BurmaNet News, May 27, 2009

[Editor]

May 27, 2009, Issue #3720

INSIDE BURMA
Irrawaddy: NLD issues list of demands to junta
WP: Burma's opposition grimly protests military government
KNG: Tension between junta and KIO; DVB TV aired on KIO TV
NLM: Trial against American citizen Mr. John William Yettaw, Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi, Daw Khin Khin Win and Ma Win Ma Ma continues for seventh day

ASEAN
Channel News Asia: ASEAN members back Thai statement on Aung San Suu Kyi
detention

REGIONAL
The Nation (Thailand): Jailing Suu Kyi again 'not good for region': Thai FM

INTERNATIONAL
Reuters: British PM Brown sends birthday wish to Suu Kyi
Washington Post: Obama calls for release of Aung San Suu Kyi

OPINION / OTHER
NYT: End Burma’s system of impunity – Paulo Sergio Pinheiro
The Nation: Burmese people need outside help to achieve freedom – Dr.
Thaung Htun
FEER: Burma's last chance - Aung Din
Asia Times: China drawn into Myanmar's border strife
WSJ: Myanmar calm amid dismay over trial

PRESS RELEASE
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Japan): Meeting of Foreign Ministers of Japan
and the Union of Myanmar

STATEMENT
The Elders: The Elders demand release of Aung San Suu Kyi on 27 May 2009

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

May 27, Irrawaddy
NLD issues list of demands to junta – Min Lwin

Burma’s opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), marked
the 19th anniversary of its election victory by issuing a statement to the
Burmese military government with a list of political demands.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, party spokesperson Ohn Kyaing
confirmed that the NLD had demanded that the junta:

• unconditionally releases all political prisoners, including NLD party
leaders Aung San Suu Kyi and Tin Oo;
• sets proper conditions for political dialogue;
• allow the reopening of NLD offices across the country;
• allows free election campaigning;
• accepts the registration of political parties (including ethnic parties)
that were banned after they won seats in the 1990 election.

The National League of Democracy headquarters in Rangoon. (Photo: AP)
The NLD pointed out in the statement that the Burmese military regime had
broken the 1990 election law that required that parliament would be formed
of parliamentarians elected in the 1990 national election.

The party further contended that the military government had previously
accepted that the national convention would be made up of elected members
of parliament (MPs). However, in the 1993 national convention, only 107
members out of 702 representatives at the convention were MPs—just 15.2
percent of the Burmese people’s representatives. The others were
hand-picked by the junta.

The five-page statement also claimed that when the military junta
reconvened the national convention in 2004, only 13 elected MPs out of
1,086 representatives were invited—a mere one percent of democratically
elected representatives.

The NLD, led by detained leader Suu Kyi, won the 1990 national election
with a landslide 82 percent of votes, but were never allowed to take
office.

Also on Wednesday, the NLD released another statement on behalf of Suu
Kyi. Link to that story: http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=15746

The NLD marked the 19th anniversary of its election victory at its party
headquarters in Rangoon at 12 o’clock noon on Wednesday. The event was
attended by party members, MPs, representatives from allied ethnic
parties, veteran politicians and Rangoon-based diplomats.

Several dozen members of the pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development
Association (USDA) and Swan Arr Shin were stationed around the NLD
headquarters in Bahan Township, but no trouble was reported.

“They [USDA and Swan-Arh-Shin] are waiting in three trucks on the street,”
said a local resident in Bahan Township, “while plain-clothes policemen
are coming and going around the NLD headquarters.”

Meanwhile, Asian and European Union foreign ministers made a
joint-statement during a two-day meeting in Hanoi on Tuesday, calling on
the Burmese junta to release detained political prisoners, as
international pressure mounts on the regime over its trial and detention
of Suu Kyi.

In their statement, the foreign ministers called on Burma to prepare for
and conduct elections scheduled for next year in a free and fair manner
and encouraged the military government to engage all stakeholders in an
inclusive process in order to achieve national reconciliation, and
economic and social development.

____________________________________

May 27, Washington Post
Burma's opposition grimly protests military government – Tom Johnston

For Burma's beleaguered opposition, Wednesday marked a series of grim
anniversaries: 19 years since the vote in which democracy advocate Aung
San Suu Kyi led her party to a victory the military refused to recognize,
and six years since she was last free.

Suu Kyi is on trial in Rangoon's Insein prison on charges that she
breached the terms of her house arrest after a U.S. citizen swam to her
lakeside home and stayed overnight there.

About 250 supporters of her National League for Democracy gathered outside
the party's dilapidated headquarters in Rangoon on Wednesday, despite a
significantly heavier-than-usual police presence on the streets. The group
released birds and prayed for Suu Kyi and other jailed opposition figures.

"We call for the immediate and unconditional release of all political
prisoners," Ohn Kyaing, an opposition member, told the crowd.

The gathering was a stark contrast to May 27, 1990, when jubilant crowds
believed the opposition had unseated the military government. But it soon
became clear that the army was not willing to hand over the reins of
power.

Suu Kyi's challenge to the army provoked a crackdown that resulted in her
spending almost 13 of the past 19 years under house arrest. Her party has
been reduced to a shell by arrests and intimidation as the military
consolidated power.

Suu Kyi and two housekeepers charged with her could face up to five years
in prison if they are found guilty. Her uninvited visitor, John Yettaw,
who says he wanted to warn her that he had had a vision and believed her
life was in danger, could face seven years in prison if he is convicted of
immigration offenses and entering a restricted zone.

Supporters of Suu Kyi, 63, say that if she is forced to spend five years
in the notoriously unsanitary conditions of Insein prison, her life could
indeed be in danger. They say Burmese authorities are using Yettaw's visit
as an excuse to keep her locked up until after elections they have
scheduled for next year.

In a statement to the court Tuesday, Suu Kyi said the incident "occurred
because of a security breach" by authorities.

"However, until now no action has been taken on security," she said,
apparently referring to the security officers the government has stationed
at her home.

She has denied knowing in advance about Yettaw's plans but said she did
not notify the authorities because she was trying to protect him.

"My political colleagues are serving long prison terms without any
consideration or protection from the law," she said in the statement. "I
allowed him to take temporary refuge in my political belief that I will
not push anyone into custody."

"It does not matter who are the intruders or whatever their motive, I just
did it out of my political belief."

On Wednesday, the court rejected three of four witnesses her defense team
wanted to testify, calling their testimony an attempt at "vexation or
delay or for defeating the ends of justice," the Associated Press
reported.

____________________________________

May 27, Kachin News Group
Tension between junta and KIO; DVB TV aired on KIO TV

Growing tension between the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the
Burmese   ruling junta was evident at the surprise airing of the
Norway-based   Democratic Voice of Burma Television also called DVB TV,
which is   pro-democracy, on the Kachin ceasefire group controlled TV in
Burma's northern Kachin State, said local sources.

