kohout said.

In a rare move, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) last
week issued an expression of "grave concern" over the treatment of Aung
San Suu Kyi.

Burma's Southeast Asian neighbours traditionally prefer not to be seen as
intervening in the affairs of their members.

Burma belongs to both the 10-member Asean and ASEM, which also includes
the European Union, China, South Korea, Japan, Mongolia, Pakistan and
India.

In an opening address to the ASEM meeting, Vietnam's Prime Minister Nguyen
Tan Dung said the world was dealing with not only a global financial
crisis, but also climate change, the threat of pandemic disease, terrorism
and other challenges.

"In this context we should coordinate our actions to overcome this
difficult time," he said.

On Monday night ASEM inaugurated a Japanese-funded initiative, worth about
32 million dollars, to store medicines and protective gear in Asia to
fight swine flu and other new strains of influenza.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

May 23, Irrawaddy
Time is running out in Burma (Editorial)

The world is clamoring for the freedom of Aung San Suu Kyi as she faces a
mockery of a trial in Rangoon’s infamous Insein Prison. But Snr-Gen Than
Shwe, the man at the helm of the Burmese junta, remains unmoved. And so it
seems increasingly certain that Suu Kyi will be spending the next three to
five years behind bars—world opinion be damned.

The people of Burma welcome strong words from world leaders and other
prominent figures, including Suu Kyi’s fellow Nobel Peace Prize laureates.
But what they really want to see is action—action that will set the stage
for real change, and not merely perpetuate the status quo. Action that can
only come from the United Nations.

On Friday, the UN Security Council finally issued a statement expressing
“concern” about the political impact of recent developments relating to
Suu Kyi. The statement stressed the “importance of the release of all
political prisoners” and the “need for the Government of Myanmar to create
the necessary conditions for a genuine dialogue” with the democratic
opposition.

This statement was issued soon after UN chief Ban Ki-moon said that he
would visit Burma “as soon as possible,” at which point he plans to urge
Than Shwe—again—to release Suu Kyi.

In this situation, we believe that “as soon as possible” should mean
“now.” But before he flies to remote Naypyidaw to meet Than Shwe, Ban must
prepare. Otherwise, he will be manipulated and exposed to ridicule.

If he wants to achieve real results and not just empty concessions, Ban
must be prepared to use all the tools at his disposal to press Than Shwe.
He should seriously consider the option of imposing UN sanctions and an
arms embargo on Burma. For this, he will need to talk to UN Security
Council members and seek the backing of China, Russia and India—the
junta’s most powerful allies—and win the full support of the US, other
Western nations and Japan.

Ban, who is now in Sri Lanka, must get to work on Burma without delay. He
must act quickly and decisively. After he has thoroughly worked out his
approach to Burma, he should call on the regime leaders to accept his
imminent visit, which will have the objective of laying the groundwork for
negotiations and compromise. If Ban goes into Burma empty-handed, he will
come out likewise.

Most importantly, Ban must acknowledge the fact that the UN’s past efforts
to move Burma in the right direction have always failed because they
relied too heavily on the junta’s assurances of cooperation. The UN must
have some means of enforcing compliance with its demands that includes the
possibility of real punitive action.

Over the past two decades, the UN has released countless reports detailing
rampant human rights abuses and political repression in Burma. These have
been important testaments to the need for change, but have done nothing to
alter the junta’s ways. It is time the UN started paying attention to its
own words and acted accordingly.

The trial against Suu Kyi is not only an attempt to silence Burma’s
pro-democracy icon; it is also an indictment of the UN’s lack of political
will in addressing the problems of a country that has nowhere else to turn
for support. There should be no mistake about it: if Suu Kyi is locked
away for good, there will be no hope left for Burma, and nobody to blame
but the UN.

____________________________________

May 25, Irrawaddy
The Generals are Angry - Kyaw Zwa Moe

Even during her trial, Aung San Suu Kyi has the ability to make her
captors—the powerful ruling generals—angrier and more rancorous than ever.

The generals are now angry not only with Burma’s pro-democracy leader but
also with neighboring Thailand which, as current alternate chair of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), issued a fairly critical
statement against Suu Kyi’s trial and imprisonment.

During a meeting with three diplomats from Singapore, Thailand and Russia
last week in the Insein Prison compound, Suu Kyi told the Thai diplomat
that she looked forward to working with Asean one day.

How did Burma’s ruling generals interpret her remark?

To work with the regional grouping, Suu Kyi would have to be a leader or
high-ranking official of the Burmese government. To the generals—who are
hypersensitive about power-sharing—her words were clearly defiant, a
challenge to their authority.

