BurmaNet News, September 16, 2009

[Editor]

September 16, 2009 Issue #3798

INSIDE BURMA
Irrawaddy: A child porter
Irrawaddy: Junta Announces selection of proxy candidates

DRUGS
DVB: Over 5 million amphetamine pills found in cave
AP: President Obama has made no changes to U.S. list of major illicit drug
producers

ENVIRONMENT
Irrawaddy: Htoo Company plans tea plantation near Mount Popa

ASEAN
AFP: Singapore bank secrecy under the spotlight

REGIONAL
NBC News: Paper planes carry kid's dreams
Japan Times: Birkin seeks Myanmar sanctions

INTERNATIONAL
AFP: US Myanmar policy review almost complete: Obama aide
CTK: Burmese opposition meet in Czech Republic, seeking unity

PRESS RELEASES/ OPINION
HRW: Report - Burma: Surge in Political Prisoners
WSJ: Opinion Asia: Burmese Lessons for Beijing - Priscilla Clapp
Asia Times: A vote for Webb's Myanmar opening - David I Steinberg
Thai Labour and Human Rights Groups Call For Urgent Inquiry as Nationality
Verification of Burmese Migrants Begins

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

September 16, Irrawaddy
A Child Porter – Lawi Weng

After 16 days of being an ammunition porter on the frontline with Burmese
military government troops, Aung Naing was reunited with his parents
recently at Three Pagodas Pass on the Thai-Burmese border.

Recounting his ordeal to The Irrawaddy, 16-year-old Aung Naing said he
begged the government troops to let him go because he did not want to be a
soldier. He finally escaped after the soldiers told him they would take
him for military training in Rangoon.
According to Aung Naing, junta troops from Light Infantry Battalion 32
seized him and four other youngsters near Three Pagodas Pass during a
troop exchange in August. The five children were made to carry ammunition
on the frontline.

He said they came and seized him in the yard of his home when his parents
were out. He was taken to a battalion base near Three Pagodas Pass, where
he spent one night before he was made to carry ammunition.

“When they seized me, they just ordered me to go with them to the hospital
at Three Pagodas Pass,” he said.

“They made me carry mines, mortar shells and a radio transmitter,” he
said, unable to guess at how much weight he had to carry because he had
never had to carry such loads before.

 “They were very rough,” he said. “They didn’t give me any food for two
days. I only had water to drink. All I could do was try to get some sleep
at night.

“Without food, I became more and more tired. I could barely lift my feet
to walk, but if I sat down, they beat me.”

“They forced me to walk on the frontline, where Karen troops could shoot
at me,” Aung Naing said.

Aung Naing said he was wounded when Karen National Liberation Army troops
ambushed government troops on their way to Anan Kwin village in Kyar Inn
Seik Gyi Township, Karen State.

“The Karens fired mortars at us first,” he said. “I tried to get as close
to the ground as possible, but the basket was too heavy, and I couldn’t
get my arms out quickly—that’s when the bullet hit my right arm near the
elbow. Luckily it only gave me a flesh wound.

“The soldiers gave me some medicine but left the wound to bleed,” he said.

The soldiers removed half the load from his basket after he was shot, but
they still forced him to carry ammunition, even though his arm was
bleeding.

“Each time we had to cross a stream or river, they told me if I dropped
their transmitter, I would go to prison for 20 years,” he said. “I held it
firmly despite my injury.”

He said the government soldiers did not dare cook rice at night because
they were afraid the Karen might see the fire, he said.

 “The soldiers had rations to eat if they couldn’t cook rice, but I had
nothing but water to drink. They didn’t want to share food with me
because they were afraid they would run out of supplies in the jungle.”

“Once or twice they gave me a can of fish, and sometimes I was able to get
some rice with a bit of salt,” he said.

When he finally reached home, Aung Naing said he felt like a convict on
the run. His arm had been injured, but it was the brutal wound to his
spirit that caused more pain.

[Aung Naing is not the real name of the boy in the story]

____________________________________


September 16, Irrawaddy
Junta Announces Selection of Proxy Candidates

The Burmese government has selected more than 300 proxy candidates to run
in the general election in 2010.

Three hundred candidates were selected from military personnel who are now
attending the National Defense University in Naypyidaw.

According to the sources in Rangoon and Naypyidaw, the candidates will run
under the banner of the National Politics Party, a proxy party for the
military, which has yet to be formed.

The candidates will undergo a three-month training process prior to the
election, sources said.

Included among the government-selected candidates will also be members of
the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) and
the Myanmar Maternal and Child Welfare Association (MMCWA).

While some members participate with the new political party, the two
organizations will retain their current status as "social welfare groups,"
according to the sources.

Sources also said the government will also provide campaign funds and
offer its own candidates to other political parties that will take part in
2010 election.

According to the 2008 constitution, the military is guaranteed control of
25 percent of both the Upper House and Lower House seats in parliament.

Meanwhile, the formation of a new political party, the Democratic Party,
was announced on Monday in Rangoon. The party will be headed by the
daughter of late Prime Minister U Nu, along with two daughters of former
high-ranking political leaders.