Laiza TV, run by the KIO) has included the DVB TV channel in the KIO's HQ 
 Laiza Muklum on the orders of Maj-Gen Gunhtang Gam Shawng, Chief of Staff
of   the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the armed wing of KIO since
May 10, said residents in Laiza.

After   the KIA was officially informed to transform to a battalion of the
  "Border Security Force" by the junta's Northern Command commander
Brig-Gen Soe Win on April 28 in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State,
the DVB TV has been ordered to be aired on Laiza TV.

In the past, the airing of DVB TV was banned on Laiza TV by KIO senior  
leaders because they supported the junta’s National Convention and  
Referendum on the country's new constitution. It was felt that the DVB TV 
 would harm the relation between the KIO and the junta, said KIO officials
in   Laiza.

The DVB TV channel is one of a total of 35 different TV channels on Laiza
TV   including the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Central China  
Television (CCTV), the Burmese junta-run televisions. The DVB TV is
included   in the top ten most favourite channels of subscribers, said
local   subscribers.

Laiza TV also telecasts news about KIO and KIA every evening and night  
between 4 p.m. and 8 p.m., according to subscribers.

At the moment, Laiza TV has over 700 subscribers and they are mainly KIO/A
  residents, ordinary civilian residents and guest subscribers, said Laiza
TV   authorities. The monthly service fee for Laiza Cable TV is 25 Chinese
Yuan   (US $3.7) per TV, added subscribers.

The Laiza TV began to broadcast in 2004 and the first time, the TV
programmes   are aired by TV aerials, said residents of Laiza.

Meanwhile, the KIO leaders are trying to form a "Peace Mediator   Group"
in order to negotiate the transformation of its armed wing KIA   with the
ruling junta, said KIO leaders.

At the same time, the KIO Central Committee is receiving many letters of  
suggestion, advice and opinion and comments from Kachins from both Burma
and   around the world expressing disagreement on the proposal to
transform KIA to   a "Border Security Force," according to KIO sources.

KIO leaders have promised that they will listen to the Kachin people's  
suggestion regarding the transformation of KIA ordered by the Burmese
junta.

____________________________________

May 27, New Light of Myanmar
Trial against American citizen Mr. John William Yettaw, Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi, Daw Khin Khin Win and Ma Win Ma Ma continues for seventh day

Trial against American citizen Mr. John William Yettaw, Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi, Daw Khin Khin Win and Ma Win Ma Ma continued at the court of Yangon
North District for seventh day today.

Yangon North District Court examined defendant Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in
connection with the Criminal Case No. 47/2009 filed against her. Following
are questions and answers when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was examined.

Q       : Do Daw Khin Khin Win and Daw Win Ma Ma (a) Ange Lay stay with
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?

A : Yes, in my home.

Q       : Are the restriction order, prohibition order and the order for
extension of the prohibition order issued?

A : Yes, the orders are issued to me.

Q : Did American citizen Mr. John William Yettaw come to your home on 30
November, 2008? A : I was told about his arrival, but I didn't see him.

Q       : Did American citizen Mr. John William Yettaw intruded into your
house compound swimming across the Inya Lake on 3 May night.

A : As for as I understand, he arrived at my home in the morning of 4 May.

Q       : What time did he arrive at your home?

A : I don't know. I was reported on his arrival about 5 am:

Q       : Who reported to you?

A : Daw Khin Khin Win reported to me that a person was in my home.

Q       : Who was that person?

A : I didn't know who was that person then, but I knew him later on.

Q       : Is that person American citizen Mr. John William Yettaw?

A : Yes.

Q       : Did you report to the authority concerned on his arrival at your
home?

A : No.

Q       : Is it true that you received Mr John William Yettaw, gave food
to him and arranged accomodation for him?

A : I permitted him to take shelter at my home temporarily.

Q       : Did you provide food and talk to Mr. John William Yettaw and
accept letters and gifts from him?

A : I talked to Mr. John William Yettaw. I am not sure whether letters and
items remained or were left by Mr. John William Yettaw. Only Mr. John
William Yettaw himself knows that matter.

Q       : Which date and time did Mr. John William Yettaw leave your home?

A : Mr. John William Yettaw left my home between 11.45 pm and mid-night on
5 May.

Q       : Which way did Mr. John William Yettaw take when he left your home?

A : I only knew that Mr. John William Yettaw went to the lake. Because of
the darkness, I don't know which way he took.

Q: Did Police Captain Tin Zaw Tun come and confiscate the things Mr. John
William Yettaw had left at the residence of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?

A: Yes, Police Captain Tin Zaw Tun came and confiscated the things Mr.
John William Yettaw had left.

Q: Were there members of security force at the surrounding of the
residence while Mr. John William Yettaw was at the residence of Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi?

A: They were not in the compound. I don't know whether they were out of
the compound or not.

Q: Did American citizen Mr. John William Yettaw take photos and shoot
video in the house of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?

A: I don't know whether he took photos and shot video while I was at my
house. I only learnt that he took photos and shot video when I appeared in
court.

Q: Do Daw Aung San Suu Kyi know the facts prescribed in restriction order,
prohibition order and order for extension of the prohibition order.

A: Yes, I know the facts written in the orders.

Next, prosecution witness Investigating Officer Police Captain Than Soe of
Special Branch who remained to be examined in connection with the Criminal
Case No 48/ 2009 filed against Mr. John William Yettaw was examined. He
said that on 11 May he got the case of Bahan Police Station, (Pa) 302/09
under section 13 (1) of Immigration Act (Emergency Provisions) to examine;
that he questioned prosecution witnesses the same day; that on 12 May he
continued to question the prosecution witnesses and received the search
forms handed over by Police Captain Maung Maung Myint and Police Captain
Tin Zaw Tun; that he got the sample of Mr. John William Yettaw's writing
in connection with the case and sent it together with Mr. John William
Yettaw' s writing confiscated at the house of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the
Criminal Investigation Department in order to examine whether they were
written by same person; that Mr. John William Yettaw was questioned the
same day; that prosecution witnesses were examined on 13 May; that he
presented two search forms handed over by Police Captain Sa Kyaw Win; that
on 14 May Mr. John William Yettaw was arrested according to Case No 264/09
of Bahan Police Station and filed against him under section 13 (1) of
Immigration Act (Emergency Provisions) at Yangon North District Court.

The proceedings are adjourned until 10 a.m. on 27 May.

____________________________________
ASEAN

May 27, Channel News Asia
ASEAN members back Thai statement on Aung San Suu Kyi detention

Singapore said it confirms the authority of Thailand to issue the
statement on May 19 on the detention and trial of Aung San Suu Kyi of
Myanmar.

