BurmaNet News, April 17 - 19, 2010

[Editor]

April 17 – 19, 2010, Issue #3943


INSIDE BURMA
TIME: On Burmese New Year, a string of attacks
BBC News: Burma's 'forgotten' Chin people suffer abuse
Irrawaddy: Leading parties stay away from election
Irrawaddy: 115 Rangoon bomb victims still in intensive care
Reuters: Bomb blasts rock China JV hydropower site in Myanmar

ON THE BORDER
Associated Press: Ethnic group in Myanmar gears up for war, peace

REGIONAL
AFP: Japan, Malaysia urge Myanmar to hold inclusive elections
Reuters: Women stitch back their lives after fleeing Myanmar

OPINION / OTHER
Bangkok Post: Asean's leaders growing weary of intractable junta – Larry
Jagan
New Light of Myanmar: Expose and ward off destroyers of Thingyan beauty
with public force – Kyaw Ye Min




____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

April 19, TIME
On Burmese New Year, a string of attacks – Hannah Beech

Burmese New Year is usually a raucous time, with locals setting off
fireworks and splashing bucketfuls of water on each other as part of a
purification ritual. But this year's Thingyan festival took on a more
sinister tone when mysterious bomb blasts hit the nation's largest city,
Rangoon, on April 15. The explosions, detonated at a lakeside pavilion
where residents were celebrating the new year, killed at least eight
people. The military junta that has ruled Burma since 1962 quickly blamed
"terrorists" and "destructive elements" for the mayhem, without further
elaboration. In 2005, a set of bombs killed 23 people in Rangoon. The
regime called those deaths the work of armed ethnic minorities that have
battled the ethnically Burmese junta for autonomy, a charge these groups
have denied.

Then on Saturday, violence spread northward to Kachin state, when a series
of bombs struck a controversial dam construction site, possibly killing
Chinese workers. Ethnic Kachins, who have long chafed under the repressive
rule of the junta, have nothing good to say about the proposed dam, one of
seven hydroelectric projects planned for Kachin state. Not only will it
flood thousands of homes — as well as the Myitsone, the confluence of two
rivers that holds revered status in Kachin lore — but the electricity
produced by the dam will most likely be transferred to neighboring China
without illuminating the local populace. Kachin preachers — the population
is majority Christian — have led a spirited non-violent resistance to the
dam, sending letters to various ministries and holding seminars on
hydropower's devastating environmental impact. Despite pre-emptive
protestations of their innocence, it seems almost inevitable that the
junta will blame the explosions on armed groups fighting for Kachin
rights. (See pictures of Burma's slowly shifting landscape.)

But one Kachin activist accuses the junta itself of setting off the bombs
in Rangoon and Kachin in order to give itself license to attack ethnic
groups. "They want to crush us," he says, "and this is the excuse they
will use." Although far-fetched, such speculation isn't completely
illogical. In preparation for planned elections later this year, the junta
has unveiled a choreographed display of democratic activity that critics
have dismissed as mere window-dressing. (The regime ignored the results of
the last ballot exercise in 1990 when its proxy party failed to win.)

One of the issues that must be cleared up before the elections is the
status of various ethnic ceasefire groups that have signed peace treaties
with the junta in exchange for a modicum of autonomy for their peoples.
Under Burma's new constitution, these ethnic groups must give up their
arms and agree to reconstitute themselves as part of so-called
"border-guard forces." However, nearly all of the ethnic armies have
declined to sign on. An ethnically linked bombing campaign could give the
junta political cover for a crack down. While the ethnic Burmese majority
is distrustful of its military rulers, many are also equally skeptical of
the autonomy-seeking agendas of the ethnic groups. (Read about Burma's
ethnic minorities.)

Before the bomb blasts, Kachin locals were already complaining that they
were being forced to make contributions to Burmese new-year festivities
that they had no intention of joining — just another example of how ethnic
minorities are made to hew to the Burmese way. Then, the day before the
dam explosions, Kachin Independence Organization delegates gathered the
public to explain why they could not agree to become part of the junta's
border-guard force. "Tensions were already very high," says the Kachin
activist. "Everyone was expecting something to happen, but not this."

____________________________________

April 19, BBC News
Burma's 'forgotten' Chin people suffer abuse – Sam Bagnall

With elections being held in Burma later this year the country's
"forgotten people" are appealing to the rest of the world for help.

The Chin people, who number roughly 1.5m and live mainly in the hilly west
of the country near the Indian border, are one of the most persecuted
minority groups in Burma.

