BurmaNet News, September 9, 2009

[Editor]

September 9, 2009 Issue #3793

INSIDE BURMA
Mizzima: US Embassy investigates arrest of American citizen in Burma
Irrawaddy: Propaganda and the Burmese Media
Irrawaddy: NLD Seeks to Organize Political Activities across Burma
Kaladan Press: Authorities extort money on new pretext from Rohingya
community
Khonumthung: Kalemyo youths flee to Mizoram to evade military training

ON THE BORDER
Irrawaddy: Wa Units in Southern Shan State Build Defenses
New Light of Myanmar: Command Commander and EP (2) Minister meet in Kokang
New Light of Myanmar: Regional peace and stability prevailing in Laukkai
Reuters: Myanmar junta asserts control over rebellious region
Xinhua: Myanmar says Kokang to become autonomous region after election
DPA: Myanmar claims Chinese intelligence led to Kokang conflict

OPINION / OTHER
Washington Post Op-Ed: An 'Election' Burma's People Don't Need

PRESS RELEASES
HRW: Burma: US Should Complete Policy Review
EarthRights International (ERI): Press Conference

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

September 9, Mizzima
US Embassy investigates arrest of American citizen in Burma - Mungpi

New Delhi – The United States Embassy in Rangoon said it is talking to the
Burmese government regarding an American, arrested at the Yangon
International Airport on September 3.

Burma born American citizen, Kyaw Zaw Lwin a.k.a Nyi Nyi Aung, was
arrested at the Mingalardon International Airport on September 3, on
arrival from Bangkok on a TG flight.

An embassy official told Mizzima on Wednesday that they are talking to
Burmese authorities on Kyaw Zaw Lwin’s arrest but refused to provide
further details, citing diplomatic protocol.

“We are aware of Kyaw Zaw Lwin’s arrest. We are investigating the case,”
the official said adding that “Our priority is to provide assistance to
American citizens, so, yes we are reaching out to the government here.”

Kyaw Zaw Lwin was a student activist during Burma’s 1988 popular uprising
and fled to Thailand to escape the military crackdown on protesters. Later
he was resettled in US and has been living in Washington DC, where he was
neutralized as a US citizen.

According to a letter of request sent to Collin P. Furst, Consul of the US
Embassy in Rangoon, by his friends, Kyaw Zaw Lwin had a valid social visit
Visa obtained from the Burmese Embassy in Bangkok.

The embassy official said they do not have any information so far on the
whereabouts of Kyaw Zaw Lwin.

The Burmese-born US citizen’s sister and mother are serving a jail term
for their role in the ‘Saffron Revolution’, in which monks led thousands
of protesters on the streets of Rangoon in September 2007.

Kyaw Zaw Lwin’s sister, Thet Thet Aung (35), was sentenced to 65 years in
prison, while his mother is serving a five-year prison term.

____________________________________

September 9, Irrawaddy
Propaganda and the Burmese Media – Wai Moe

Burma’s notorious censorship board, called the Press Scrutiny and
Registration Division, has allowed a private Rangoon journal to publish
translated versions of articles that have appeared in the international
media.

The Voice Weekly published translated versions of op-ed articles on
Burmese politics from The Washington Post and The New York Times, an
unusual event in Burma.

Burmese readers inside Burma were surprised when they saw the articles
from two of America’s leading newspapers, several readers told The
Irrawaddy.

“I was surprised because I know our country has serious censorships
problem,” said a high school teacher in Rangoon who regularly buys and
reads weekly journals.

One of the op-ed articles that appeared in The Voice Weekly, originally
published in The Washington Post, was written by a Burmese historian,
Thant Myint-U. The article “Let’s Talk to Burma. China Sure Is.” called
for more engagement with the military regime in Burma. The translated
version appeared in The Voice’s Aug. 31 edition.

In the Sept. 7 edition, controversial US Sen Jim Webb’s commentary, “We
Can’t Afford to Ignore Myanmar,” originally published in The New York
Times on August 25, was translated and published in The Voice Weekly.

Editors in Rangoon said that Burma’s censorship board decided to publish
these articles because they favored the lifting of economic sanctions.
Other Rangoon-based journals did not publish the articles.

The Voice Weekly is edited by Nay Win Maung, who also publishes Living
Color magazine. Living Color began publishing under the blessing of the
former intelligence spy chief Gen Khin Nyunt. Dr Ye Naing Win, the son of
Gen Khin Nyunt, is a close associate of Nay Win Maung.