It said the statement was issued in its capacity as ASEAN Chair, pursuant
to discussions of the text by ASEAN senior officials.

A ministry spokesman said at a meeting of ASEAN Foreign Ministers in Phnom
Penh on Wednesday that Singapore, along with many other ASEAN member
states, fully associated itself with the Thai statement.

The spokesman was responding to media queries concerning the Myanmar
government's rejection of the ASEAN Chairman's (Thailand) Statement.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

May 27, The Nation (Thailand)
Jailing Suu Kyi again 'not good for region': Thai FM – Supalak Ganjanakhundee

Jailing Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi again could risk
regional security, Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya said yesterday in
defending Thailand's decision to issue an Asean chairman's statement on
the issue as made with the "best of intentions".

"It is worrisome that the trial to extend her detention would not be a
good thing for the region," Kasit told reporters on the sidelines of the
Asia Europe Meeting in Hanoi.

Burma could not protest that Suu Kyi's case would not affect regional
security. As long as there was instability there, it could affect the
whole region, he said.

Thailand as the current chair of Asean would continue to dialogue with
Burma although the junta regarded the move as intervention in the
country's internal affairs, he said.

Many countries welcomed and praised Thailand's brave decision to respond
to the situation, he said.

"What we said (in the chairman's statement) is not different from what the
Asean leaders had voiced in concern during the summit in Thailand," he
said.

The foreign ministers of Asean would discuss the situation in Burma and
Suu Kyi's trial again when they meet in Phnom Penh from May 27-28, he
said.

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva as the chair of Asean issued a statement
on May 18 expressing "grave concern" over Suu Kyi's situation as she faced
a trial in connection with American John Yettaw, who swam across the Inya
Lake to her residence where she has been under custody since May 2003.

Suu Kyi testified at a court in Rangoon yesterday that she did not violate
the terms of her house arrest when she temporarily sheltered the American
man.

The Burmese junta has lashed out the Asean chairman's statement, saying it
was not in conformity with Asean practice, incorrect in facts and
interference in Burma's internal affairs.

The junta has "sadly noted" that Thailand had "failed to preserve the
dignity of Asean, the dignity of Burma and the dignity of Thailand".

The Foreign Ministry yesterday issued a clarification, saying the issuance
of the Asean chairman statement was a "similar action [that] had been
taken before".

Asean senior officials had discussed and expressed their views on May 18
when they met in Phuket and agreed that Thailand should issue a statement
about recent developments concerning Suu Kyi and to inform Asean foreign
ministers accordingly, said the Foreign Ministry's press statement.

In practice, a joint Asean statement is a negotiated text that must be
prepared by officials and approved by foreign ministers or leaders.

"An Asean chairman's statement, however, is issued by the government which
is the current chair of Asean, without the need for joint drafting by
Asean officials," it said.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

May 27, Washington Post
Obama calls for release of Aung San Suu Kyi – Glenn Kessler

Making his first statement on the trial of Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung
San Suu Kyi, President Obama issued a stern statement late Tuesday calling
on the Burmese government to release her "immediately and
unconditionally."

Burma's military government on Tuesday announced that it officially ended
the six-year house arrest of Suu Kyi, the opposition leader and democracy
advocate, but she remains in prison while awaiting the outcome of her
trial for breach of the terms of her detention. Suu Kyi, who is accused of
allowing a U.S. citizen who swam to her lakeside house to spend the night
there, took the stand Tuesday and denied the charges against her. She said
she gave only "temporary shelter" to John W. Yettaw, 53, of Falcon, Mo.;
she faces a term of possibly three to five years.

Obama, in his statement, strongly condemned her most arrest and detention,
saying it was "arbitrary, unjustified, and in contravention of Burma's own
law." Suu Kyi has spent 13 of the last 19 years under detention, ever
since her party won a landslide victory that the military never accepted.

The Obama administration has been conducting a high-profile review of
policy toward Burma, including the effectiveness of sanctions. But the
sudden trial of Suu Kyi, just as her detention was set to end, has instead
inspired calls for increased sanctions.

"Suu Kyi's continued detention, isolation, and show trial based on
spurious charges cast serious doubt on the Burmese regime's willingness to
be a responsible member of the international community," Obama said,
adding the government had "an important opportunity... to demonstrate that
it respects its own laws and its own people."

One of Suu Kyi's lawyers had to deal with another possible legal
entanglement Tuesday -- a lawsuit filed by Suu Kyi's estranged brother
seeking ownership of her home, left to her by their mother. If the court
rules against Suu Kyi and takes away her home, then the government could
claim that she can no longer serve in home detention and must remain in
prison.

____________________________________

May 27, Reuters
British PM Brown sends birthday wish to Suu Kyi

British Prime Minister Gordon Brown sent birthday wishes to Myanmar
pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Wednesday, joining an online
campaign to mark her 64th birthday next month.

Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace prize winner, is on trial in Myanmar (Burma)
accused of violating the terms of her house arrest. If found guilty, she
faces up to five years in prison. [nBKK229015]

Human rights campaigners are encouraging well-wishers to enter 64-word
messages of support for Suu Kyi before her June 19 birthday on the "64
words for Aung San Suu Kyi" web site (www.64forsuu.com).

"I add my voice to the growing chorus of those demanding your release. For
too long the world has failed to act in the face of this intolerable
injustice. That is now changing," Brown said in his 64-word message posted
on the web site.

The online campaign, launched on Wednesday, has already received over
1,400 messages of support for the pro-democracy leader, web designer
Rachel Collinson told Reuters.

Critics have denounced Suu Kyi's trial as a charade designed to keep her
in detention during an election next year.

U.S. President Barack Obama joined the clamor for her release on Tuesday,
condemning her arrest and detention and calling the charges against her
"spurious."

A group of statesmen and Nobel laureates including Archbishop Desmond Tutu
and former U.S. President Jimmy Carter also issued a statement calling for
Suu Kyi's release.

____________________________________
OPINION/OTHER

May 27, New York Times
End Burma’s system of impunity – Paulo Sergio Pinheiro

The Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has spent 13 years
under house arrest in Myanmar. This week, the Burmese junta is likely to
extend her detention for up to five years under the trumped-up charge of
allowing a visitor into her compound.

During eight years as United Nations Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, I
repeatedly called on the Burmese junta to release Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi
and Burma’s 2,100 other political prisoners, to no avail. It is imperative
that she be released immediately for the country’s process of
reconciliation to move forward.

But while Suu Kyi has deservedly received a great deal of international
attention over the past two decades, Myanmar’s ethnic minorities — more
than one-third of the population — have suffered without international
outcry. For Myanmar’s process of national reconciliation to be successful,
the plight of the minorities must also be addressed.