The main Burmese opposition party, the National League for Democracy, has
said it will not participate in the election unless the government meets
certain conditions. It says the election is a sham designed to perpetuate
military rule under the guise of democracy.

____________________________________
DRUGS


September 16, Democratic Voice of Burma
Over 5 million amphetamine pills found in cave - Francis Wade

More than five million methamphetamine pills have been found by anti-drugs
police in a cave in Shan state in northeastern Burma, state-run media
reported today.

The discovery was made on Monday outside Yinsin village near to the
China-Burma border town of Laukkai, according to the New Light of Myanmar
newspaper.

Along with 5,313,000 brown methamphetamine (or ‘yaba’) pills, the Kunlon
special anti-drugs squad also found 3,024,000 caffeine pills and 83 kilos
of an unidentified white powder.

During a search of a house the previous day, police found vast quantities
of liquid chemicals, including 20 gallons of mixed ether. Police are
reportedly investigating the source of the drugs.

The seizure comes on top of a number of significant drugs hauls this year,
the majority of which have been made at the Thai-Burma border town of
Tachilek.

On 11 September, police found nearly three million amphetamine pills in
two separate discoveries in Tachilek.

In July nearly 1,000 kilograms of heroin were discovered at a checkpoint
just outside of Tachilek.

Drug production in Shan state is a key factor in making Burma the world’s
second largest source of opium behind Afghanistan, although production has
declined in recent years.

Use of synthetic drugs, such as methamphetamine, has increased in Thailand
and Burma in recent years, with Burma being the region’s main supply
point.

A crackdown by Thai authorities on methamphetamine trafficking that began
with the Shinawatra government has meant that increased quantities now
circulate inside Burma, instead of being sold in Thailand.

Reporting by Francis Wade

____________________________________

September 16, Associated Press
Obama maintains drug blacklist of countries

Washington — President Obama has made no changes to the annual U.S. list
of major illicit drug producers and transit countries.

The president is required to make the designation to Congress every year.
They were released by the State Department late Tuesday.

The 20 countries designated are: Afghanistan, the Bahamas, Bolivia,
Brazil, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Haiti,
India, Jamaica, Laos, Mexico, Burma, Nigeria, Pakistan, Panama, Paraguay,
Peru and Venezuela.

Of these, Bolivia, Burma (also known as Myanmar) and Venezuela were found
to have "failed demonstrably" to meet commitments to combat production and
trafficking of drugs.

That designation can result in U.S. aid cuts, but Obama spared both
Bolivia and Venezuela, citing a national interest waiver.

____________________________________
ENVIRONMENT


September 16, Irrawaddy
Htoo Company Plans Tea Plantation near Mount Popa

The Htoo Trading Company, owned by Tay Za, one of the junta's favorite
businessmen, is clearing timber in the reserve forest of Mount Popa,
reportedly for a tea plantation, which has raised concerns among
environmentalists.

"Forests are being cut for a tea plantation, and it’s not appropriate,”
said Burma's foremost environmentalist U Ohn.

U Ohn, currently works as secretary of Rangoon-based the Forest Resources
Environmental Development Association (FREDA), led an effort to regrow
forests around Mount Popa from 1982 to 1986. Under the name "Popa Mountain
Park" the forests are the protected areas.
The forest of Mount Popa is a protected area. (Source: travel.webshots.com)

Sources said the Htoo Company has cut large hardwood trees and the logging
could affect the Mount Popa watershed, which provides water to the
Kyet-Mauk-Taung water reservoir.

"Htoo company has been logging out in the Yae-Nge stream watershed area,
which provides water to Kyauk Pa-Daung Township," a resident of Kyauk
Pa-Daung told to The Irrawaddy.

Tea plants normally grow best in a temperate weather zone and the area
selected for a tea plantation is not suitable, said the resident.

A forest officer from Mount Popa, said, "Normally, tea leaves are grown at
the highland in Shan State and the Chin State. The region around Mount
Popa and Yae-Nge stream is not that suitable.”

A Rangoon-based environmental preservationist noted that there are coffee
plantations on the east and west sides of Mount Popa, and the weather is
suitable for coffee plantations.

Mount Popa is an extinct volcano located 4,981 feet above sea level north
of the Pegu Yoma Mountains.

In 1982, a Forestry Department survey found there were 300 types of trees,
52 species of orchids and many species of herbal plants around Popa
Mountain. About 130 species of birds live in the area.

The Popa watershed at one time had 36 tributaries. Many streams have
ceased to flow because of deforestation.

____________________________________
ASEAN


September 16, Agence France Presse -- English
Singapore bank secrecy under the spotlight - Martin Abbugao

Singapore - Allegations that Myanmar's junta is stashing billions of
dollars in Singapore have thrown a spotlight on banking secrecy in the
city-state, which strongly denies being a haven for hot money.

US-based human rights group EarthRights International says that energy
majors Total and Chevron are propping up the sanctions-hit Myanmar
military regime with profits from a gas project totalling nearly five
billion dollars.

Total and Chevron have rejected the charge and two Singapore banks named
in the ERI report as the repositories for most of the money -- the
Oversea-Chinese Banking Corp. (OCBC) and DBS -- have dismissed it as false
and baseless.