Yet their plight is little known in the rest of the world.

Filming for the series Tropic of Cancer, presenter Simon Reeve and a
two-man BBC crew managed to visit the area.

Risking capture and arrest at the hands of the Burmese army, who have
around 50 bases in Chin State, they trekked through the jungle to a remote
village.

"It was an extraordinary journey," said Reeve. "The villagers I met gave
me horrifying accounts of the abuses they suffer at the hands of Burmese
troops."

These stories appear to confirm recent research by US organisation Human
Rights Watch.

After interviewing Chin refugees in neighbouring India their report
concluded that the Chin are subjected to forced labour, torture, rape,
arbitrary arrest and extra-judicial killings as part of a Burmese
government policy to suppress the Chin people and their ethnic identity.

The BBC team was taken into Burma by Chin human rights activist Cheery Zahau.

Despite being on a Burmese army wanted list, Ms Zahau was prepared to run
the risk of working with the BBC, which, like other western media
organisations, is banned from entering Burma.

"If we don't speak up, if we don't tell the stories of the people under
this repressive military regime, then no-one will know what's happening,
and if they don't know they will not do anything," she said.

Christian persecution

The Chin are mainly Christians, having converted to the faith when the
British ruled the area before independence after World War II.

The persecution of the Chin dates back to the military takeover of Burma
in the 1960s.

According to the US State Department, Burmese troops and officials have
tried to forcibly convert the Chin from Christianity to Buddhism.

They have also destroyed churches, and arrested and even killed Christian
Chin clergy, who now often work undercover.

The Chin also suffer from acute food shortages.

The United Nation's World Food Programme believes that food consumption in
Chin State is the lowest in Burma. In recent years food shortages have
been further exacerbated by a plague of rats, which have devastated Chin
crops.

There is little in the way of medical facilities in Chin State. The
villagers said that they had not seen a doctor for 10 years.

The Christian NGO Free Burma Rangers is one of the few sources of medical
aid.

They give training to local volunteers who take basic drugs and medical
equipment to the remote villages. The danger of running into a Burmese
army patrol is ever present.

"If they catch us they will kill us," one volunteer inside Burma said.

In the neighbouring Indian state of Mizoram, Chin refugees receive little
help from the Indian authorities or aid agencies.

Instead they face discrimination and hostility, and are often forcibly
repatriated to Burma.

"The Chin are unsafe in Burma and unprotected in India, but just because
these abuses happen far from Delhi and Rangoon does not mean the Chin
should remain 'forgotten people'," said Human Rights Watch in its report.

Burmese refugees from other persecuted ethnic groups who can flee from the
south and east of the country into neighbouring Thailand receive
international help and assistance.

Human Rights Watch has called for better treatment for the Chin and for
Chin refugees who arrive in India.
Map

Burma's military rulers intend to hold an election later this year, but
most opposition leaders are banned from taking part.

The most famous is Aun Sang Suu Kyi, whose National League for Democracy
(NLD) won a landslide victory in the elections of 1990.

Burma's military leaders refused to accept the results and she has spent
most of the last two decades in detention. The NLD says it will boycott
these elections.

Amnesty International has warned that ethnic groups, like the Chin, face
increased repression at the hands of the Burmese military.

The Burmese regime has previously denied repressing ethnic groups.

____________________________________

April 19, Irrawaddy
Leading parties stay away from election – Ko Htwe

Nineteen political parties to date have submitted applications to the
Union Election Commission to take part in the Burmese general election
later this year. However, most of the leading parties from the previous
election, in 1990, have said they will not compete.

Of the 19 political parties that have registered, 16 are new parties,
while only three are existing parties—the Mro or Khami National Solidarity
Organization (MKNSO); the National Unity Party (NUP); and the Union Karen
League (UKL).
Members of the National League for Democracy wave in the direction of the
home of Aung San Suu Kyi on the banks of Inya Lake in Rangoon on April 17.
According to tradition, on the first day of Burmese New Year, activists of
NLD release fish into the lake and pray for the freedom of Suu Kyi who has
been in detention without trial for more than 15 of the past 21 years.
(Photo: Reuters)

The seven other existing parties—including Aung San Suu Kyi's National
League for Democracy (NLD)— have either not registered to date or have
announced that they will not compete in the election due to the recent
election law and the 2008 Constitution, both of which are regarded by
observers as serving only to entrench military rule in Burma.