Over the past 15 years, the Burmese Army has destroyed over 3,300 villages
in a systematic and widespread campaign to subjugate ethnic groups. U.N.
reports indicate that Burmese soldiers have frequently recruited child
soldiers, used civilians as minesweepers and forced thousands of villagers
into slave labor.

An official policy of impunity has empowered soldiers to rape and pillage.
According to one account, in December 2008 a Burmese soldier marched into
an ethnic Karen village in eastern Myanmar and abducted, raped and killed
a 7-year old girl. Authorities refused to arrest the soldier; instead,
officers threatened the parents with punishment if they did not accept a
cash bribe to keep quiet.

In 2002, I received a report about 625 women who were systematically raped
in Myanmar ’s Shan State over a five-year period. There was not a single
account of successful prosecution.

I repeatedly documented the military’s many abuses in reports to the U.N.
General Assembly and the U.N. Commission on Human Rights. My work is only
one example of U.N. efforts in Myanmar — since 1990, U.N. representatives
have visited the country 37 times in an attempt to facilitate dialogue and
promote human rights.

They have exhausted all domestic and diplomatic remedies without achieving
human rights protection and national reconciliation in Myanmar. And while
the U.N. General Assembly and the U.N. Human Rights Council have passed
over 35 resolutions regarding Myanmar, the U.N. Security Council has yet
to pass a single one. The United Nations will not be successful until the
Security Council acts to directly address our stagnant efforts.

It is clear that the attacks in Myanmar will continue. It is equally
evident that the country’s domestic legal system will not punish those
perpetrating crimes against ethnic minorities.

It is time for the United Nations to take the next logical step: The
Security Council must establish a commission of inquiry into crimes
against humanity and impunity in Myanmar. The Security Council took
similar steps with regard to Rwanda, Bosnia and Darfur. The situation in
Myanmar is equally as critical.

Creating a commission of inquiry will accomplish three important goals:

First, it will make the junta accountable for its crimes with a potential
indictment by the International Criminal Court. Second, it will address
the widespread culture of impunity in Burma. Third, it has the potential
to deter future crimes against humanity in Myanmar.

For two decades, ethnic minorities in Myanmar have suffered while our
diplomatic efforts failed to bear fruit. The time has come for the
Security Council to act.

Paulo Sergio Pinheiro was the United Nations special rapporteur on human
rights in Myanmar from 2000 to 2008.

____________________________________

May 27, Asia Times
China drawn into Myanmar's border strife – Brian McCartan

While the world concentrates on the trial of Nobel Peace Prize laureate
Aung San Suu Kyi for violating the terms of her house arrest, another
drama is playing out on Myanmar's northern border with China. Here the
junta is bullying ethnic ceasefire groups into transforming their armies
into border guard militias in a move that threatens to plunge the north
back into civil war. Beijing is avoiding involvement in the Suu Kyi drama,
but in northern Myanmar, it has no choice.

On April 28, simultaneous meetings were held between Myanmar military
commanders and representatives of every major ethnic ceasefire army in the
north and northeast of the country.

In Myitkyina, Brigadier General Soe Win, the Northern Command commander
met with leaders of the Kachin Independence

Organization/Army (KIO/A), and the National Democratic Army-Kachin
(NDA-K). The Shan State Army (North) (SSA-N) met with Major General Aung
Than Htut, Northeastern Command commander, in Lashio, the Myanmar National
Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) met with Brigadier General Win Maung and
meetings were held with the National Democratic Alliance Army (Eastern
Shan State) (NDAA-ESS). Most importantly, Lieutenant-General Ye Myint met
with the United Wa State Army (UWSA) in Tangyan, eastern Shan State.

The ethnic insurgents were all given the same three options: surrender,
become a border guard force under the Myanmar army, or elderly leaders
must retire and establish a political party to contest the 2010 elections.

Under the military regime's plan as outlined to the groups on April 28,
the ethnic armies would be incorporated into the Myanmar army as a border
guard force in their respective areas. Each group must submit a full
inventory of manpower, weapons and units and a list of members who would
be retired.

Battalions would be set at 326 men and officers with at least 30 coming
from the Myanmar army. Command of each battalion would be split between
two ethnic officers and one army officer. The military says it will assume
responsibility for salaries and benefits on the same level as regular
soldiers. A six-month time frame was given for the transformation. Three
levels of committees which would oversee the process are dominated by
senior Myanmar army officers with almost no participation by ethnic
insurgent officers.

Ethnic representatives said they would have to consult their respective
leaderships to which the Myanmar officers gave an end of June deadline for
a reply.

On May 20, the UWSA rejected Ye Myint's proposal, saying they would prefer
to maintain their current ceasefire status, although they would consider
the idea in the future. Myanmar-watchers believe that the other groups
will follow the UWSA's lead and the MNDAA, NDAA and SSA-N have reportedly
rejected the proposal.

The ceasefire groups say that although this is a change from the previous
demands for "exchanging arms for peace", it is still not enough.

At issue for the ethnic groups is the lack of guarantees for autonomy in
their areas under Myanmar's new constitution approved in a controversial
May 2008 referendum. Although the constitution allots six townships to be
designated as Wa Self-Administered Divisions, Bao Youxiang, chairman of
the UWSA, said in a speech on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the
founding of his organization on April 17, "The government of Myanmar has
finally enfranchised the Wa ethnic region with the status of an autonomous
prefecture, which doesn't fully satisfy our request."

The Wa have been using the term "Wa government" in their official
documents since late 2008, but the junta has yet to respond to a Wa
request to review the constitution and identify the area as the Wa State
government special region.

The Kachin groups have claimed in the past that they will not give up
their arms since their demands for autonomy for Kachin State were ignored
during the national convention which drafted the new constitution. A
Kachin State Progressive Party was formed earlier this year separate from
the KIO/A and NDA-K to contest the 2010 elections.

Handing over control of their armed wings to the Myanmar army would
separate them from the political leadership - a move that finds little
support in an area where power often comes from the barrel of a gun. After
over 40 years of armed struggle, none of the groups is keen to relinquish
the armed forces which they see as protecting the areas for which that
they have fought so hard. It could also mean losing control over the
lucrative trade in timber, jade, gems, drugs and arms.

Reports from Shan State and Kachin State reported by the exile Shan Herald
Agency for News and the Kachin News Group indicate that there is little
support for the junta's proposal. For many it is seen as a total disregard
for the ethnic groups' calls for greater autonomy and democracy - the two
issues that sparked the insurgency in northern Myanmar in the first place.

The threat of a resumption of hostilities in northern and northeastern
Myanmar is no small affair and many of the groups have been preparing for
that eventuality. The KIO/A claims to have 20,000 soldiers as well as a
militia and sources close to the Kachin say there has been increased
recruitment and training in recent years. The NDAA, MNDAA and SSA-N each
have several thousand men under arms.