They probably thought, “How dare you? You’re a criminal who violated our
law. And you are standing trial!”

Allowing thirty Rangoon-based diplomats to attend Suu Kyi’s trial for one
day last week backfired. The junta wanted to give an appearance of
openness, of conducting a legally correct judicial proceeding.

But Suu Kyi grabbed the opportunity to use her political podium. The
63-year-old Nobel Peace laureate told the diplomats, “There could be many
opportunities for national reconciliation if all parties so wished
,”
according to a statement by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Singapore,
whose ambassador met with Suu Kyi in the compound of Insein Prison.

She also expressed the view that “it was not too late for something good
to come out of this unfortunate incident,” referring to her trial
following the arrest of an American John William Yettaw, who swam across
Inya Lake and stayed overnight in her compound, thus violating—in the
junta’s eyes—the terms of her house arrest.

On Sunday, an angry Burmese government strongly rejected Thailand’s
statement, claiming “The statement of Thailand issued as the alternate
chairman of Asean deviates from the principles of the Asean Charter and is
tantamount to interfering in the internal affairs of Myanmar [Burma].”

It said that to issue statements, Asean must prepare a draft at the level
of a senior officials meeting and then submit it to the foreign ministers
level to seek further approval.
Statements are to be issued only after a consensus, it said, and “Thailand
did not allow it to be discussed. It informed the foreign ministers only
after the issue of the statement.”
Obviously, the generals are angry with any person, or any country, that
challenges their maniacal hold on power.

It’s most likely they underestimated the outrage and pressure from the
international community that’s erupted since Suu Kyi was arrested and
charged on May 14.

Her trial has led to the US renewing its sanctions policy and strengthened
the likelihood that the US policy will be tougher following its current
policy review.

Also, on Friday, the UN Security Council issued a council statement
expressing its concern about Suu Kyi’s arrest and trial and the current
deadlocked political situation.

Suu Kyi will be sentenced to from three to five years, either under house
arrest or in prison. The best alternative is, of course, house arrest,
avoiding the onerous and dangerous conditions at the infamous Insein
Prison.

Either way, the generals will have succeeded in keeping Suu Kyi out of the
public eye and off the political stage during the buildup to the 2010
general election.

Angry at Suu Kyi. Angry at Thailand. Angry at the meddlesome international
community—the generals are angry.

Now the question is: Who’s afraid of the angry generals, and how will the
international community deal with them?

____________________________________

May 25, Mizzima News
Unified international approach needed for Burma - Htet Win

United Nations intervention on the Burma front, supported by regional
countries, is desperately needed to implement an inclusive process
directed at cracking the existing political impasse, as the ruling junta
and opposition groups have yet to be able to chart a path forward
themselves.

Mainly because of their own wrongdoings, the ruling generals are
frightened of their own people as well as of Aung San Suu Kyi,
increasingly feeling insecure about their future and believing in no one.

The junta has already created a state within the state, selfishly misusing
the country's natural resources. It is an approach that has found favor
with China which, like a vulture, has feasted off a country victimized by
its ruling generals for more that four decades. Beijing has said it will
not interfere with the country's affairs, observing that events in Burma
should be decided by its own people. But how irresponsible and
unreasonable is such a stance?

The main barrier to the country's progress is the military government,
whose life is primarily supported by the Chinese government, another
notorious authoritarian regime.  China's long-term interest in Burma is
access to the Indian Ocean, through which it is expecting such strategic
benefits as a military presence and enhanced trade.

The government-to-government interests of Beijing and Naypyitaw are well
matched on the basis of self-interest, resulting in a deadlock in Burma's
political progress and a lack of domestic economic opportunities.
Exploiting Burma's natural resources such as gas, timber and minerals,
Beijing has provided options for the military rulers of its impoverished
neighbor.

Burma has become a vassal state of China, realpolitik dooming Burma to
existence within the Chinese sphere of influence. The generals understand
this and play the China card very well.

The natural wealth of Burma is a curse on the civilians. If Burma were an
economic basket case bereft of all natural resources, no country would
bother to come in and the military would not be able to fund itself to buy
off the loyalty of rank and file soldiers.

The monolithic structure of the Army, which is maintained by
Machiavellian-styled generals, rewards the loyal and mercilessly punishes
dissenters. For the soldiers, the Army is their benefactor, without which
they are like fish out of water. For them it is a case of hanging together
or being hanged separately.

Time and again soldiers have fired on opposition elements, including
monks, while China, India, ASEAN and all neighboring countries keep on
standing by them, hiding behind the political fig leaf of not interfering
in the internal affairs of Burma.