The notable exception is the NUP, formerly known as the Burma Socialist
Programme Party, led by late dictator Gen Ne Win. In the 1990 election,
the NUP came fourth with 10 seats and to date is the only major party to
register.

In 1990, the MKNSO won one seat; the UKL won none.

The leading parties ahead of the NUP in 1990 were the NLD with a landslide
392 seats, the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) with 23
seats, and the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), which won 11 seats. None
are expected to register before the deadline on May 6.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Monday, Aye Thar Aung, the secretary of the
ALD, said, “Most of the existing parties have not registered because they
cannot accept the 2008 Constitution. The election will go ahead, I'm sure,
but I don't think it will be free, fair and inclusive.”

Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese political commentator living in exile, said that
the existing political parties did not register with the Election
Commission because most are allied with the NLD. Some parties, such as the
SNLD, have had their leader arrested and so will not compete. Others
believe the election will not be free and fair, he said.

“The parties that have registered to date are not allied with the NLD,” he
added.

Of the 16 newly formed parties that have applied for registration, seven
are ethnic minority-based parties: the Kachin State Progressive Party, led
by Dr. Tu Ja; the Kayin People's Party, which is headed by well-known
Rangoon physician Dr. Simon Tha; the Shan Nationals Democratic Party, led
by Sai Ai Pao Eik Paung; the Pa-O National Organization, led by Aung Kham
Hti, a former monk and a politician who had a close relationship with
former premier Gen Khin Nyunt; the Chin National Party; the Wa Democratic
Party; and the Taaung (Palaung) National Party.

Rangoon-based parties to register include: the Union of Myanmar Federation
of National Politics, headed by Aye Lwin, a former university student
leader who took part in the 1988 uprising; and the 88 Generation Students
Union of Myanmar (GSUM)ယ, led by Ye Htun, the brother of Aye Lwin.

The GSUM is distinct from the original 88 Students Generation group, led
by prominent former students—including Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi—who are
now in prison.

Aye Lwin, a 46-year-old former political prisoner, started his own
political group in 2005. His close contacts with regime officials (he had
a meeting with Rangoon's mayor, Maj-Gen Aung Thein Lin, five months ago)
have made him unpopular with young activists, who accuse him of accepting
substantial financial support from them.

The remaining registered parties include the Democratic Party, which is
led by Thu Wai, a former political prisoner. After the 1990 election, the
Democratic Party was abolished.


Also registered are: the Union Democratic Party, headed by Shan leader
Shwe Ohn; the Difference and Peace Party, led by Nyo Min Lwin; the New Era
People Party, which is led by Tun Aung Kyaw; the National Political
Alliance Party, led by Ohn Lwin; the Wunthanu NLD (the Union of Myanmar)
party; and the Myanmar New Society Democratic Party.

____________________________________

April 17, Irrawaddy
115 Rangoon bomb victims still in intensive care – Kyaw Thein Kha

Out of 170 people injured in three bomb explosions on Thursday at a
Rangoon pavilion celebrating the Burmese New Year, 115 people remain in
intensive care, a state-run newspaper said on Saturday.

State-run newspapers said terrorists were responsible for the blasts, but
no group was named.

An ambulance at the scene of three bomb blasts at a water festival in
Rangoon on
Thursday. (Photo: Reuters)

CNN reported 20 people were killed. Other reports said 24 died.

The chairman of the township Peace and Development Council was reportedly
injured.

State TV said on Friday that eight people died and 75 were injured, and it
blamed “destructive elements” for the attacks.

The three bomb blasts struck the X2O pavilion near the Theinbyu driving
track on Kandawgyi Lake in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township at 3 p.m.

Rangoon General Hospital's Intensive Care Unit declined to provide any
information when contacted by The Irrawaddy.

Following the blasts, security personnel reportedly fled from the scene,
according to sources.

The United States condemned the blasts on Thursday, saying the explosions
victimized innocent civilians.

“We condemn any kind of violence that victimized innocent civilians. Our
thoughts and prayers go out to those who were the victims of this
bombing,” said State Department spokesman Philip Crowley.

Tensions between the government and various ethnic groups have increased
in recent months, and the country is also facing its first political
election in 20 years sometime later this year. The country's most
prominent political party, the National League for Democracy, recently
decided not to contest in the election and faces dissolution.

The bombing was the worst incident of its kind since the bombing of two
supermarkets and a convention center in Rangoon in May 2005, which killed
19 people and injured more than 160. The government said unnamed ethnic
armed groups were responsible.