The UWSA is by far the largest ethnic army in Myanmar with some 25,000
men. It has acquired more sophisticated weapons - much of it from China -
including, according to a March 2008 Jane's Intelligence Review report,
anti-aircraft artillery and surface-to-air missiles such as the Chinese
HN-5N. Sources close to the Wa say that they have also acquired 120mm
howitzers and 130mm field artillery and training from the Chinese People's
Liberation Army (PLA) in how to use them.

In a move for self-sufficiency, the Wa have even established an arms and
ammunition manufacturing plant in their territory. Weapons have become so
plentiful they the group has apparently been acting as brokers or selling
directly to other insurgent groups in Myanmar and in northeastern India.

Tensions have already been growing between the government and the
ceasefire groups. Relations between the two suffered a heavy blow when
Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, the former spy chief and architect of the
ceasefires, was arrested in 2004 and his military intelligence apparatus
largely dismantled. In December 2008, Major General Kyaw Phyoe, the Golden
Triangle commander in Myanmar's northeast, ordered the UWSA to disarm. The
Wa ignored the order and in January forced Ye Myint and his delegation to
disarm before entering Wa territory to hold discussions with the UWSA.

China is Myanmar's biggest supporter, but it is also highly influential
with the ceasefire groups in northern and northeastern Myanmar. None of
the groups would survive long without China's patronage. China's relations
with many of the groups go back to its support of the Burmese Communist
Party (BCP) in the 1970s. Beijing later cut off its support for the BCP in
the 1980s, a situation that contributed to the 1989 mutiny that saw the
dissolution of the BCP and the formation of many of the present ethnic
armies including the UWSA, MNDAA and NDAA.

Concern over the stability of Myanmar and its military regime as well as
the reality that the successor groups to the BCP as well as the KIA
control most of the Myanmar-China border led Beijing to maintain ties with
the groups. For the ethnic organizations, this has meant access to Chinese
weaponry as well as Chinese development aid and investment in roads,
hydropower projects, agricultural projects and cross-border trade.

What the groups provide in exchange is a buffer zone from possible
instability as a result of the policies of Myanmar's erratic rulers. In
addition, the UWSA and other groups which have become notorious for
narcotics production and trafficking, have agreed to ban opium cultivation
in their territories and curb the heroin trade to China. Instead, much of
the heroin and methamphetamines they produce is transported to Thailand
and increasingly to Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam.

Beijing, however, has also moved closer to Myanmar's military rulers once
it became clear in the early 1980s that a communist takeover was not
likely. China has become Myanmar's greatest arms supplier and has blocked
attempts by Western countries to bring the Myanmar issue before the United
Nations Security Council. Despite growing international furor over the
arrest and continued detention of Aung San Suu Kyi, Beijing has made it
clear it does not want to get involved.

Yet, this support is not absolute. Following the crackdown on
demonstrators in 2007, China encouraged Myanmar's generals to move toward
national reconciliation. In December 2008, Chinese Foreign Minister Yang
Jiechi urged Myanmar's ruler, Senior General Than Shwe, to honor the UN's
request for an inclusive political process. Most recently, during a visit
by Myanmar General Tin Aye to China in April, PLA chief of staff Chen
Bingde told him China hoped its southern neighbor could attain stability,
economic development and national reconciliation.

In addition, say some analysts of the China-Myanmar border, Beijing is
waiting to see which way US policy will go on Myanmar. US Secretary of
State Hillary Clinton announced in February that there would be a review
of US policy on Myanmar.

Under the George W Bush administration, there was increased interest in
the plight of Myanmar's ethnic groups. Several members of the US Congress
protested at the gross human-rights abuses committed by the Myanmar army
in the border areas against ethnic civilians, especially after a report by
the Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN) detailing the systematic use of
rape in Shan State by the Myanmar army was released in 2001.

American aid to refugee camps and programs along the Thai-Myanmar border
was increased. Ethnic representatives were brought to the US to brief
members of congress and Charm Tong, chairwoman of SWAN, met with Bush in
2005. Should the US decide to provide more support to the ethnic groups,
China may want to continue or even increase its support as a
counterbalance.

Shan State, however, remains problematic for the US due to the drug trade.
In 2005, the US Justice Department indicted several leaders of the UWSA,
including offering a US$2 million reward for Wei Hsueh-Kang, perhaps
Myanmar's most notorious drug trafficker. The State Department's annual
report on narcotics trafficking in 2008 said the UWSA remained the
dominant heroin trafficking group in the region and the Treasury
Department in November called the UWSA the most powerful drug trafficking
organization in Southeast Asia. The US has rejected several previous
proposals from groups in Shan State, including the UWSA, going back to
1973 to exchange an end to the drug trade for assistance against the
government and development aid.

Beijing's influence over the ceasefire groups means, should it decide it
is in its best interests, it could force them to acquiesce to the junta's
demands, transform their armies into border militias and join the
electoral process. This, however, is not likely to happen as China's
interests for the moment are better served by keeping the status quo.

China's main interest is stability in Myanmar that allows its strategic
and economic interests to remain unthreatened. In addition to its economic
activities in the ethnic ceasefire areas, China has become intensely
involved in mining and last year beat out India for the 30-year rights to
an oil and gas concession off Myanmar's southwestern coast.

Of perhaps more importance is Myanmar's strategic position as a gateway
for trade from China's remote Yunnan province and as a transit point for
oil and gas through a recently agreed pipeline project that will allow
China to receive oil and gas without having to send its tankers through
the easily blocked Malacca Straits.

The greatest threat to those interests would be the resumption of civil
war in northern Myanmar, which would result in the destruction of border
trade zones, the creation of a huge refugee population and the blockage of
important routes for trade, natural resources and the new oil and gas
pipeline. Most Myanmar analysts believe that any attempt by the government
to force the ceasefire groups to surrender or put their military wings
under the control of the Myanmar army would be met with force.

The May 20 decision of the UWSA to reject the proposal would not likely
have been made without consultation with the Chinese and this creates a
dilemma for Myanmar's generals. Should they force the ceasefire groups to
obey and risk renewed fighting and angering China, or back off on one of
the key steps on the roadmap to democracy?

Ye Myint has offered to return to UWSA headquarters at Panghsang on the
Chinese border to discuss the matter further. The Wa have apparently
accepted the offer, but a date has yet to be set.

____________________________________

May 26, The Nation (Thailand)
Burmese people need outside help to achieve freedom – Dr. Thaung Htun

CASE 47/2009 sounds mundane enough. But, as this case unfolds, the future
of a nation is in the balance. The number is the file reference of Aung
San Suu Kyi's trial in Insein Prison in Rangoon, which started on May 18.
The entire world knows the charges are trumped up and that the military
regime is simply seeking to find a neat means of locking up the democracy
leader again. Yet, inexplicably, we watch as the trial goes on. Here is a
moment when the international community must pause and consider the
history that is unfurling around it. Now is the time for world governments
and organizations to act and to end the 47-year-long military dictatorship
in Burma.