In a written reply to media queries on the Myanmar funds, the Monetary
Authority of Singapore (MAS) said it requires financial institutions to
have tough controls in place to fight money laundering and financing of
terrorism.

"This includes procedures to identify and know their customers, and to
monitor and report any suspicious transactions," it said.

Singapore is also amending its tax laws in cooperation with industrialised
nations that are pursuing citizens who deposit their money in overseas
banks.

But Transparency International, which like many other corruption monitors
ranks Singapore highly for its clean and efficient government, said the
city-state should promote greater transparency in its financial system.

"As long as no one wants to know where the money is coming from, it will
be easy to hide money on which taxes should have been paid, but most
importantly, money that should have been invested in a given country or
programme," a spokesperson for the Berlin-based group told AFP.

Wealthy Asians regard Singapore as the Switzerland of Asia, a rock-solid
financial centre where savings can be kept safely and discreetly. But
critics say some of the money comes from unsavoury sources.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

September 16, NBC News
Paper planes carry kid's dreams - Warangkana Chomchuen

Bangkok – Mong Thongdee is a rare champion.The 12-year-old boy lives just
behind Chiang Mai airport, in northern Thailand, and makes paper planes
for hobby. That’s where he gets scolded by his father for littering the
place and wasting papers.

"I barely have enough money to buy notebooks for school and there he was,
tearing papers to make airplanes," said his father, Yoon Thongdee.

Mong’s parents, who came from Shan state in Myanmar, formerly known as
Burma, earn $7 a day from construction work to feed their family of four.
They all squeeze into a tiny square room in a row house where their
neighbors are other migrant workers.

(Mong Thongdee, left, poses with Thailand's Prime Minister Abhisit
Vejjajiva and paper airplanes during a meeting in Bangkok, Thailand on
Sept. 3, 2009.)

At the national paper plane contest late last year, Mong’s dart floated
12.5 seconds in the air and made him a winner. Ever since that victory,
he’s been training two hours a day to prepare for the origami airplane
competition in Japan this month, where he will represent Thailand.

But when Mong requested to have a travel document to go Japan he was
rejected. Even though he has lived in Thailand since he was born, he is
still a son of migrants and doesn’t have citizenship. Like his parents,
Mong resides on a temporary permit – which will be terminated when he
leaves the country, and turns him into an illegal immigrant if he returns.

Stateless limbo

"Mong isn’t a Thai citizen nor he is recognized by Myanmar’s government,"
said Achara Sutthisoontharin, a case worker at Bangkok Clinic, an
organization that provides legal counseling on personal rights and status.
"His parents left Myanmar since 1995 and never went back. So Mong doesn’t
exist there."

Achara sent Mong’s story to a newspaper and very quickly a troupe of
reporters were following him to chronicle his struggle with various
authorities. His plight also highlights overdue issue of stateless and
nationality-less people – or those without official status and citizenship
– which is estimated to be over half a million living in Thailand.

"Most of them are migrant workers from Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia who come
to look for a better job, but some are also Thais whose parents – out of
ignorance, poverty and inconvenience – did not register them when they
were born," Achara said.

Stateless children like Mong are entitled to basic education and can file
a request for Thai citizenship. However, the request will be considered on
a case by case basis by a Thai authority. Achara said some cases took as
long as seven years.

Without official status and proper documents, a stateless person has no
access to basic health care and faces hurdles in career choice – which
places them at a disadvantaged position that often leads to abuse.

The initial rejection of Mong’s call for travel documents – sparked an
outcry. Activists, lawyers and ordinary people poured their support and
encouragement after they saw a picture of him silently shedding tears
while sitting next to an official.

Finally the Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva stepped in to intervene.
Mong now holds a temporary passport that allows him to travel and a
Japanese visa that’s valid for 90 days.

An inspiration

"I know some people thought, ‘A son of migrant making paper plane? Big
deal!’" said Winasrin Meesap, Mong’s teacher at Ban Huay Sai school.  "But
it’s their only pastime. They can’t afford other kinds of toys. And we
should support our children to achieve their best no matter what."

Ban Huay Sai is a primary school with only six teachers and 83 students.
About 60 percent of them are children of Myanmar laborers whose main
source of income is from construction works.

Teacher Winasrin said that after completing 9th grade, most of her
students tend to drop out because their parents cannot afford further
education.

But now Mong’s victory has become an inspiration. After school boys and
girls gather to make airplanes from papers in a recycle bin, dreaming of
their own highflying day.

Mong said he wants to be a pilot so he can fly an aircraft for real. He
also wants to win in the Japan competition. "I hope to fly longer. Maybe
17 seconds."

"But if I don’t win, I hope that other children will not give up," he said
as he sat next to his father, ready to go buy a nice pair of jeans for the
trip. "I hope they can be as good as I am."
____________________________________


September 16, Japan Times
Birkin seeks Myanmar sanctions – Natsuko Fukue

British singer and actress Jane Birkin held a news conference Tuesday in
Tokyo to urge the incoming government to pressure Myanmar's military junta
to promote democracy.

Birkin, 62, who wrote a song called "Aung San Suu Kyi" and has
participated in demonstrations against the junta, is in Tokyo for a
concert this week.