____________________________________

April 17, Reuters
Bomb blasts rock China JV hydropower site in Myanmar – Aung Hla Tun

Yangon - A series of bombs exploded at a controversial hydropower project
site being jointly built by a Chinese company in northern Myanmar on
Saturday, just two days after bombs killed eight in the former capital of
Yangon.

There was no immediate report of casualties or damage.

"We don't have any further details about it as yet," said a government
official who asked not to be identified since he was not allowed to talk
to the media.

Myanmar's junta has in the past blamed bombings on anti-government
dissident groups and separate ethnic rebels seeking autonomy in the former
Burma, which has been under military rule since 1962.

China's state-owned China Power Investment Corporation (CPI) and Myanmar's
private Asia World Company jointly launched the hydropower project on the
upper reaches of the giant Irrawaddy river at the end of last year.

The plant is near where the Maykha-Malikha rivers join, the official from
the Kachin state capital of Myitkyina, about 920 miles north of Yangon,
told Reuters.

Located about 22 miles north of Myitkyina and about 50 miles from the
Chinese border, it is estimated the project will generate 3,600 megawatts
when completed, and most of the electricity will be exported to China.

The project has caused concern among local people and environmentalists
since it involves the relocation of several villages and may cause
ecological damage to the Irrawaddy, the life blood of Myanmar which flows
from north to south.

The blasts came two days after three bomb explosions in former capital
Yangon killed eight people and wounded 170 during the traditional New Year
water festival.

In May 2005, three bombs exploded at a convention center and supermarkets
in Yangon, killing 23 people and wounding more than 160. There have been a
few sporadic bombings since.

At the time, the authorities blamed ethnic rebel groups, including the
Karen National Union, the Shan State Army-South, and the Karenni National
Progressive Party, as well as a government-in-exile known as the National
Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, which opposes the junta's
rule.

In 1990, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi's party won a general
election but was not allowed to take power by the military, which
continues to maintain a tight grip on the country.

An election is expected to be held later in the year but no timeframe has
been set. The poll has been widely derided in advance as a sham to make
the country appear democratic, with the military retaining control over
key institutions.

(Writing by Nick Macfie in Bangkok)

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

April 19, Associated Press
Ethnic group in Myanmar gears up for war, peace – Tini Tran

Laiza, Myanmar – Crawling on their bellies, the recruits inch through a
field, dragging wooden rifles. A whistle blows, and they scramble to their
knees, pulling the pins from imaginary grenades before lobbing them.
Dropping flat, they yell "Boom!"

At a camp alongside a river, the next generation of soldiers in the Kachin
Independence Army, one of Myanmar's largest armed ethnic groups, is
training with a new urgency. A cease-fire is in peril, and the Kachin do
not want to patrol the border for the ruling junta.

"I don't want to kill anyone but being a soldier is the best way to change
the conditions in Burma," said 23-year-old cadet La Ran, who joined four
months ago. "I am ready to fight if I have to."

The possibility of armed conflict in Myanmar, also known as Burma, is
rising because a series of cease-fire agreements between the military
government and more than a dozen armed ethnic groups are dissolving as the
regime seeks to press those groups into becoming a border militia under
government control.

The government has set a deadline of April 28 for the armed groups to
merge or disarm as the junta tightens its grip on the country ahead of
this year's nationwide elections the first in two decades. Their demands
have largely been met with resistance during negotiations over the past
year with the country's largest armed ethnic groups, including the
8,000-member Kachin army.

Myanmar's government, run by ethnic Burmese who make up the majority, is
well known for repressing its own people. Considered among the world's
most brutal, the regime brooks no dissent and has been accused of
large-scale violations of human rights, including the yearslong detention
of Nobel Peace laureate and democracy icon, Aung San Suu Kyi.

In the country's hinterlands home to a variety of ethnic minority groups
the junta has also faced bitter opposition from the Wa, the Shan, the
Karen and the Kachin, who are united in their resentment against
historical domination by the Burmese. The Karen and the Shan, who have
refused to sign truces, are engaged in intense fighting with government
troops.

These groups control large territories along the northern and eastern
borders along with the valuable trade in logging, jade, gems, gold, and,
in some cases, illegal drugs, that have helped finance their insurgencies.

The Kachin, predominantly Christian hill tribes in the northernmost part
of Myanmar, have been engaged in a decades-long struggle against the
government for autonomy.