The facts are that Aung San Suu Kyi's period of house detention was due to
come to an end on May 27. This period of incarceration should be deemed
illegal not only in relation to international law, but in contravention of
Burma's own legal statutes and by the United Nations Working Group on
Arbitrary Detention. So, finding a "legal" means of locking up Aung San
Suu Kyi again, and to deny her any connection with elections planned in
2010, became an imperative for the junta.

It is also a sign that the Burmese military is panicking as international
pressure mounts for Aung San Suu Kyi's release. This trial is a rash and
hurried lurch by a jittery regime to temper the waves of outcry over its
hardline approach.

International inaction might be understandable, but not perhaps justified,
if we were talking about a tiny nation on the margins of regional and
global relations. Burma is none of these things. With a population of some
50 million, it is potentially one of Asia's richest and most go-ahead
countries. Traditionally high literacy rates and high rates of
English-language competency add to its potential. Burma is also positioned
in a strategically vital area, nestled between India and China.

Quite apart from the moral imperative, there is a significant strategic
motivation to secure democracy in Burma. The possibility of "failed state"
status -- a categorization that may already apply - for such a
strategically and economically important nation should focus even the mind
of the most Realpolitik-enamored policy wonk. The regional implications
alone are significant.

The international community must approach this current crisis with both
short-term and longer-term agendas in mind.

First, and most pressingly, the immediate and unconditional release of
Aung San Suu Kyi, along with the remaining 2,000-plus political prisoners
in Burma, must be secured.

The best means of doing this will likely be through an immediate visit to
Burma by the United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, and action to
which he has already committed. Intervening in this way would be a
powerful symbol, and few share his ability to directly defuse the current
tensions and to facilitate a multi-party dialogue to lead towards a
process of national reconciliation of all relevant parties.

This action would be best empowered through an emergency session of the
United Nations Security Council. Here, a presidential statement can
mobilize the Secretary-General's Office and can also discuss initiatives
for a medium-term international response to the current situation and
beyond.

Once the immediate crisis has been resolved, the international community
will then have to consider the future of Burma.

The National League for Democracy, the party led by Aung San Suu Kyi, has
been clear that it aims for reconciliation not retribution. Recently, the
NLD produced the Shwegondaing Declaration, which confirmed the party's
belief in ensuring that the military is part of the process of national
rebuilding.

No democracy can take root amid the turmoil of revenge and power grabs. A
long-term solution requires a mature view and, driven by the non-violent
and conciliatory approach of Aung San Suu Kyi herself, Burma's democracy
movement is keenly aware of its responsibilities.

A viable plan of action has already been devised by the NLD, the wider
democracy movement, ethnic parties and the government in exile.

The US has recently extended targeted sanctions on Burma, yet has also
raised the possibility of a softly-softly approach. How this might be
played out remains the purview of Washington, but we would stress that the
time is now and that our plan offers a sustainable means of bringing a
lasting democracy to Burma.

Burma 's critical moment appears to have arrived and it needs the ability
to act and to move quickly, as well as a cool hand amid the chaos to guide
the process to a longer-term conclusion. We beseech the international
community to seize this moment, to help our country recover and to ensure
Aung San Suu Kyi one day is allowed to be free among the people for whom
she has sacrificed so much.

Dr Thaung Htun is the UN representative for the National Coalition
Government of the Union of Burma -- the government in exile.

____________________________________

May 26, Far Eastern Economist Review (FEER)
Burma's last chance - Aung Din

As an exile supporting the democracy movement, led by Nobel Laureate Aung
San Suu Kyi, in my homeland, Burma, I have placed faith and confidence in
the international community to help end the tyranny of the military
regime. Many countries in the world, including the United States, the
European Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), China,
India, Japan, Canada, Australia and Korea have been involved in addressing
the situation in Burma with different levels of interest, influence and
responsibility. We appreciate those efforts, but the time has come to
re-evaluate how best to collectively engage the international community to
push for freedom in Burma.

The common belief is that nothing will change in Burma without serious
action from China and India, Burma's two most powerful neighbors, and
Asean. However, we must realize that Burma is a virtual captive state of
China. Beijing sells weapons to Burma’s generals and provides loans and
grants that keep the regime afloat. In return, China receives concessions
on gas and oil drilling and energy corridors for strategic pipelines.
India, the world’s largest democracy, abandoned Burma’s democracy movement
a decade ago in the hopes of cozying up to the regime’s generals to check
Chinese expansionism and for help in dealing with border issues. We assume
that Asean, of which Burma is a member, will act responsibly to persuade
the regime to stop its brutality against its own people. However, as
several members of it, namely Cambodia, Vietnam, Brunei and Laos are being
ruled by the authoritarian governments, similar to the regime in Burma, no
meaningful action from Asean can be expected. They all cannot be depended
on to facilitate negotiations between the regime and its people.

To date, no consensus has been reached between the nations involved in
dealing with Burma. Meetings on Burma at the United Nations Security
Council always typically ended with divisions among the 15 members. Some
states, led by the U.S., France and Britain would like to see focused,
direct involvement by the Security Council. Others, led by China and
Russia, want to push the Burma issue out of the Security Council, arguing
that internal political strife does not rise to the level necessary for
Security Council involvement. By using the “threat of a veto,” China
effectively limits the role of the Council in Burma to statements of
concern that lack accountability because they are not backed up by a
credible threat of international action. The same divisions exist among
the 14 member nations, known as “Friends of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
on Burma.”

The situation has become frustrating. People die, intimidation and
oppression continue, and nothing gets done. Meanwhile, Aung San Suu Kyi is
facing charges of violating her house arrest and will likely be sentenced
to still more years under an armed guard isolated from her people. Talk
alone is not meaningful action. Continuing within this framework will only
help the regime to strengthen its grip on power. Redesigning a new and
effective international mechanism is urgently required to help the people
of Burma. The time has come to think outside the diplomatic box for the
creation of a new international alliance to deal with Burma’s intransigent
regime.

The governments of Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia and the
Philippines, which can be called the “Asean Five,” have expressed their
willingness to see a peaceful solution in Burma. They all have a desire to
mediate between the Western democracies and the regime, as they are eager
to improve the image of Asean, which has been tainted badly by the
generals in Burma. Establishing a small multinational partnership on
Burma, with participation of the U.S., the EU and the Asean Five, can be
the driving force behind a new mechanism to bring attention, pressure,
carrots and sticks to a multinational negotiating process with the regime
and Burma’s democracy movement.