The Washington Post once described Nay Win Maung as “a son of a military
officer who was brought up among Burma's military elites, giving him good
connections to military insiders.”

The Voice Weekly regularly publishes articles praising the coming election
in 2010 and the regime’s “road map” to democracy. It is not known if the
publication has been ordered to publish such articles or acts on its own
editorial policy.

However, some editors and journalists have said that there is a little
more freedom in the publication of articles now.

Recently, journalists in Rangoon spotted the name of the late poet Tin Moe
mentioned in a Rangoon publication. The poet laureate left for exile and
died a few years ago in the US. A strong supporter of Aung San Suu Kyi and
the democracy movement, he wrote hundreds of poems critical of the regime
and since then, his name has not been allowed to appear in local media.

“U Tin Moe’s name was allowed to be published recently. I think the
censorship board permitted his name in media
because he had passed away,”
said a writer in Rangoon who asked for anonymity.

Some journalists said that after Maj Tint Swe took over the censorship
board, the local media have a little more breathing space than before.
Tint Swe himself writes articles and poems. One of his pen-names is Ye
Yint Tint Swe.

The censorship board is now under the Ministry of Information. In the
past, Ministry of Home Affairs and the military intelligence service
controlled the board and monitored publications.

In spite of strict draconian rules and censorship regulations, Burma has
more than 200 weekly and monthly publications. Some selected journals
close to key officials are profitable. Many others struggle financially
and are under heavy surveillance.

According to the Paris-based media watchdog Reporters without Borders,
Burma’s freedom of press is at the very bottom in the world, ranking 170
out of 172 countries.

A recent example of muzzling the press freedom was that of a Rangoon-based
private journal called the Phoenix that was banned in August after it
repeatedly ran articles that were ordered to be removed by the censorship
board.

A woman editor in Rangoon, when asked about press freedom and the regime’s
favoritism of some publications, said: “There is no change in the freedom
of the Burmese media. On all translated articles and reports that we want
to publish, the censorship board has the final say and it will remove them
if they don’t like them. But if these stories and op-ed pieces are in line
with regime policy, they will allow them to be published.”

____________________________________

September 9, Irrawaddy
NLD Seeks to Organize Political Activities across Burma – Ko Htwe

The Nation League for Democracy (NLD) has asked the military government
for permission to play an active role in organizing political activities
across Burma, a NLD statement said on Tuesday.

The NLD central executive committee presented a letter to military
government officials on Sept. 4 requesting the authorization.

Observers said that the move could signal a NLD effort to take part in the
2010 national election, although the party has indicated it would not
participate in the election unless the regime meets certain conditions.

According to the statement, unregistered political parties are already
active in Pakokku Township in Magway Division, where the NLD office has
not been allowed to organize activities.

U Nyan Win, a NLD spokesman, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, “Political
parties must have the right to freely move about and organize activities.”

An NLD member said some unregistered political parties are already active
and have begun to advertise on signs in public areas of Pakokku and Gangaw
townships.

In the 1990 election, the NLD won a landslide victory with more than 80
percent of the seats in parliament, but the military government refused to
recognize the election results.

Leaders of the NLD party including Aung San Suu kyi, Tin Oo and 479 other
party members have been arrested by the regime over the years, according
to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) (AAPP), a
Thailand-based organization.

The AAPP said there are now 2,211 political prisoners in Burma’s jails.

____________________________________

September 9, Kaladan Press
Authorities extort money on new pretext from Rohingya community

In Northern Arakan, the mobile has become a tool for the local authorities
to extort money from the Rohingya community, according to Kamal, a student
from Maungdaw.

“It is only aimed at the Rohingya community,” he said.

A mobile is not easy to acquire in Burma and one has to deposit a huge
amount of money to the authorities to get permission. It only functions in
Burma proper and not in border areas like Northern Arakan, where most
Rohingya ethnic people live, he said.

However, in Northern Arakan, most people use Bangladeshi mobile phones to
communicate, which is illegal in Burma.

The authorities from Northern Arakan have legalized the illegal mobiles by
demanding money from the Rohingya community, in the form of monthly rent.
Some officers also use it as a tool to earn easy money, Kamal pointed out.

Most of the officers and the members of the Rakhine community use
Bangladeshi mobile phones easily, without any harassment from any quarter
and it is not illegal for them to use it in Burma, he said, explaining the
system in Northern Arakan.

Some high level border security officers also use this strategy in their
respective areas to earn easy money.