Meanwhile, in the capacity of alternate ASEAN chairmanship, Thailand’s
recent statement is welcomed as a “policy of engagement with the ruling
military." The statement expressed "grave concern" over Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi’s trial, also noting that the trial is testing the honor and
credibility of the military regime.

But the junta lashed out at the statement, retorting that Thailand was
meddling in its internal affairs. It is apparent that the military
dictatorship is like a dying man who is unresponsive to any voice or
touch, starkly rejecting even international overtures of constructive
engagement. It also fears the international community.

Wresting power from military dictators, no matter how corrupt and hated,
is a messy thing, and rarely if ever can be successfully pulled off
without some form of support from governments abroad.

According to a Burma critic, “It is even more difficult when the rulers
are willing and able to use brutal force. Unfortunately, Burma falls
squarely into this situation.”

At the end of the day everything lies in the willingness of the ruling
clique to enter into talks with the civilians, regardless of their
political or ethnic composition.

As long as the soldiers think they alone know what is best for the country
and are mired in their fear of retribution, nothing will move forward.

The military is expected to accept civilians as fellow countrymen and not
as enemies bent on stringing them up from the nearest lampposts. The
biggest obstacle block is the ingrained mentality of the soldiers who see
the whole political process in Burma in black and white terms.

Although vocal in exile, the actual strength of the opposition lies inside
Burma. However, they need a rallying point and cause for hope.

The best hope lies in trying to get zealous "Young Turk", reform-minded
military officers to come around and start to think there is a way, a
peaceful and more inclusive way, out of the present structural crisis.

Aung San Suu Kyi is perhaps the only person who can instill this group
with the idea that we can all work together for a better tomorrow.

The message should be: “Talk to us. We are not here to destroy you [the
generals]. We want you to be involved and be part of building a new nation
out of these ashes.”

A recent statement by the U.N. Security Council is also noteworthy, “The
future of Burma lies in the hands of its entire people.” However, the
people need the practical support of their neighbors as well.

The time is now for Burma's neighbors to fully support the U.N.’s positive
intervention – such as Secretary General Ban Ki-moon’s planned visit – in
the Burma issue.

____________________________________
STATEMENT

MAY 22, UN Security Council
Security Council Press Statement on Myanmar

The members of the Security Council express their concern about the
political impact of recent developments relating to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

The members of the Security Council reaffirm, in this context, their
statements of 11 October 2007 and 2 May 2008 and, in this regard,
reiterate the importance of the release of all political prisoners. The
members of the Security Council reiterate the need for the Government of
Myanmar to create the necessary conditions for a genuine dialogue with Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi and all concerned parties and ethnic groups in order to
achieve an inclusive national reconciliation with the support of the
United Nations.

The members of the Security Council affirm their commitment to the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Myanmar an, in that context,
reiterate that the future of Myanmar lies in the hands of all of its
people.

Therein lies the hard part of Burma diplomacy. It's much harder to go
after an economic and military powerhouse like China than to pressure a
geopolitically insignificant thugocracy like Burma. But pretending that
it's somehow possible to turn a blind eye to China while also freeing
Burma is a pleasant fiction. Following that approach, Suu Kyi has spent 13
of the last 19 years under house arrest – and all of Burma has spent
decades imprisoned under military dictatorship.

If world leaders are serious about freeing Suu Kyi, they can't just
denounce Rangoon – they must also target Beijing. As Aung Din of the US
Campaign for Burma says: "China has refused to play a responsible role, so
we have to pressure the Chinese government. But we're ordinary citizens –
that's why we're asking all governments around the world to put political
pressure on the Chinese government to change its stance on Burma."

Reports suggest European Union countries may be doing just that. But what
about that beacon of freedom, the United States? In testimony before the
Senate, secretary of state Hillary Clinton – who has made clear that she
thinks human rights take a back seat when dealing with China – said:

"We're working to get more support in the United Nations. 
 There are
several countries that have influence on the Burmese junta, and we are
going to try to do our best to influence them."

That's nice and all, but the old college try isn't going to cut it with
China on the matter of Burma. The US needs to work harder, faster and more
aggressively. A good start would be some leadership from President Obama.

Sure, he issued a press release last week announcing he was extending the
state of "emergency" with Burma for another year. But it was a procedural
move forced by an expiration date, not a bold diplomatic manoeuvre to free
Suu Kyi. Since her transfer to Insein Prison, the president has yet to
come out in support of her release.

In contrast to the previous occupants of the White House, Obama's silence
on Burma is deafening. And as long as he's unwilling to speak out against
the Burmese junta – let alone nudge a dithering security council or
squeeze the generals' enablers in China – the prospects for Aung San Suu
Kyi's freedom grow grimmer by the day.

http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs//2009/sc9662.doc.htm