She said sanctions should be placed on Myanmar, which has been under
military rule for nearly 50 years, but they must be effective because they
could also harm ordinary people.

"You're lucky because you've got a new government" and it is a good
opportunity for Japanese people to make new demands for supporting Myanmar
citizens, Birkin added.

She said ordinary people can help Myanmar by writing a letter to their
government or boycotting companies doing business with the junta.

Yuki Akimoto of the Burma Information Network based in Tokyo stressed the
importance of supporting local citizens. Japan should focus on helping the
people of Myanmar, such as by offering humanitarian support for refugees
or assisting in the prevention of

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

September 16, Agence France Presse -- English
US Myanmar policy review almost complete: Obama aide

US President Barack Obama's acting point man on Myanmar said Wednesday
that a review of US policy was almost complete as he urged the country's
military regime to free some 2,100 political prisoners.

"It is so important that we not forget about these people," Scot Marciel,
Deputy Assistant Secretary, East Asia and Pacific Bureau and Ambassador
for ASEAN Affairs said at a major human rights group's forum on the
detainees.

Marciel said the US review of its approach to Myanmar would not "question
or reassess" the importance of the military junta freeing the prisoners
and edging towards democratic rule but might call for different tactics.

"Our policy all along has been improved human rights situation, release of
political prisoners, dialogue, and transition to a democratic government
that can better govern that country," he said.

"The purpose of the review is to look very honestly, candidly, and say 'we
haven't been able to achieve the goal, are there things we could do
differently, more of, less of, that might increase the chances of us
achieving that goal?'" he said.

"I expect we'll have a conclusion soon," Marciel said as Human Rights
Watch unveiled a report spotlighting the fate of what it estimated to be
about 2,100 political prisoners in Myanmar, which Washington calls Burma.

U Pyinya Zawta, leader of the All-Burma Monks' Alliance at the center of
the 2007 protests against the junta, urged Washington to pursue
"high-level engagement" with Myanmar's military leaders while tightening
key sanctions.

"The US government should engage, but the most important thing is keep the
sanctions in place" unless the junta takes steps like freeing political
prisoners, the monk, who spent 10 years in prison, said through an
interpreter.

U Pyinya Zawta urged the United States to call for a global arms embargo
on Myanmar and to work with key regional powers like India and China to
convince the junta to take steps towards democratic rule and free the
prisoners, including democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.

"(The) United States even should further tighten the sanctions by asking
(the) United Nations Security Council to start investigation into regime
crimes against humanity," said the monk.

____________________________________


September 16, CTK news agency (Czech national public-service news agency)
Burmese opposition meet in Czech Republic, seeking unity

Text of report in English by Czech national public-service news agency CTK

Prague - To strengthen cooperation of Burmese pro-democratic activists in
Europe was the aim of the two-day conference, attended by the National
Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (the Burmese
government-in-exile), human rights fighters and representatives of ethnic
minorities and staged by the Burma Centre Prague (BCP), which ended in
Prague today.

Representatives of the Czech Foreign Ministry and the Czech humanitarian
NGO People in Need were also present.

BCP founder Sabe Amthor Sou said the conference was to strengthen and
unite pro-democratic activities of the Burmese living in Europe.

Further developments in Burma in the long run was discussed in Prague from
Tuesday.

Zoya Phan from the Karen ethnic group called for stronger international
sanctions against the Burmese military regime. She also demanded an
increase in financial aid to NGOs operating directly in Burma.

The Czech Republic actively supports the efforts at the democratisation of
Burma (Myanmar) in which a military junta has been ruling for over 47
years.

NGOs say there are over 2000 prisoners of conscience in Burma.

Earlier this year, former Czech president Vaclav Havel demanded that
Burmese dissident leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi be released from prison.

When the Czech Republic held the EU presidency in June, it wanted the EU
to impose new sanctions on representatives of the Burmese military junta
due to the political prisoners.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

September 16, Human Rights Watch
Report: Burma: Surge in Political Prisoners

Planned 2010 Elections Not Credible if Opposition Remains in Prison

Washington, DC– Burma’s military government has more than doubled the
number of political prisoners in the past two years, including more than a
hundred imprisoned in recent months, Human Rights Watch said today in a
new report. Sentenced to long prison terms for their involvement in
peaceful demonstrations in 2007, and for assisting civilians in the wake
of the devastating Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the political prisoner
population has reached more than 2,200.

The 35-page report, “Burma’s Forgotten Prisoners,” showcases dozens of
prominent political activists, Buddhist monks, labor activists,
journalists, and artists arrested since peaceful political protests in
2007 and sentenced to draconian prison terms after unfair trials. The
report was released on September 16, 2009 at a Capitol Hill news
conference hosted by Senator Barbara Boxer.

Human Rights Watch said that Burma’s rulers should immediately and
unconditionally release all political prisoners in Burma if scheduled
elections in 2010 are to have any credibility.“Burma’s generals are
planning elections next year that will be a sham if their opponents are in
prison,” said Tom Malinowski, Washington advocacy director at Human Rights
Watch. “Despite recent conciliatory visits by UN and foreign officials,
the military government is actually increasing the number of critics it is
throwing into its squalid prisons.”