The “Seven Friends of Burma” (SFB) would call senior diplomats from the
group to meet as soon as possible and develop a mutually acceptable
mechanism with common goals and clear benchmarks for change in Burma, and
then share responsibility to act together to end Burma’s manmade disaster.
The U.S. and EU should be prepared to offer incentives to the regime, and
the Asean Five could take responsibility for being the “front-men” in
securing positive changes from the regime in order for such incentives to
be realized.

Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono would be the perfect
candidate for the group to negotiate with Senior Gen. Than Shwe, the
paramount leader of the regime, to accept this mechanism and explain a
process that brings permanent peace to Burma while addressing concerns of
both the regime and democracy movement. Incentives alone may not work;
therefore, threatening to bring Burmese generals before the International
Criminal Court for crimes against humanity they have committed could be
powerful leverage to assist the SFB in their work. This smaller group will
be able to act more nimbly and have more flexibility than the larger
groups that have dominated discussion on Burma without meaningful action.

There are pitfalls to this process. The Asean Five may be reluctant to
engage in such a manner, and China may make the situation difficult by
putting pressure on the group members to back off its client state. This
new alliance will not be successful without strong leadership of U.S.
President Barack Obama, along with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. The
position of the U.S. Policy Coordinator on Burma, created by the Tom
Lantos Block Burma Jade Act of 2008, should be filled as soon as possible
as a signal of continuing U.S. commitment and seriousness towards Burma.
The U.S. policy review on Burma that started three months ago should be
finalized by maintaining sanctions and pressure, increasing diplomacy and
taking a leadership role in the SFB.

In the end, true change must come from inside Burma. Yet real
international action—whether in regards to Chile, Argentina, Guatemala,
South Africa, the Philippines, Northern Ireland, or countless other
countries—has proven a winning component of change. Situations that
previously appeared intractable have a way of changing when the right
strategy and high-level, constant attention are in place. We, democracy
activists, look to leadership from the United States and hope for action
from President Obama.

Aung Din served over four years in prison in Burma, as a political
prisoner between 1989 and 1993. He is now the executive director of the
Washington, D.C.-based U.S. Campaign for Burma, which advocates the U.S.
Congress and administration regarding U.S. policy on Burma.

http://www.feer.com/international-relations/20098/may56/Burmas-Last-Chance

____________________________________

May 26, Wall Street Journal
Myanmar calm amid dismay over trial

As the trial of famed dissident Aung San Suu Kyi continues in this
crumbling, monsoon-soaked city, residents are privately expressing anger
and dismay over the proceedings. But they are giving little indication
they intend to challenge the trial's outcome or launch the kind of
widespread protests that Myanmar has witnessed in the past.

"I don't want to talk about" the trial, says Khin Aung, who makes $26 a
month guarding a religious shrine along a quiet street in this
predominantly Buddhist city. Like many, he is afraid of openly challenging
the military junta, which has ruled Myanmar -- and silenced most
opposition -- since the 1960s. "I am no one. I am not in a position to do
anything to change the state of the country," he says.

Dissidents and advocacy groups accuse the military regime of an array of
human-rights violations, including the use of forced labor and
imprisonment of 2,000 or more opposition leaders, including Ms. Suu Kyi, a
Nobel laureate whose political organization won Myanmar's last election in
1990. The regime has kept Ms. Suu Kyi, 63 years old, under house arrest
for 13 of the past 19 years, including the last six.

The current trial, in which Ms. Suu Kyi is accused of violating her house
arrest by allowing an American well-wisher to swim to her lakeside home,
has drawn rebukes from Western governments and parts of Asia. It is viewed
as a ploy by the government to extend its imprisonment of Ms. Suu Kyi
until after a national election is held sometime next year.

In a statement, President Barack Obama condemned Ms. Suu Kyi's house
arrest and detention. He called for her immediate and unconditional
release as a sign of respect for its laws and its people. Ms. Suu Kyi's
"continued detention, isolation, and show trial based on spurious charges
cast serious doubt on the [Myanmar] regime's willingness to be a
responsible member of the international community," he said.

Ms. Suu Kyi, who pleaded innocent Friday, told a court Tuesday that she
didn't think she was breaking the terms of her house arrest when she gave
what she described as "temporary shelter" to Missouri resident John
Yettaw, 53 years old, who swam to her lakeside house on May 4.

Asked if she had reported the presence of Mr. Yettaw to the authorities,
Ms. Suu Kyi said, "No, I did not," according to an Associated Press
reporter. She said he left around midnight on May 5 and was arrested
swimming back across the lake.

Ms. Suu Kyi earlier told her lawyers that she didn't report Mr. Yettaw's
uninvited visit because she didn't want him or security personnel in
charge of her house to get into trouble. She also told her lawyers that
the security forces should be held responsible for letting Mr. Yettaw in,
the AP reported.

Some residents say they think a verdict could come as early as Wednesday,
the day when Ms. Suu Kyi's current house arrest was supposed to expire,
according to her lawyers. But in a briefing Tuesday morning with
diplomats, the government indicated it could legally hold Ms. Suu Kyi
until as late as November before reaching a decision, according to a
person familiar with the proceedings.

Myanmar's government rarely speaks directly with foreign reporters. But it
has defended the trial in state-controlled media, including a statement
published Monday in the official New Light of Myanmar newspaper that said
officials had "no option but to open legal proceedings" because Ms. Suu
Kyi had allowed an "intruder" to take food and shelter in her home. Such
acts are potentially in violation of Myanmar's Law to Safeguard the State
Against the Dangers of Those Desiring to Cause Subversive Acts, under
which Ms. Suu Kyi is being held, the government said. It added that Ms.
Suu Kyi has been under detention to ensure the "stability of the State"
and "in the interest of the people."

For now, there is little evidence of unrest in Yangon, the country's
commercial center. A small number of dissidents -- several hundred or so
-- are seen each day near the Insein prison where Ms. Suu Kyi is on trial,
though they have confined their activities mainly to waiting quietly for
news. Residents say it is widely assumed the protesters are being watched
closely by military intelligence.

Authorities have opened the road by Ms. Suu Kyi's lakeside home to
vehicles for the first time in years, allowing visitors to see flags and
posters for her political party -- along with a phalanx of police officers
-- around her front gate.

Otherwise, people are going about their business, as monsoon rains flood
the city's ramshackle streets. Some residents say that they believe the
regime is too powerful to challenge and that widespread protests would
only destabilize the already weak economy, making life harder for average
citizens.

"Everyone is talking [about the trial], but they whisper," says Frankie
Nyi, a manager of a local travel agency. When he discusses Ms. Suu Kyi in
the office, he says, other staff look at him as though he has lost his
mind. "People are afraid."