Similarly, the Burmese border security force, Nasaka Sector number six
Commander, Major Nay Myo used this system in his area to extort money:
Kyat 100,000 from Hafiz Sham Shu, son of Syed Karim on August 25, Kyat
150,000 from Mvi Abdul Salam, son of Afzol on August 26, Kyat 430,000 from
Mohammed Nur, son of Syed Nur, on September 2, Kyat 250,000 from Mohamed
Salay, son of Ismail on September 8, and Kyat 500,000 needed to release
Abu Siddique, son of Abul Kassim, since he had earlier been arrested.

Other cases had also been filed under false allegations of using illegal
Bangladeshi mobile phones and other commanders are using tactics to rent
mobiles by force, from the wealthy people in the area, on a monthly rent
of Kyat 100,000.

Some commanders seized mobiles from the local Rohingya people with the
help of their collaborators, who use these same phones secretly. After the
phones were seized, the user had to pay huge amounts of money or serve a
jail term, Kamal said.

In one place, there are two systems for using Bangladeshi mobile phones.
One system is to use it freely like officers and the Rakhine community and
another system is to pay money to use these Bangladeshi mobiles. This is
blatant discrimination and harassment for the Rohingya community, Kamal
said.

____________________________________

September 9, Khonumthung News
Kalemyo youths flee to Mizoram to evade military training

A number of youths have been forced to flee to Mizoram state in northeast
India to avoid being conscripted by the Burmese Army for military training
from different areas in Kalemyo, Sagaing division western Burma.

It is learnt that army authorities want at least 10 persons from each
village near Kalemyo to attend the military training programme in mid
September.

Reluctant to join the training, 12 youths were apprehensive of staying in
their villages. They fled to Mizoram. A youth from Tayakaung village said,
“We have come here to escape from the army’s dragnet after they ordered
village heads to send at least 10 youths from each village. If we had
stayed back we would have been included in the military trainee list.”

In fact, the army authorities had drawn up a number of trainee lists for
each village depending on its population. Some big villages have to give
lists with 30 names for the training programme. On completion of training
the trained have to serve as volunteer workers in the police, as
firefighters and the USDA (Union Solidarity and Development Association).

Although there is no confirmation about how many youths have fled to
Mizoram from Kalemyo areas, 12 have reached the Indian state on September
6.

Meanwhile, military personnel in Kalemyo have been arresting late night
street walkers and drunks.

The military training programme has been completed in Matupi Township,
southern Chin state in August, but it will be organized in Chikha Township
this month.

The military junta is preparing for the forthcoming 2010 general elections
in different ways. This military training programme is part of it and it
is meant to strengthen block and village level security with the trained
youths.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

September 9, Irrawaddy
Wa Units in Southern Shan State Build Defenses – Saw Yan Naing

Wa leaders have ordered their people to be on alert and dig bunkers for
protection in case fighting breaks out, according to sources on the
border. Troops of the United Wa State Army (UWSA) have been building
strategic outposts in the mountains.

Shan sources said UWSA units in southern Shan State will reportedly ally
with the ethnic rebel Shan State Army - South in fighting government
troops if necessary.

Ten thousand UWSA toops led by Wei Hsueh-Kang, who is blacklisted in the
US for drug trafficking, are stationed in southern Shan State. The UWSA
has a total of about 25,000 soldiers.

The US Department of State has offered a US $2 million reward for
information leading to the arrest of Wei Hsueh-Kang.

Border sources said Burmese government forces will likely launch an
offensive against Wa units in southern Shan State, because the junta has
been beefing up its troops in the area since the fall of Kokang’s capital,
Laogai, on August 24.

The Burmese military junta reportedly wrote to Wa leaders demanding that
they surrender the Kokang leader, Peng Jiasheng, who is believed to have
taken shelter in a UWSA-controlled area. Source said the UWSA did not
respond to the junta’s request.

Troops from the Burmese regime’s light infantry divisions (LID), including
LID 99, 55, 33 and 22, have been moving into Shan State since Aug 24,
according to border and Burmese military sources. About 10 battalions
under Military Operation Command 16, based in Theindi in northern Shan
State, have also been deployed south of Laogai, military sources said.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy, one resident who asked for anonymity said he
witnessed three 120mm mortar launchers and 10 armored cars going to
southern Shan State, where UWSA units are based.

Government troops have blocked the route connecting UWSA units in northern
Shan State with those based in southern Shan State, and junta forces have
deployed along the road, sources said.