The release of the report marks the launch of “2100 by 2010,” Human Rights
Watch’s global campaign for the release of all political prisoners in
Burma by the time of the 2010 elections.

“We named the campaign ‘2100 by 2010’ in July – but since then, the number
has grown to approximately 2250,” said Malinowski. “The United States,
China, India, and Burma’s neighbors in Southeast Asia should make the
release of all political prisoners a central goal of their engagement with
Burma, and use every tool of influence and leverage they have to achieve
it.”

In a September 9 letter to US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton,
Human Rights Watch called on the United States to complete its policy
review on Burma and focus on the promotion of human rights through
principled diplomacy, tougher financial sanctions, and additional but
properly monitored humanitarian aid.

Political opponents, activists and others with the courage to speak out
against military rule or criticize government actions or policies have
been routinely locked up in Burma’s prisons for years. There are 43 known
prisons holding political activists in Burma, while more than 50 labor
camps where prisoners are forced to perform hard labor.

Repression increased after the popular uprising led in part by monks in
August and September 2007 was crushed by the government. Closed courts and
courts inside prisons have held unfair trials and sentenced more than 300
political figures, human rights defenders, labor activists, artists,
journalists, comedians, internet bloggers, and Buddhist monks and nuns to
lengthy prison terms. Some prison terms have been for more than 100 years.
The activists were mainly charged under provisions of Burma’s archaic
penal code that criminalizes free expression, peaceful demonstration, and
forming of independent organizations. More than 20 prominent activists and
journalists, including Burma’s most famous comedian, Zargana, were
arrested for having spoken out about obstacles to humanitarian relief
following Cyclone Nargis, which struck Burma in May 2008.

The world was reminded of the brutality of the military government after
the arrest, protracted and unfair trial and conviction of Nobel peace
laureate Aung San Suu Kyi in August after an American intruder broke into
her house. Suu Kyi, whose National League for Democracy party won the last
Burmese elections in 1990, has been in prison or house arrest for 14 of
the past 20 years.

“Gaining the release of Suu Kyi is important not just for her own
well-being, but because it could facilitate a process that allowed the
opposition to fully participate in elections and Burmese society,” said
Malinowski. “But Suu Kyi is not the only person facing persecution for her
political beliefs. People like the comedian Zargana, imprisoned for
criticizing the government’s pathetic response to Cyclone Nargis, or Su Su
Nway, a brave woman activist who led street protests, also deserve the
world’s attention.”

“Burma’s Forgotten Prisoners” spotlights the cases of political prisoners
including:

Zargana: In November 2008, a Rangoon court sentenced prominent comedian
and social activist Zargana to 59 years in jail – a sentence later reduced
to 35 years – for disbursing relief aid and talking to the international
media about his frustrations in assisting victims of Cyclone Nargis.
Zargana was previously detained for a year following the 1988
pro-democracy demonstrations in Burma, and jailed for four years in
1990-94 for making political speeches. Police rearrested Zargana in
September 2007 for publicly supporting the protests by monks, and detained
him for 20 days. Zargana is serving his sentence in a prison in Myitkyina,
Kachin State, in northern Burma, which is known for its bitterly cold
winter and is difficult for relatives to reach. His mother Daw Kyi Oo died
in March 2009, while Zargana was in prison.

UGambira: On November 4, 2007, Burmese authorities arrested 28-year-old U
Gambira, one of the main leaders of the All-Burma Monks Alliance, which
had spearheaded the September 2007 protests. On the day of U Gambira’s
arrest, the Washington Post published an opinion piece in which he wrote:
“The regime’s use of mass arrests, murder, torture and imprisonment has
failed to extinguish our desire for the freedom that was stolen from us so
many years ago.” On November 21, 2007, U Gambira was sentenced to a total
of 68 years in prison (since reduced to 63 years), including 12 with hard
labor. His brother Aung Ko Ko Lwin received 20 years in prison for hiding
him, and was sent to Kyaukpyu prison in Arakan state, while his
brother-in-law Moe Htet Hlyan was also jailed for helping him while he was
being pursued by the authorities.

Su Su Nway: In 2005, labor rights activist Su Su Nway became the first
person to successfully prosecute local officials for the imposition of
forced labor, a common human rights violation in Burma. Su Su Nway, who
suffers from a heart condition, was subsequently sentenced to one and a
half years of imprisonment in October 2005 on charges of “using abusive
language against the authorities.” In 2006, she was awarded the John
Humphrey Freedom Award by the Canadian human rights group Rights and
Democracy. She was rearrested in November 2007, after leading peaceful
protests earlier that year. In November 2008, she was sentenced to
12-and-a-half years in prison after being charged with treason and “intent
to cause fear or harm to the public.”

Min Ko Naing: Born in 1962, Min Ko Naing is a former chairman of the All-
Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) and one of the student leaders
of the “8/8/88 uprising” against the Burmese junta which began on August
8, 1988. Arrested in 1989, he was sentenced to 20 years of imprisonment
for instigating “disturbances to the detriment of law and order, peace and
tranquility.” In November 2004, he was released after serving 15 years in
prison. After taking part in peaceful demonstrations in August 2007, he
was arrested along with other leaders of the 8/8/88 movement. On November
11, 2008, Min Ko Naing was sentenced to 65 years of imprisonment. Min Ko
Naing was reportedly tortured during periods of his detention.