Since a cease-fire was signed in 1994, they have enjoyed de-facto
self-rule: In the rebel-controlled area, the Kachin army powers the
electric grid and runs hospitals while soldiers in green uniforms adorned
with the Kachin flag monitor both the border with China and the frontier
with government-controlled Myanmar.

But Kachin leaders are still hoping for a permanent solution. In the
interim, they have rebuilt their army and their strength.

Over the weekend, the Kachin army and its political arm, the Kachin
Independence Organization, adamantly rejected the government's border
guard proposal at a mass public meeting held in the small town of Laiza, a
rebel stronghold near the Chinese border.

"From the very beginning, the public didn't want the KIA to join the
(border guard force)," said Gen. S. Gun Maw, vice chief of staff for the
rebels, citing letters from thousands of people opposing the idea. "If
they (the government) take the military way, it will be a big mistake for
them."

Pulling up in trucks, motorbikes, buses and cars, more than 1,000 Kachin
many dressed in traditional headscarves and sarong-like longyi packed into
a large assembly hall. An overflow crowd watched intently on television
monitors set up in a second room.


>From the start, the rebel leaders were careful to say their stand reflects

the views of the majority of Kachin people, estimated at 1 million in
Myanmar. Many in the audience nodded in agreement as their leaders
outlined the political stalemate after more than a dozen talks with
government leaders over the past 12 months.

"We've had the cease-fire for more than 10 years now. It's a friendly
peaceful society now, and I want to keep this. But (the government)
violates our rights and takes our land," said Zing Hang Khawn Hpang, 45, a
local trader who attended the weekend meeting.

The gathering was also intended to make a rare appeal for international
attention and a small group of foreign journalists, including The
Associated Press, were invited to attend. The remote and mountainous
Kachin region has largely been off-limits to foreigners for years.

"Not many outsiders know very well what's happening in Burma and our
region ... We hope that if they know, if they understand the situation in
our region, they may be able to find a way to help us," Gun Maw said.

In Laiza, a border town of 10,000 nestled in a valley between green hills,
the standard of living is better than in other impoverished areas of
Myanmar.

Control over two small hydroelectric dams, built with Chinese help,
provide the area with 24-hour electricity by comparison, residents in the
largest Burmese city, Yangon, only get a few hours of power every third
day. Chinese telecommunications towers just over the border ensure steady
cell phone service, while brisk commercial trade means a steady supply of
Chinese goods, clothing and motorbikes displayed in storefronts on the
main boulevard.

On the streets, people talk openly about politics another marked
difference from the tightly controlled regions of government-run Myanmar.

The stability has allowed Christianity, brought by missionaries in the
1800s, to flourish a rare display in an otherwise heavily Buddhist nation.

Standing outside the doors of the white-tiled Laiza Kachin Baptist Church,
resident Dau Lum, 36, expressed faith that a political compromise can be
reached before fighting erupts.

"I try not to worry too much because the world is watching Burma so the
Burmese government doesn't want to start the fight. Even if conflict
happens, it will not be like those in the past. I believe that God will
guide us to a good future," he said.

Though Kachin leaders are still pushing for a political solution that
includes protection of ethnic rights and government-recognized self-rule,
their commanders are preparing for the worst. From the Kachin army's
headquarters, perched high up on the mountainside overlooking the town,
they have launched a new push for training and recruitment.

More ominously, the Burmese side has also stepped up its military
activities. Kachin residents report army convoys rumbling through the
northern countryside in recent weeks near the regional capital of
Myitkyina, which is under government control.

But any fighting in northern Myanmar would surely provoke China, the
junta's biggest political ally, which has warned the Burmese government to
guard against instability on its borders. Last summer, heavy fighting
between troops and the Kokang ethnic group sent some 30,000 refugees
across the border into China, prompting a rare reprimand from Beijing.

The Chinese leadership is in a bind, caught between its dislike of border
instability and its access to the oil, natural gas, and timber that the
junta provides. That makes it hard to divine how deeply Beijing will
involve itself.

"We know the Chinese government has influence over the (Burmese
government). We want them to use this to make change in Burma, but we're
not sure whether the Chinese government will," said the Kachin army's Gun
Maw.

Lamai Tang Gun, 59, a Baptist pastor from Myitkyina, notes the Kachin have
lived with an uneasy peace for decades: "They (the junta) are always
threatening us. We can't tell if there's a possibility of fighting. We can
only pray to God."

____________________________________
REGIONAL

April 19, Agence France Presse
Japan, Malaysia urge Myanmar to hold inclusive elections

Tokyo – Japan and Malaysia urged Myanmar on Monday to hold "free, fair and
inclusive" general elections, government officials said.