Some observers said the junta’s patience with ceasefire groups rejecting
its order to transform their armed militias into Burmese-controlled border
guard forces is wearing thin. They said the junta may have no option but
to launch offensives against the ceasefire militias to get them to comply.

Bertil Lintner, a Swedish journalist who has written several books on
Burma, said the Wa will be the main target of the present offensive.

It is estimated that more than 120,000 ethnic Wa live in southern Shan
State near the border with Thailand, which has become a lucrative business
area. The area has an improved infrastructure because of development
projects and trade.

Thousands of Wa civilians may flee into Thailand if fighting breaks out in
the region, sources said.

As the Burmese military government gears up for major conflict with ethnic
groups along the Thai-Burmese border ahead of elections scheduled for
2010, more laborers and refugees will come to Thailand, the Bangkok-based
English newspaper, Bangkok Post, said in its editorial on Wednesday.

____________________________________

September 8, The New Light of Myanmar
North-East Command Commander and EP (2) Minister meet KRPLC Chairman and
officials in Kokang

Nay Pyi Taw — Chairman of Shan State (North) Peace and Development Council
Commander of North-East Command Maj-Gen Aung Than Htut and Minister for
Electric Power No (2) Maj-Gen Khin Maung Myint met with the Chairman of
Kokang Region Provisional Leading Committee and officials, officers of the
command and state' level departmental officials at the hall of Kokang
Region Provisional Leading Committee in Laukkai on 6 September.

The commander gave a speech on the development of the region and the
minister, on the future programmes. The Chairman of KRPLC reported on the
progress of tasks.

____________________________

September 8, The New Light of Myanmar
Regional peace and stability prevailing in Laukkai

Nay Pyi Taw — Laukkai in Kokang region of Shan State (North) has restored
peace and stability. Students of Laukkai Basic Education High School No-1
are pursuing their education peacefully. The shops in the town were kept
open, vehicles were running regularly and the streets were busy.

For the rest and recreation of the local people and Tatmadaw members of
the local battalions, a Tatmadaw mobile public relations unit performed
music and dances yesterday.

____________________________

September 9, Reuters
Myanmar junta asserts control over rebellious region - Aung Hla Tun

Laukkai - Myanmar's military regime is stepping up efforts to show its
neighbours that armed ethnic separatists on its border are under control
after violent clashes that sent thousands of refugees pouring into China.

The normally reclusive junta invited a group of more than 50 observers to
the Kokang region bordering China, an ethnic Chinese enclave the military
says is now under its control after decades of rebellion to Yangon's rule.

The group comprised Western and Asian diplomats and foreign journalists,
including two from China, the regime's biggest ally, which has urged the
junta to restore stability in a region strategically important to its
energy needs.

Rebel fighters from the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA),
defeated by Myanmar's "Tatmadaw" army after a recent offensive, were
nowhere to be seen, but officials said around 800 had agreed to join its
border patrol force.

Normally abuzz with border trade, gambling and racy nightlife, Kokang's
once-thriving hotspots resemble ghost towns and many who fled the fierce
fighting have yet to return.

Shops, casinos and karaoke bars remain shuttered and thousands of armed
troops and security police patrol the towns and man checkpoints along
deserted roads.

Local businessman said many people who returned to assess damage to their
shops and homes had slipped back into China, fearing more unrest if the
army launches a widely expected new offensive against the United Wa State
Army (UWSA), a 20,000-strong militia run by opium warlords and drugs
barons.

"They are worried about the outbreak of war. Rumour has it that there will
be battles between government troops and UWSA," said a local trader.
"Business has dried up almost completely. It will take a long time to
return to normal."

Deputy Home Minister Brigadier General Phone Swe said an interim local
government in Kokang, installed by Yangon just over a week ago, had agreed
to play a part in next year's elections in return for regional autonomy
after the polls.

MORE CLASHES?

Many of Myanmar's ethnic rebel groups such as the Kokang and the Wa in its
remote, predominantly ethnic Chinese Shan State do not trust the regime
and have long refused to disarm, join an army-run border force and take
part in the polls, the first in the former British colony since 1990.

In its almost five decades of unbroken rule in the former Burma, the
military has failed to establish control along its northeastern border
where many ethnic groups believe the junta's political gestures are veiled
attempts to neutralise their power.

Peace has been restored, but for how long is unclear.

Ethnic rebels in the Kokang region may have succumbed to the junta's
demands, but it remains to be seen if bigger and better armed groups such
as the Wa would be so easily defeated.