Human Rights Watch said that it is seriously concerned for the health of
many prisoners held in remote facilities with poor medical and sanitation
conditions. The Burmese government should immediately permit the
resumption of International Committee of the Red Cross visits to prisons
to assist those in custody, and grant access to other independent
humanitarian organizations. The government should also end its disgraceful
and punitive practice of transferring prisoners to remote areas, placing a
huge burden on family members to visit and provide urgently needed
medicine and food.

“Instead of being persecuted and imprisoned, people like Zargana, U
Gambira, Su Su Nway and Min Ko Naing should be allowed to help their
country,” said Malinowski. “When visiting Burma, foreign officials should
ask not just to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi, but with other Burmese
political activists in prison to solicit their views and show support for
their courageous and important work.”

Human Rights Watch said that during this critical period, the Burmese
government’s friends such as China, India, Japan, Russia, and members of
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), members of the UN
Security Council, the UN secretary-general, and others should use their
influence to press for the immediate and unconditional release of all
political prisoners.

____________________________________


September 16, Wall Street Journal – Opinion Asia
Burmese Lessons for Beijing – Priscilla Clapp

Political change in Naypyidaw is in China's best interest.

As the People's Republic of China approaches the 60th anniversary of its
founding, Beijing has been unpleasantly surprised by the sudden outbreak
of unrest on its long border with Burma. It's a lesson to China about the
tenuous nature of its friendship with the junta, and a reminder that
political change in Burma is in Beijing's best interests.

The flare up began last month when Burmese forces attacked a recalcitrant
militia in Kokang, near the Chinese border, forcing tens of thousands of
refugees to flee into China's Yunnan province. A diplomatic battle soon
ensued. China issued an uncharacteristically stern warning that Burma
should "properly deal with its domestic issue to safeguard regional
stability." Burmese military leaders hinted at Beijing support for their
move against Kokang. And for the first time in history, the official
Burmese press published a news item about the Dalai Lama visiting Taiwan.

The public bickering is noteworthy because China has invested heavily in
its relationship with the junta. Beijing has given Burma decades of
generous military assistance, built factories and infrastructure and mined
Burma's wealth of resources. China is Burma's largest trading partner. On
the political front, Beijing has acted as the Burmese regime's primary
protector in the United Nations Security Council and other international
fora to blunt the impact of Western sanctions and hostility against the
military government.

The situation is likely to get worse before it gets better. Burma's
military leaders are determined to clear away the remaining vestiges of
their long-running insurgencies before heading into multi-party elections
next year as part of the country's transition to "disciplined democracy."
According to local reports, Burmese army units have already begun to move
into Mongla, another autonomous former insurgent area, as well as the
heavily armed and fortified northern and southern Wa areas along the
Chinese and Thai borders. Tens of thousands of refugees from the northern
Wa area have reportedly already fled into China, even as Kokang refugees
return home.

The Burmese regime may also be egged on by its own citizens, many of whom
harbor strong anti-Chinese sentiment. The junta's move against the ethnic
Chinese border groups, long notorious for drug dealing and other criminal
activities, has been quietly cheered by many Burmese. Chinese investment
has done little to improve the lives of average Burmese and they view
Beijing as propping up a hugely unpopular government.

It's clear that this is a critical moment for China in its relations with
Burma. Beijing harbors a strong interest in promoting political transition
in Burma to replace the long-standing military regime with a more stable
and rational civilian government. Chinese frustration with Burma's inept
and capricious military leaders is only thinly disguised. Beijing
recognizes that the underlying causes of instability and violence will
only become more acute the longer the current situation lingers.

Burma also poses a regional threat that China can't ignore. Not only does
violence inside Burma spill over into China, Thailand, Bangladesh, and
India, the porous border with China is rife with illegal trafficking in
narcotics, contraband, and humans, and HIV/AIDS has spread from Burma into
Yunnan province at an alarming rate. Burma's expanding military
relationship with North Korea, rumored to include a nuclear technology
component, threatens to bring a new security threat to nuclear
weapons-free Southeast Asia.

Beijing could start by making overtures to various political forces inside
Burma that are likely to emerge soon in a new parliamentary setting, not
just the generals and their business cronies. China might also strengthen
ties with other ethnic minorities, not just with ethnic Chinese groups in
Burma, as well as with the political opposition and Burmese exiles.

China could also help revive the U.N. effort to encourage political
dialogue and transition in Burma. If China were to support U.N. and other
international efforts to promote free and fair elections in Burma in 2010,
it would not only win plaudits from the international community, but would
be warmly welcomed by a wide swath of the Burmese population of all ethnic
races. It would be awkward for the military regime to take issue with this
stance without suggesting that it had no intention of running free and
fair elections.

Beijing could also send a powerful signal to both the generals and the
Burmese public by holding back on arms supplies to the regime during the
transition period. China is Burma's primary source of military equipment
and has been seen in the past to deliberately curtail arms supplies to
signal its displeasure with the regime. In light of the current unrest on
the border, it might be an appropriate gesture by Beijing to refrain
openly from fuelling further instability with new arms supplies and to
reassure the Burmese public of its friendly intentions to support a
peaceful and stable political transition.