____________________________________
PRESS RELEASE

May 27, Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Japan)
Meeting of Foreign Ministers of Japan and the Union of Myanmar

During his visit to Vietnam, Mr. Hirofumi Nakasone, Minister for Foreign
Affairs of Japan, held a meeting with Minister for Foreign Affairs of the
Union of Myanmar U Nyan Win on May 25 (Mon) at 2:15 p.m. (4:15 p.m. JST)
for about 35 minutes. The summary of the meeting is as follows.

1. The charges brought against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

Minister Nakasone expressed his deep concern regarding this issue. He
stated that although he understands that this is an issue of judicial
process and appreciates the efforts Myanmar has made to provide doctors
and lawyers, as well as allowing the diplomatic corps to hear the trial,
strong criticism and reactions can be expected from the international
community depending on the judicial decision. He pointed out that now is
an extremely important moment for both Myanmar and the international
community, and that it is Myanmar's benefit to act in an appropriate way
taking into account the views of the international community. He also
expressed his expectation that democratization in Myanmar proceeds in such
a way that it is given high regard by the international community with
participation of all and the parties concerned.

In response, Minister U Nyan Win stated that this incident was not brought
about by the Government of Myanmar, but was instead created by those who
have different viewpoints and affiliations. He stated that Myanmar is
making efforts to improve its relationship with the international
community, however, those who don't wish Myanmar to make a good
relationship with countries such as the United States of America, the
European Union members, and Japan create the incident. He also stated that
whether or not Daw Aung San Suu Kyi can participate in a general election
in 2010 will be regulated by the Election Law that will be enacted
shortly, and that anybody can participate in the general election if they
fulfill the terms of the Election Law. In addition, he stated that this
matter is a judicial procedure, and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's innocence or
guiltiness will be determined by the court, and political and economic
issues must be kept separate.

2. The Mekong-Japan Summit Meeting

Minister Nakasone stated that Prime Minister Taro Aso announced last week
that the Mekong-Japan Summit Meeting will be held in the latter half of
the year, and that the leaders will discuss future cooperation between
Japan and the Mekong region at the summit meeting. He requested Myanmar
attend the summit meeting as well. In response, Minister U Nyan Win
remarked that Japan can play a significant role in the development of the
Mekong region as a whole, and that he was pleased to hear Prime Minister
Aso's announcement of the Mekong-Japan Summit Meeting. He also stated that
he would make every effort for attendance to the summit meeting.

3. The death of Mr. Kenji Nagai in September 2007

Minister Nakasone stated that this matter continues to receive a great
deal of attention within Japan, and requested Myanmar's continuing
cooperation in seeking a full accounting of the incident and searching for
Mr. Nagai's personal lost articles. Minister U Nyan Win responded by
expressing his regret for the incident and explained that Mr. Nagai was
attacked not because he was Japanese, but because the accident happened
suddenly in the midst of a great number of people. He also stated that Mr.
Nagai's personal lost articles are still being searched for, but that they
have not yet been found. In response, Minister Nakasone requested Myanmar
to continue searching for the lost articles.

____________________________________
STATEMENT

May 27, The Elders
The Elders demand release of Aung San Suu Kyi on 27 May 2009

The Elders – a group of eminent global leaders founded by Nelson Mandela –
have repeated their call for the release of their fellow Elder Aung San
Suu Kyi as her latest 6-year period of house arrest is due to expire.

Chair of The Elders, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, said: “Despite the latest
efforts to exclude and silence our sister Aung San Suu Kyi, she remains a
symbol of hope for her nation and the world. We are moved by her courage
and dignity. She shows the same steel as Nelson Mandela, who endured 27
years in prison. Like him, she has right and goodness on her side.”

Daw Suu Kyi is due for release on 27 May after 6 years under house arrest,
but was re-arrested on 13 May and is being held in the notorious Insein
prison with thousands of other political prisoners. Her re-arrest followed
an uninvited visit to her house by an American citizen. Daw Suu Kyi, her
doctor and two staff members are on trial and face five years in prison if
found guilty.

Former United States President Jimmy Carter said: “Aung San Suu Kyi is a
hero for those who believe in human rights and democracy. Her ongoing
detention is a further reflection on the integrity of the government.”

Mary Robinson, former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, said: “It
hurts profoundly that an eminent woman leader has been wrongly held under
house arrest for 6 years and now faces being even further punished for
conduct over which she had no control.”

The Elders are currently meeting in Morocco and have kept an empty chair
for Aung San Suu Kyi, as they always do. Their discussions covered a range
of global issues, including events in Burma/Myanmar.

The Elders urge ASEAN governments in particular to make it clear to
Myanmar’s leaders that their current actions are jeopardising the
legitimacy of elections due in 2010 and the results will not be recognised
unless minimum conditions are met.

Those conditions should include the release of all political prisoners, an
inclusive national process to review the 2008 constitution and
participation by the NLD and other parties in the 2010 election.
International observers must also be allowed to supervise the 2010 poll.

The Elders also address the government of Myanmar – urging leaders to
increase spending on the health, education and welfare of the people and
to accept further humanitarian assistance to help alleviate their
country’s poverty and suffering.

Lakhdar Brahimi, former Algerian Foreign Minister, called on ASEAN leaders
to send a strong message to the government of Burma/Myanmar: “ASEAN must
put the wellbeing of the people of Burma and the region above all else. My
fellow Elders and I urge ASEAN to insist that minimum election conditions
are met as an important step towards ending the terrible suffering and
poverty of the Burmese people.

“The legitimacy of the 2010 poll is dependent on the government meeting
those minimum conditions. If it does not, ASEAN and the rest of the world
should not accept the election results.”

Former Brazilian President, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, said: “The
government of Myanmar is looking for acceptance, especially in the region.
The leaders must be told that their current efforts will result in
failure. The path to acceptance is inclusive dialogue with the NLD and
other parties, the release of political prisoners and peaceful transition
to a more open society.”

The Elders said that the entire trial of Aung San Suu Kyi and her
companions is a gross travesty of justice.

Desmond Tutu: “We should be very aware that this government will try to
convince the world that they are making concessions in relation to Aung
San Suu Kyi. I fear that they will find her guilty - but return her to
house arrest instead of prison. This is not a concession – it is a
manipulation of an illegal process. It must not be accepted by any
government, ASEAN or the UN. She must be freed.”

Desmond Tutu: Aung San Suu Kyi, a member of the Elders, remains a symbol
of hope for her nation like our founder Nelson Mandela.

Lakhdar Brahimi: ASEAN leaders must reject election results in 2010 if
minimum conditions are not met.

Mary Robinson: Aung San Suu Kyi is being punished for conduct over which
she had no control.

Jimmy Carter: Aung San Suu Kyi is a hero
 Her ongoing detention is a
further reflection on the integrity of the government.

Fernando Henrique Cardoso: The path to acceptance for the government of
Burma/Myanmar is inclusive dialogue and transition to a more open society.