Phe Xiao Chain, chairman of the local interim administration, said
Kokang's new leadership was on good terms with the powerful United Wa
State Army.

"We are ready to transform into an autonomous region under the new
constitution after taking part in 2010 election," he told Reuters, adding
that the former rebel leader, Phon Kya Shin, was still at large and
thought to be under the Wa's protection.

The junta, which has maintained the clashes were started by rebels who had
held 40 policemen hostage, took the foreign diplomats on a tour of a huge
weapons factory, which it said was capable of producing 1,500 assault
rifles every month.

They were also shown an illicit drugs factory built in the basement of a
mansion said to be the home of one of the fugitive Kokang leaders, only a
stone's throw from the border with China.

(Writing by Martin Petty; Editing by Jason Szep)

____________________________________

September 9, Xinhua
Myanmar says Kokang to become autonomous region after 2010 general election

Yangon - Myanmar's Kokang ethnic region in the northeast will become an
autonomous region after 2010 general election in accordance with the new
state constitution, Deputy Home Minister Brigadier-General Phone Swe told
a diplomatic corp and Yangon-based foreign newsmen during their about
48-hour invited visit to northern Myanmar, mainly Kokang.

The combined group's visit to the Kokang region, which is also known as
Shan State Special Region-1 (North), was the first organized by the
government after the Kokang incident and the 48- hour exclusive trip from
Monday to Wednesday mainly covered 3- hours' in Laukkai, capital of the
Kokang region.

Phone Swe told the visiting group on Tuesday that starting Aug. 29 at 6
p.m. (local time), the Myanmar security forces have totally controlled the
Kokang region, restoring law and order and maintaining social stability
there.

He briefed that a "Leading Committee for Development in Kokang Region",
led by Prime Minister General Thein Sein, was formed on Sept. 1 along with
the establishment of the " Working Committee for Development in Kokang
Region", headed by the Deputy Home Minister.

According to earlier government announcement, a "Kokang Region Provisional
Leading Committee", led by the government, was also set up in Laukkai on
Aug. 30.

The above administrative machinery will work until the emergence of
administrative and judicial bodies in the Kokang autonomous region after
the general election, local sources said.

The Bai Xuoqian group, breaking away from the Kokang ethnic army and
cooperating with the government, told foreign media in Kokang that they
accepts the government leadership and will take part in the general
election in 2010

The combined group, under heavy escort, also visited the sealed arms
factory in Kokang's Laukkai as well as the locations where drugs were
seized.

The group looked around Laukkai area witnessing that Laukkai is a
developing border town but few number of shops are kept open for business
and factories are closing.

According to official compiled statistics, of the Kokang local
inhabitants, who fled last month-end's fightings to the Chinese Yunnan
border area, a total of 15,607 had returned to their native homes as of
Tuesday.

With an area of 5,200 square-kilometers, Kokang, bordering China's Zhen
Kang, Geng Ma, Meng Ding and Long Ling areas, has a population of about
150,000.

____________________________________

September 9, Deutsche Presse Agentur
Myanmar claims Chinese intelligence led to Kokang conflict

Lashio, Myanmar - A Chinese intelligence tipoff about an llegal arms
factory led to fighting that caused 30,000 ethnic Kokang refugees to flee
across the Myanmar border into southern China, a Myanmar government source
claimed Wednesday.

The remarks by Myanmar Deputy Home Affairs Minister Brigadier General
Phone Swe, seemed designed to defuse China's annoyance at last month's
influx of thousands of Kokang refugees into Yunnan province.

Phone Swe said China had told Myanmar about the factory during a joint
ministerial meeting to combat crime held in July.

"We were informed that an arms-making factory had been located near Yan
Lon Kyaing village in the Kokang region," Phone Swe told diplomats and
journalists who were invited to visit Kokang on Tuesday and Wednesday.

"Upon receiving the information given by the Chinese side, Myanmar armed
forces engaged in an operation in this area on August 8 and occupied an
illegal factory," he said.

"The Kokang region is now back to normality and fully controlled,"Phone
Swa said.

The Kokang region is in a remote corner of North Shan State, across the
border from Kane Ma district in Yunnan, southern China.

The Myanmar government invited diplomats and 10 local journalists to
Kokang to observe the situation for the first time since fighting occurred
from August 9 and 30.

Phone Swe told journalists that arrest warrants had been issued for five
Kokang militia leaders who initially initially fled to Yunnan, taking more
than 800 soldiers with them.