China has been extremely patient with its badly behaved clients in
Naypyitaw for more than two decades and is not likely to make an abrupt
turn at this stage. But there's no doubt that it would be in the best
interest of China and of the Burmese people for Beijing to start treating
Burma like the regional security threat that it is.

Ms. Clapp was Charge d'Affairs for the U.S. embassy in Rangoon from 1999
to 2002.

____________________________________


September 16, Asia Times
Asia Times: A vote for Webb's Myanmar opening - David I. Steinberg

United States Senator James Webb's recent visit to Myanmar has come under
fire from the Burmese democracy movement. The protests, while sincere and
well-intended, miss the point of Webb's visit - he was not there to praise
or legitimize the ruling junta but to help craft a more effective policy
aimed at its removal and the restoration of democracy to this proud land.

Writing in the Washington Post recently, U Win Tin, a founder of the
National League for Democracy (NLD) party and a former political prisoner
(from 1989 to 2008) lamented that Webb's visit was "damaging to our
democracy movement". I believe he misses important aspects of the Barack
Obama administration's

Make no mistake, U Win Tin is a brave and honorable man who has suffered
much for the democratic movement in Myanmar. His sacrifices, and those of
many others in that country, have neither gone unnoticed nor unappreciated
abroad. The problems facing both the people of Myanmar and the
international community are manifold. The people indeed have spiraled down
an economic abyss while the state has garnered increasing resources from
its exports of natural gas and other primary materials.

The military in Myanmar has a stranglehold on power in that society. It
has a vision of their its leadership in that state - a belief that the
military is the only institution that can preserve national unity. One may
question the validity of this belief, but one should not doubt the
conviction with which it is held. That the generals have not used their
now considerable resources for the common good is undeniable - validated
by their own statistics on their meager expenditures in fields connected
with basic human needs.

The essential premise of U Win Tin and his party is that political change
must precede any other action internally or in international relations: if
the political stalemate between the military and the opposition, led by
the NLD, were to be resolved through dialogue, economic reform would take
place, people's lives would become better, minority relations would
improve and international relations prosper. To imply that 20 years of
internal political stalemate between the two would be overcome prior to
the planned 2010 elections is fantasy.

The military junta's premise is obviously different: unity and stability
come first and must be guaranteed by a new government under a constitution
in which, while opposition voices will be heard, the reins of ultimate
power will remain in military hands. Only then can economic conditions for
the people improve. Foreign states should, thus, recognize the validity of
this argument and the road toward what the junta calls
"discipline-flourishing democracy".

Both premises, however, are questionable. The military has given no
previous indication that it has serious policy concerns for the
livelihoods of the majority of the population, and perhaps the leadership
is shielded from the stark realities of survival in that society.

The opposition, which has never had a chance to practice its liberal
economic and political platform, is likely erroneous on two counts: that
the military will now renegotiate the new constitution that is to come
into effect after the elections in 2010, and that the international
community, of which the military is rightly suspicious since the West has
generally called for regime change for two decades, can materially affect
the internal distribution of power in that society.

A more productive premise than either of the two would be to start with
the plight of the diverse Burmese people: how can their conditions be
improved? This is both the critical need and the essential policy
question. It is not only a problem resulting from Cyclone Nargis in 2008,
but deprivation is endemic in that society after a half-century of
ineffective and indeed deleterious economic policies, but was greatly
exacerbated by the cyclone's devastation.

Realities erode the high moral ground. Both groups claim it internally for
different, antithetical reasons. Externally, sanctions and isolation have
been its manifestation. Effective dialogue between the opposition and the
military is highly unlikely to take place before the elections of 2010.
Yet there are other possible avenues of dialogue; one of them is with the
international community. That dialogue with the United States and the West
has been in hiatus for 20 years.

U Win Tin, reflecting the leadership of his party, is understandably
concerned that this is the last chance for change before the new
constitution goes into effect. The dilemma for the NLD, of which he is an
executive committee member, is this: to participate in the 2010 elections
(if allowed to do so - there is not yet a new party registration law)
might give them a small opposition voice in a new government, but it would
effectively eliminate the victory the NLD won in the 1990 elections.

This is a genuine problem for them and for which there is no easy answer.
Webb's trip did not, and could not resolve Burmese issues, for the
problems of that sorry state will only be decided bama-lo, as the Burmese
say, "In the Burmese manner."

Webb's visit was a first and important step to begin this dialogue
process. Change and better relations are likely to move slowly and will
depend on staged, reciprocal actions on both sides. Webb appropriately
called for amelioration of conditions in that country. It was an important
and productive beginning, but there should be no illusions as to the
problems ahead. However one views sanctions, it is evident they are easily
imposed and exceedingly difficult to eliminate.

But there are other steps that each side might take to begin to deal with
the dire Burmese conditions. A prosperous and stable Myanmar is in the
interests of that country, its neighbors China and India, the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations, and the United States. Isolation exacerbates
the multiple problems facing that state and the international community.

We should applaud the modest beginning Webb's visit has created, and
explore its positive ramifications.