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak, who began his first visit to Tokyo
as leader on Sunday, held talks with his Japanese counterpart Yukio
Hatoyama after meeting Emperor Akihito and Empress Michiko earlier in the
day.

"The two leaders... expressed their hope that the holding of general
elections in Myanmar this year would be free, fair and inclusive, thus
contributing to Myanmar's stability and development," they said in a
statement.

Critics have said that elections planned for this year will lack
credibility because of laws that effectively bar opposition leader and
democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi from taking part.

The poll will be the country's first election in two decades, but Suu
Kyi's political party has called for a boycott over rules that would have
forced it to expel her as leader if it wanted to participate.

____________________________________

April 19, Reuters
Women stitch back their lives after fleeing Myanmar – Angie Teo

Kuala Lumpur – Hunched over sewing machines, a group of Myanmar women
refugees are stitching together a livelihood after fleeing persecution
from the junta back home.

Their simple but modern take on traditional Burmese fabrics draws a steady
flow of orders online (www.elevyn.com) and visitors to a crowded shoplot
in a working class district within the Malaysian capital.

With a little cash, these women have become the financial backbone of
ethnic Chin community, whose numbers in Malaysia have grown to 39,000
people in ten years as the military campaign of forced labour and razing
of villages continues in Myanmar.

But life in Malaysia is not easy either. Classified as illegal immigrants
under Malaysian laws, the refugees cannot find jobs and get access to
basic education and healthcare. They run the risk of arrest and
deportation.

"My husband is working but he is afraid of the local authorities. He won't
get any pay this month, so it is difficult for our family," Ma Dwang, a
35-year-old mother of three, told Reuters. "I can earn some income and
with that money our family survives but we cannot afford new clothes."

Around her, women were cutting out fabrics and piecing together elaborate
shawls, bags and table runners. They each earn about 200-300 ringgit
($62-$93) a month, just enough for basic food and medical items as well as
some savings.

The collective started in 2005 with just 20 women and has grown to 50. The
Chin community, which started the project with assistance from United
Nations High Commission for Refugees, calls the group "Mang Tha" or "Sweet
Dreams" in their language.

The women say the project makes them assertive and gives them a haven from
their cramped flats that shelter more than 30 refugees at any one time.

As the women chat and work, the topic centres around their previous lives
as subsistence farmers in the mountainous, resource rich Chin state in
northwest Myanmar that borders India and Bangladesh.

But more often, the women recall the persecution that their Christian
communities suffered in the hands of the mostly Buddhist Myanmar
government.

"There was forced labour for women. If roads need to be repaired, the
soldiers call us and we would have to go. There was alot of sexual abuse,"
said Susan, one of the women in the collective who declined to give her
full name.

"They (the soldiers) look down on us, they oppress. Most of the Chin
people don't have any rights so we came here. Those left in Chin state are
old people," said Susan, who was a teacher back home.

The Mang Tha women estimate more than 1 million people have fled Chin
state to India, Bangladesh and Thailand. To get to Malaysia, it takes one
month by road or sea.

Most are glad to make it out alive and want to work towards getting
resettled in Australia and the United States with the skills they learned
at the collective.

"I always hope to resettle in another country for my children's education.
I will not go back for the sake of my children's future," said Ayemai as
she nursed one of her children at the workshop.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

April 17, Bangkok Post
Asean's leaders growing weary of intractable junta – Larry Jagan

Every Asean summit for the last decade has been dominated by the Burma
issue. Although discussions are usually on the sidelines and in
confidential sessions, this year's meeting in Hanoi was no different. The
only exception was that in the chairman's public statement at the end of
the proceedings, Burma seemed to have got away unscathed. But Burma's
hopes to take the Asean chair next year were completely dashed.

The reality is that the junta was barraged behind the scenes by almost all
the Southeast Asian leaders, except the hosts Vietnam - who are cozying up
to the regime in the hope of wooing them away from their Chinese allies.
But the most lasting impression of the meeting is that Asean countries are
becoming bored with Burma's antics, lack of transparency and failure to
confide in their regional supporters.

Thailand's Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya was clearly irritated, and
dismissively brushed aside my question: have you spoken to the Burmese
about the election? ''I talk to them all the time,'' he said and quickly
disappeared down the stairs.

Asean Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan was also clearly frustrated by the
Burmese, and perhaps even more so by journalists' questions on the issue.
''On the Myanmar issue, we just have to have patience,'' Mr Surin finally
told me.