The army has placed the remaining Kokang fighters under the command of Bai
Xuoqian, who favours the Myanmar military regime.

Myanmar's hinterlands are currently controlled by a dozen militias
comprised of former rebel groups who have signed ceasefire agreements with
the government in exchange for a measure of autonomy in their traditional
territories.

But these militias must be transformed into border guards under army
control prior to a general election planned in 2010.

Myanmar watchers have accused the military of using the illegal arms
factory as a pretext for cracking down on the Kokang militia, which had
1,500 soldiers prior to the fighting, after the militia rejected demands
that they be transformed into a border guard.

The attack on the Kokang was seen as a warning to other ethnic minority
militias in Shan State to toe the government line and lay down their
weapons by October.

"We plan to take part in the 2010 election and have agreed to transform
our troops into border security guards," Bai Xuoqian said.

Observers said the poll could be delayed if the militias refuse that
transformation, and that leads to sustained fighting between them and the
military.

Myanmar authorities said 26 soldiers and policemen died and about 50 were
wounded in the conflict, compared with eight Kokang militiamen dead.

China was annoyed at the influx of thousands of panicked ehnic-Chinese
Kokang, who have lived in North Shan State for centuries, and called on
Myanmar to restore security to the area.

Myanmar's pro-democracy groups had hoped the Kokang conflict would
undermine relations between Beijing and the Myanmar military, but Phone
Swe indicated that was unlikely since Myanmar claimed Chinese intelligence
had sparked the incident.

____________________________________
OPINION

September 9, Washington Post
An 'Election' Burma's people don't need – U Win Tin

Much attention has been focused on Sen. James Webb's recent visit to my
country and his meetings with Senior Gen. Than Shwe and incarcerated Nobel
Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi. I understand Webb's desire to seek
a meaningful dialogue with the Burmese ruling authorities. Unfortunately,
his efforts have been damaging to our democracy movement and focus on the
wrong issue -- the potential for an "election" that Webb wants us to
consider participating in next year as part of a long-term political
strategy. But the showcase election planned by the military regime makes a
mockery of the freedom sought by our people and would make military
dictatorship permanent.

In our last free election, the Burmese people rejected military rule in a
landslide, awarding our National League for Democracy party more than 80
percent of the seats in parliament. Yet the military has refused to allow
the NLD to form a government. In the 19 years since that election, Burmese
democracy activists have faced imprisonment, intimidation, torture and
death as they have peacefully voiced demands for justice, individual and
ethnic rights, and a democratic form of government that is representative
of all Burma's people.

While never ending our struggle for democracy, the NLD has continually
sought to engage the regime and open a dialogue -- based on peace and
mutual respect -- that could address Burma's critical political as well as
social problems. Make no mistake -- these two issues are linked. Burma was
once the rice bowl of Asia. Today, because of the regime's destructive
economic policies and its use of oppression to maintain military rule,
Burma is a shattered, poverty-stricken country.

The regime is seeking to place a veneer of legitimacy on itself through
showcase "elections" and claiming that "disciplined democracy" will be
instituted next year. Yet in May 2008, just days after a massive cyclone
devastated Burma and killed more than 100,000 people, the regime used a
farcical process to claim that 93 percent of voters chose to adopt a
constitution that permanently enshrines military rule and prevents those
with undefined "foreign ties" from holding public office -- catch-all
provisions that would bar Suu Kyi and democracy activists from seeking
office.

Some international observers view next year's planned elections as an
opportunity. But under the circumstances imposed by the military's
constitution, the election will be a sham. We will not sacrifice the
democratic principles for which many millions of Burmese have marched,
been arrested, been tortured and died to participate in a process that
holds no hope whatsoever for bringing freedom to our country.

The demands of the NLD are reasonable. In April we issued another
declaration to encourage engagement with the military that called for the
release of all political prisoners, a full review of the constitution,
reopening of all NLD offices and the right to freely organize. The
regime's answer is the continued jailing of Suu Kyi and 2,000 other
activists, massive military offensives against ethnic groups and the
enforcement of rules to gag democracy.