David I Steinberg is distinguished professor of Asian Studies, School of
Foreign Service, Georgetown University.

____________________________________


For Immediate Release: 15th September, 2009 Thai Labour and Human Rights
Groups Call For Urgent Inquiry as Nationality Verification of Burmese
Migrants Begins

Tomorrow (16th Sept. 2009), the State Enterprise Workers Relations
Confederation (SERC), the Human Rights and Development Foundation (HRDF)
and the Thai Labour Solidarity Committee (TLSC) will petition the United
Nations Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants calling for an
urgent inquiry into the commencement of a nationality verification process
for Burmese migrants in Thailand. Subsequently, a set of recommendations
will be submitted to the Royal Thai Government. The process, occurring
both on Thai and Burmese soil, and on which the Thai Government has
disseminated little information, is likely to be ineffective and places 2
million migrants at high risk of exploitation.

There are an estimated three million migrant workers currently in Thailand.
The majority of these migrants are from Burma, and entered Thailand
‘illegally.’ In 2004, the Royal Thai Government (RTG) and the Burmese
military junta signed a Memorandum of Understanding providing for
nationality verification of these migrants so they could become ‘legal.’
The process was not implemented as the Burmese junta insisted nationality
verification take place in Burma, whilst the RTG said it should take place
in Thailand. The stalemate continued until late 2008 when RTG agreed for
nationality verification to take place in Burma in three main border
towns. The RTG then announced that no migrants would remain ‘illegally’ in
Thailand after 28th February 2010, as all registered Burmese migrants must
undertake nationality verification before this time, by means of a
13-stage process involving both governments, or face deportation.

In past weeks, the nationality verification process has begun. Tour buses
carrying migrants to border processing centres are leaving main migrant
population centres in Thailand and migrants are then crossing borders to
Burma and returning at varying costs with temporary Burmese passports and
visas. Information is spreading in migrant communities on these
developments, but the RTG has not yet conducted public relations campaigns
with migrants, NGOs or labour organisations. The only information
publically disseminated is from the Burmese government about processes on
its side of the border. However, private brokers are springing up and
providing answers and services at unreasonably high costs.

The nationality verification process is two-track. Migrants can either
submit their biographical information to brokers to get nationality
verified and obtain a passport within months, or submit this information
formally to employment offices and receive a slow response. The formal
government costs are low (approx. 600 to 2, 100 baht/US$17- 60) but broker
fees are unregulated and getting higher (starting costs approx. 7, 500
baht/US$200). In Samut Sakorn Province, with the largest Burmese migrant
population in Thailand, recently officials announced to employers that the
use of ‘recommended’ brokers in nationality verification processes was
necessary to cope with the large number of migrants involved and to speed
things up.

Certain ethnic groups, especially the Shan, are increasingly fearful of
providing personal information as rumors of negative effects for their
families surface once this information reaches the Burmese junta. Rumors
are also spreading that Burma intends to catch political activists through
the process, and Muslims are excluded. Many migrant workers are paying
brokers only to report they disappear without providing services.

Sawit Keawan, SERC’s General Secretary, today said: ‘SERC, HRDF and TLSC
are increasingly concerned as a result of these developments. We fear for
the safety of Burmese migrants in Thailand and are disturbed at what
appears to be another wave of exploitation affecting them. Nationality
verification, which we view as a positive yet sensitive issue, is
beginning at unreasonable costs to migrants, and just weeks after a
previous registration period ended and migrants endured high costs related
to this.
There has been little information provided by the RTG on the processes,
especially to migrants.’

Gothom Arya, HRDF’s President, adds: ‘HRDF, SERC and TLSC will call on the
UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants to urgently set up
an inquiry into the commencement of this nationality verification process.
We will also send a set of recommendations to the RTG, including a request
that the RTG should continue to strongly urge the Burmese government that
the process take place here in Thailand. This will reduce the unreasonable
costs being borne by migrants, speed up the process, and importantly
increase the safety of migrants whilst reducing unnecessary use of
exploitative brokers. If the process continues as it is, it is likely to
be ineffective and we fear Burmese migrants may once again become victims
of exploitation, suffer increased debt bondage, and perhaps even becomes
victims of trafficking as they travel with unregulated brokers to border
areas.’

*SERC is a national confederation of 43 state enterprise unions in
Thailand representing over 170, 000 registered members and affiliated to
the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC). HRDF is a registered
Thai Foundation working to strengthen standards on human rights, democracy
and peace in Thailand. TLSC is a committee consisting of 24 labour
federations, unions and NGOs campaigning on labour issues in Thailand.

-------------------------------------
For more information, please contact:
Mr. Sawit Keawan (General Secretary, SERC): +66 (0) 863 361110 (Thai only)
Mr. Somboon Trapsarn (Deputy General Secretary, SERC): +66 (0) 813 520035
(Thai/English)
Mr. Gothom Arya (President, HRDF): +66 (0) 818 280916 (Thai/English) Ms.
Wilaiwan Saetia (President, TLSC): +66 (0) 811 787489 (Thai only) HRDF’s
Migrant Justice Programme: +66 (0) 846 119209/+66 (0) 830 139736
(Thai/English/Burmese)