Asean's leaders have good reason to be bored with Burma _ they are
completely in the dark about the future as is everyone else. ''All the
Myanmar side told us is that there will be elections this year, the five
laws controlling the process have been published, and the political
parties are now registering,'' said Mr Surin.

For more than a year now this is the most the regime has managed to
divulge to their regional allies. No wonder the other Asean leaders are
getting increasingly frustrated by the regime's intransigence. But Asean
cannot escape from the reality _ the elections in Burma later this year
are not only a test for the regime, but for the credibility of the
organisation as a whole. This is something the Thai foreign minister
conceded.

''The Myanmar issue still presents a problem when we want to take Asean
forward to negotiate and deal with other groupings and countries,'' Mr
Kasit told Thai journalists on the sidelines of the meeting in Hanoi. ''It
presents a major limitation for us.''
The former UN special envoy to Burma was even clearer: ''It will be very
embarrassing for Asean if the elections go ahead as the generals plan and
Aung San Suu Kyi does not play a role,'' Razali Ismail said recently.

Asian leaders and diplomats are still trying to put a brave face on it.
''We are doing what we can, and Indonesia for one, takes the issue of
Myanmar very seriously,'' Indonesia's Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa
said at the summit.

''But we think quiet diplomacy works much better,'' he added. ''And in
private we can be more frank and forceful, and we are, without them
appearing to be under pressure.''

In the past the regime complained about Thailand's ''megaphone
diplomacy'', when former Thai foreign minister Surakiart Sathirathai tried
to bring Burma out of its isolation and encourage political change during
the Khin Nyunt era. Since the military intelligence chief and prime
minister was toppled in October 2004, the military junta has been
extremely loath to openly discuss political developments even with its
Asian allies.

But several countries in Asean _ especially Indonesia, the Philippines,
Singapore and Thailand _ are intent on pressing the regime, at least
privately, to make sure the elections do not embarrass the regional
grouping, which has continually defended the junta publicly.

''We continue to remind the Myanmar government of their promises to hold
elections which are internationally acceptable,'' said Mr Natalegawa.

In the key meetings, Asean leaders urged the Burmese junta to keep to its
road map, Mr Surin said at the end of the summit. ''We hope these elctions
will provide a mechanism for true na tional reconciliation,'' he said
''And we are ready to offer assistance, help and support.''

The Asean leaders also urged Burma to engage Asean and the United Nations
in the lead-up to the elections. One thorny issue raised was the
possibility of election monitors or observers being allowed in to oversee
the polls _ an idea the junta has so far shunned.

While the Asean leaders understand that Burma's elections will also be a
test of the regional grouping's credibilty, they are also well aware that
they have very little influence on the regime. ''The coming months will be
critical months for Myanmar,'' Singapore's Foreign Minister George Yeo
told journalists at the summit.

''But in the end what happens in Myanmar is for the Myanmar people to
decide. We are outsiders... we hope they will make progress quickly. We
are not in a position to punish Myanmar,'' he added. ''If China and India
remain engaged with Myanmar, then we have to.''

But the regionl group did send a strong message to supremo Senior General
Than Shwe during the summit, when it dismmissed Burma's insistent appeal
to be allowed to take the Asean chair next year _ to help celebrate the
''birth of the new Burmese civilian government'' after the elections this
year. Burma opted not to take its place as chairman four years ago amid
strong international pressure.

Instead Indonesia, Cambodia and Brunei were confirmed as the next three.
Only then would Burma be considered, a senior Asean diplomat said on
condition of anonymity.

''This is the only way we could show our displeasure. And it is by no
means certain that they will automatically get the chairmanship for
2014,'' he said.

So while there are signs that the regional leaders may be getting tired of
the regime's lack of transparency and unwillingness to cooperate, in the
end they will be forced to endorse the elections no matter what happens.

As Dr Surin said, ''If the election is not objectionable, it will be
acceptable [to Asean].''

____________________________________

April 17, New Light of Myanmar
Expose and ward off destroyers of Thingyan beauty with public force – Kyaw
Ye Min

It was Maha Thingyan Akyat Day, a summer afternoon on the 15th of April
2010. Yangon was lively with the beauty of the traditional water festival,
the whole city reverberating with the sound of funs, laughs, songs and
music of the pandals and merry-makers.

At that time, bad news occurred. "Three bombs went off in Kandawgyi!"
"People were killed! There were cries, tears and blood all around the
scene! It was like hell! What a brutal act! It's so sorrowful! Parents are
grieving for their dead or injured children! Why even in Thingyan? So
cruel and evil is the crime!"