How can the international community play a meaningful role? First,
officials such as Webb should stop fear-mongering about China. His
language about containing China, and working with Burma's regime to do so,
is based on an outdated and unrealistic thesis. Suu Kyi rejected such
notions by informing Webb that "we will not deal with anyone with fear and
insecurity. We will deal with anyone, China, America, India, equally and
friendly. As we can't choose our neighbors, we understand that we need to
have a good relationship with China." Second, the NLD encourages other
countries and international organizations to engage with Burma's military
leaders to persuade them to engage with us and Burma's ethnic groups. The
United States and many other nations have imposed sanctions on Burma. That
is their decision and in keeping with their justified solidarity with the
democratic values that we all hold so dear. If the regime genuinely
engages with the NLD and ethnic representatives, releases political
prisoners, ceases attacks against ethnic minorities and takes additional
steps to build a true democratic state, these sanctions will be repealed
at the right time.

In the meantime, let no one doubt our resolve. The NLD is a reflection of
Burmese society. We will not be cowed or coerced into participating in a
fatally flawed political process that robs the Burmese people of the
freedom for which we struggle. We stand ready to engage, but we are more
than willing to continue our struggle for the democratic values that so
many have given their lives and their freedom to achieve.

U Win Tin is a member of the Central Executive Committee and a founder of
Burma's National League for Democracy party. He was a political prisoner
from 1989 to 2008.

____________________________________
PRESS RELEASES

September 9, Human Rights Watch
Burma: US should complete policy review
Principled Diplomacy, Aid, and Targeted Sanctions Can Spur Change

New York – The Obama administration should promptly conclude its Burma
policy review and adopt initiatives to make its policies on diplomacy,
sanctions and humanitarian aid more effective, Human Rights Watch said in
a letter to Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton released today.

“Delays in announcing a new Burma policy could encourage Burmese military
leaders to believe the US is weakening its commitment to human rights and
pluralism,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch.
“Although the situation in Burma seems intractable, an energetic and
revitalized approach to Burma from the Obama administration could help
bring positive change.”

Human Rights Watch recommended that the United States appoint its own
special envoy on Burma, who would have a direct line to the secretary of
state and specific instructions to engage in a principled way with the
Burmese government and key bilateral and multilateral actors. Vigorous
diplomacy is specifically needed with China, India, Thailand, Indonesia,
Malaysia, and Japan.

Human Rights Watch also recommended the establishment of a Burma Contact
Group or similar form of multilateral grouping to meet and regularly
discuss diplomatic engagement with the Burmese government on a range of
issues. This could have the effect of converging the views and policies of
China, India, Thailand, Indonesia, Japan, the European Union, and the
United Nations, and gradually minimize the ability of Burma to play states
off against each other. There is considerable common ground on a range of
issues, including the need for political reform and credible elections
involving the political opposition, concern over Burma’s trafficking in
heroin and methamphetamines, and the need for a regional approach to the
HIV/AIDS epidemic. Such a grouping would demand that the US remain firm on
fundamental human rights principles and not engage in diplomatic
horse-trading on core issues of reform.

As the UN has long been the focal point for diplomacy on Burma, Human
Rights Watch urged the US to support the continuation of a special envoy
of the secretary-general. It is crucial that the secretary-general and the
special envoy not accept access or high-level meetings as the goal or a
sign of progress in Burma, as they have in the past. The envoy should be
an individual with the principles, skills, and backing of the
international community to make an impact.

“More high-level diplomacy is welcome, so long as the US stands by its
principles to uphold the basic rights of the Burmese people and work for a
genuine and credible process of political reform,” said Adams. “But there
should be no wishful thinking or illusions that more conciliatory talk
from the US and others will somehow cause Burma’s generals to alter their
plans.”

Human Rights Watch said that generalized sanctions on Burma that have had
little or no impact and have not been targeted on key decision-makers and
human rights abusers should be reconsidered and phased out at an
appropriate time. At the same time, properly imposed, targeted sanctions –
such as financial sanctions on individuals and entities, investment and
trade sanctions that are specifically focused on companies or economic
sectors of greatest concern, arms embargoes, restrictions on military
assistance, and travel bans on individuals –should be tightened, as they
can be effective in bringing about improvements in human rights.

Human Rights Watch particularly urged the United States to expand,
strengthen, and fully implement financial sanctions. The US should take
the lead in coordinating efforts among the US, EU, Switzerland, Australia,
and Canada to target key individuals, both military and civilian, who bear
responsibility for abuses; their business interests; and the individuals
and entities whose considerable financial support of the Burmese
government could undermine these sanctions. These individuals are at the
apex of the system inside Burma and susceptible to this kind of pressure.
More effective coordination could also lead to greater support from other
key states, such as Japan and Singapore. EU states have been noticeably
slow to implement full financial sanctions; the US should take the lead
and then press European countries to follow suit. Slow implementation by
the US and poor coordination internationally have undermined financial and
other sanctions, and kept them from realizing their potential.

“The US has legal tools it is not yet using – for example, to deny foreign
banks access to the US financial system if they are holding targeted
Burmese accounts or otherwise undermining US measures, and going after
transactions by the oil and gas authority, the key revenue-generating
entity in Burma,” said Adams. “This requires the dedication of
intelligence resources and continual monitoring and adjustment by US
officials.”

Human Rights Watch has long called for increased assistance to deal with
acute humanitarian needs in Burma. US and other donor funding should
increase, but in a coordinated and realistic manner. The military
government spends next to nothing on the welfare of its people. Combined
social spending is estimated to be a paltry 0.8 percent of GDP for
2008-2009, making public expenditures on health and education in Burma
among the lowest in the world. Huge numbers of Burmese live in grinding
poverty, resulting from decades of government economic mismanagement and
corruption. Donors will need to stress the importance of transparency and
accountability in the delivery of humanitarian aid, including the need for
approaches that strengthen civil society rather than existing corrupt
power structures and that respond to the views and needs of ordinary
people.

“The US and other donors offer to provide more humanitarian aid with
appropriate oversight, but they should also insist that their
contributions are matched by a genuine commitment from the military
government to use its vast revenues from natural resources to help the
Burmese people,” said Adams.

To read the letter from Human Rights Watch to Secretary Clinton, please
visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/node/85509

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Burma, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/asia/burma

____________________________________

September 10, EarthRights International via FCCT:
http://fccthai.com/items/103.html
Total and Chevron linked to human rights abuses and corruption in Burma:
Report reveals Burmese regime hiding multi-billion dollar revenues in two
offshore banks

EarthRights International (ERI) to release two new reports on the Yadana
Pipeline in Burma: Human Rights Impacts, Gas Revenue, Corruption,
Sanctions, Corporate Social Responsibility.

Both reports are relating to Total and Chevron’s Yadana gas project in
Burma (Myanmar). The first report, Total Impact: The Human Rights,
Environmental, and Financial Impacts of Total and Chevron’s Yadana Gas
Project in Military-Ruled Burma (Myanmar), calculates the multi-billion
dollar revenues Total and Chevron’s project has generated for the Burmese
military regime from 2000-2008. It explains how the revenue is not
included in Burma’s national budget, and reveals for the first time where
it is located offshore. With the US policy review on Burma coming to a
close, this report effectively reveals why US sanctions have failed. The
report also documents widespread and systematic forced labor on
project-related infrastructure, killings, torture, and violations of
freedom of movement and property rights in the project area. These abuses
are committed by the Burma Army providing security for the companies and
the pipeline. The report also calls into question the companies’
socio-economic programs in Burma and provides new information about the
companies’ environmental impacts.

The second report, Getting It Wrong: Flawed “Corporate Social
Responsibility” and Misrepresentations Surrounding Total and Chevron’s
Yadana Gas Pipeline in Military-Ruled Burma (Myanmar) is a companion to
the first report and is also about the Yadana Project. It documents Total
and Chevron’s flawed corporate social responsibility efforts and problems
with impact assessments conducted for Total and Chevron by the US-based
CDA Collaborative Learning Projects. Policymakers and ethical investors
rely on these assessments as credible. Based on original information from
the pipeline area, this report demonstrates in detail that the assessments
are largely inaccurate and based on a deeply flawed methodology. The
report also addresses Total and Chevron’s public relations efforts around
their investment in Burma, with evidence detailing how the companies have
willfully misled investors and policymakers about their impacts in Burma.

ERI has been documenting human rights abuses in the Yadana pipeline region
since 1994 and settled a landmark human rights lawsuit in 2005 against
Unocal Corporation, since purchased by Chevron, for their complicity in
abuses in the pipeline region.

Matthew F. Smith and Naing Htoo, the two principle authors, will speak at
the press conference and are available for interviews in person, by phone
and email. Ka Hsaw Wa, 2009 recipient of the Ramon Magsaysay Award,
founder and Executive Director of EarthRights International will also be
in attendance.

To set up interviews, contact Matthew F Smith (English language) 087-181
0160 or Naing Htoo (English, Burmese, Karen languages) 081-531 1256.

Electronic copies of the full reports will be available at 11:01 am,
Bangkok time on September 10, 2009 at www.earthrights.org.