Suddenly, the bad news had tarnished the beautiful image of Yangon Maha
Thingyan. I felt absolutely shocked to hear the news visualizing the scene
of confusion and blood with so much sadness in heart. Imagine, how worried
would be the parents about the children enjoying the festival? I fully
sympathize with them.

As for Myanmar people, Maha Thingyan is one of the most significant and
sublime seasonal festivals. It is a traditional festival Myanmar people
value, cherish and enjoy most. It is also the most joyful occasion. And
this is a common knowledge.

As the happiness is at its height so also is the religious solemnity
during the festival. It is also a religious occasion where people do
meritorious deeds in accord with Buddhist faith. Thingyan marks the end of
the old year and the start of a new year. People try to wash away
impurities of the old year with Atar or Thingyan water and enter the New
Year together with lots of pious deeds. It is a cultural heritage of the
Myanmar people who wish the entire World peace and prosperity and health
and happiness with the belief that the pleasant Thingyan water brings
loving kindness and good omen.

In addition to merry-making, dances and songs, people free birds and
fishes, serve food to others free of charge, take Sabbath practise
vipassara. They bathe and manicure the aged and wash their hair. It is an
auspicious time people choose to do only the meritorious deeds. These are
all the significant characteristics of Thingyan valued and cherished not
only by Myanmar but also by the world.

In view of a nation or a race, it is an auspicious occasion with new
strengths for the whole nation as we hope that progress and success will
come in the new year after passing through and overcoming all difficulties
and hardships of the old year. This is why the Maha Thingyan is an
important traditional festival which is significant and noble for our
nation and people.

In this Maha Thingyan Festival respected not only by Myanmar but also by
the world, the government set 10 days for the Maha Thingyan holiday in
order that every Myanmar citizen could take part in the festival freely
and peacefully. This is the most significant point of the Thingyan
Festival, compared with other seasonal festivals.

If one is really a Myanmar citizen, one loves the Thingyan and feels happy
on this occasion. It is natural that when the Thingyan nears, we are
completely obsessed with it. No matter where we are, we like to go back to
our home and place when the Thingyan nears. We try as much as possible to
go come home to happily participate in our traditional Thingyan. Myanmar
and the Thingyan are inseparable. And it is true that we never try to
weaken the spirit of loving the Thingyan.

However, the image of the charming Myanmar traditional Maha Thingyan has
been stained with three bombs that exploded in a row among the public
taking part in the festival peacefully and innocently. According to
sources, the bombs went off in front of a water-throwing pandal on the
Kandawgyi ring road, killing 8 people and injuring 170 others. How
disgusting it was to see and hear the incident! It is a sheer tragedy. How
cruel it was of terrorist groups to damage even the Maha Thingyan Festival
we Myanmar people regard as noble. How cold-blooded were they to massacre
the innocent people taking part in the festival happily and peacefully
with grudge and hatred.

In reality, attacking those participating in the traditional Thingyan
happily and peacefully with the bombs is an insult to the people. It is an
inhumane act. Because of such subversive acts, we the people abhor and
loath the terrorist insurgents. On the one hand, we are mourning the
causalities of innocent people and on the other, we abhor a group of
brutal terrorists.

Indeed, terrorist insurgents usually hide themselves in disguise among the
people. We cannot identify the terrorists easily. This is why they are
brazenly committing subversive acts by sliding into the crowds of ordinary
people, in disguise. All the people need to be vigilant against it, and
are to pay attention to expose the destructionists, who are making
attempts to undermine peace and stability and development of the State,
and to thwart their destructive acts. It is important that only when all
the entire people conscientiously participate in the preventive measures
against the destructive acts, will success be achieved completely wording
off terrorists in a short time. Moreover, it can be said that it is an
important duty for ensuring security of lives and property of the entire
people.

Such terrorist attacks were merely intended to tarnish the Myanmar
Traditional Maha Thingyan Festival and intentionally insult the public.
Therefore, the people are to be vigilant against the danger of
destructionists and to help expose them. In order to arrest the terrorists
who insulted the public, tarnished the image of Myanmar Traditional Maha
Thingyan Festival and killed or wounded over 170 innocent people in the
incident, I would like to urge all the entire Myanmar people to dutifully
help expose the terrorists and to inform the authorities if they find
anything suspicious in time.

Translation: TMT+ST+TTA