BurmaNet News, May 7, 2010

[Editor]

May 7, 2010, Issue #3957

INSIDE BURMA
Mizzima News: NLD leaders continue to show up for work
AP: Faction of Myanmar's opposition forms new party
Irrawaddy: NDF Party to ally with pro-democracy, ethnic groups

ON THE BORDER
Mizzima News: Army expands outposts near Indian border
Myanmar Times: More than 70,000 passports issued to migrants: official

INTERNATIONAL
AFP: US envoy to visit Myanmar if he can see opposition chief: US

OPINION / OTHER
VOA: Military rule in civilian clothing? – Editorial
Reuters: Parties aplenty, but can any challenge Myanmar's junta? – Martin
Petty
Jakarta Post: Burma’s imperfect polls offer the best hope for change -
Roger Huang
Irrawaddy: Game over? No, not yet – Aung Zaw
New Light of Myanmar: Atrocities of neo-colonialists and betrayer
axe-handles – Maung Nwe Sit




____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

May 7, Mizzima News
NLD leaders continue to show up for work – Myint Maung

New Delhi – National League for Democracy party members including
vice-chairman Tin Oo came to work at party headquarters in Bahan Township,
Rangoon, a day after it was forced to disband, having decided against
registering for polls this year over electoral laws considered unjust.

The junta’s Union Election Commission Law rendered the NLD party void from
today but about 70 party leaders and members nevertheless came in to the
office. Along with Tin Oo, they included central executive committee
members Thakin Soe Myint, Than Tun, Win Tin, Hla Pe, Nyunt Wei, Ohn
Kyaing, Nyan Win; Rangoon Division Women’s wing chief Dr. May Win Myint;
youth leaders; and members from state and division branches.

“People came to the office as we opened it. There are social aid group
members, women’s affairs members and Rangoon Division members at the
office today,” Win Tin said. “They exchanged news 
 and discussed
political issues”.

“The atmosphere at party head office is as usual, even though it is not as
lively or fun as before,” he said.

The organisation continued to keep its party signboard and flag up,
according to the wishes of leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been under
house arrest for at least 14 of the last 20 years. She was convicted last
year of illegally harbouring a US visitor who swam uninvited to her
lakeside home in Rangoon. The NLD and other opposition groups saw the
conviction as another ploy by the junta to restrict the movement of the
popular leader ahead of the elections.

“We are NLD party members. Since we are politicians we [will] always have
dynamism for the betterment of our country,” a party youth member who
attended the office today told Mizzima. “Striving for humanity gives us
mental nourishment. But since there is no routine work at the office
today, we felt some remorse. That’s all.”

Mizzima contacted at NLD offices in at least 11 townships in states and
divisions across Burma and they replied that they also had kept their
party flags and signboards in place.

The NLD won Burma’s last election in 1990 by a landslide but was prevented
from taking power by the army.
____________________________________

May 7, Associated Press
Faction of Myanmar's opposition forms new party

Yangon, Myanmar -- A faction of Aung San Suu Kyi's opposition declared
Friday it will form its own political party to contest Myanmar's first
elections in two decades, a day after the democracy icon's party disbanded
to boycott the vote it says will be flawed.

Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, which won Myanmar's last election
in 1990 but which the army never allowed to take power, declined to
reregister for elections planned for this year, as stipulated by a new
election law. The League says the laws are undemocratic and unfair, and
its non-registration is tantamount to a boycott.

However, a group of League members who had disagreed with the boycott said
they would form their own party called the National Democratic Force.

"We will form a new political party to continue our struggle for democracy
and human rights," said Khin Maung Swe, a former senior member of Suu
Kyi's party and a former political prisoner.

Whether Suu Kyi would play any role in the new party was not immediately
clear but unlikely. She had previously called the junta's election laws
"undemocratic" and said she would "not even think" of registering her
party for the polls.

Swe said he had earlier suggested the idea of forming what he called a
"lifeboat party" to enable the League to circumvent the dissolution. "The
idea was not accepted," he said, but the faction decided to form one
anyway.

Swe said the new party would register with the Election Commission this
month. While existing parties had to reregister by May 6, new parties are
given more time.

Roughly 80 percent of the new party's membership would be from Suu Kyi's
former party, he said.

"We are going to continue our unending democratic struggle within the
legal framework," said Than Nyein, expected to serve as the new party's
chairman.

On Thursday, officials at the National League for Democracy tidied their
desks and locked political files at their main office in Yangon, a quiet
end to a party founded more than 20 years ago to challenge military rule.

Leaders and several members were seen Friday inside the headquarters. They
are barred from holding political meetings there but have said they will
continue working as a social movement.

Suu Kyi, who has been under house arrest for 14 of the past 20 years, was
convicted last year of illegally harboring a visitor, an eccentric
American who swam uninvited to her lakeside home. The conviction bars her
from running or even voting in the election.

The government has not yet announced a date for the upcoming elections,
saying only they will be held this year. The vote has been widely
criticized as a sham designed to cement military rule.

____________________________________

May 7, Irrawaddy
NDF Party to ally with pro-democracy, ethnic groups – Wai Moe

A former leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD) who plans to
form a new political party to contest in the coming election said the
party will ally with other pro-democracy and ethnic parties to shape the
pro-democracy movement.

“Our unfinished duty is to bring peace, democracy and development to the
people of Burma,” said Than Nyein, a former NLD executive member and a
leader of the new party. “For the cause, we will work together with other
political parties including ethnic parties after we form the National
Democratic Force (NDF) party.”

Than Nyein said the NDF would not rush to ally with other political groups
until it had studied the nature of the campaign and the political parties.

“Our party would also avoid to contest in ethnic areas in favor of the
rights of ethnic political parties to manage their affairs,” Than Nyein
told The Irrawaddy on Friday. “Like the democracy issue, ethnic issues are
also important for us.”

He said ethnic political issues should be resolved alongside democracy and
human rights issues.

People should approach politics pragmatically, he said: “Sometimes when
the things that we want can not happen, we need to think about other ways
to achieve our main goal—how to contribute to society in a better way.”

Than Nyein and his former NLD colleagues will formally apply to register
the new party within one month. The NLD was dissolved as a political party
on Thursday after it decided not to re-register, saying the electoral laws
are not fair. The laws banned NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other
political detainees from running in the election.

As for Suu Kyi’s future political role, Than Nyein said she is still their
party's leader.

“At any time Daw Aung San Suu Kyi can come to lead us,” he said. “We
always respect her.”

He said detained activists of the 88 Generation Students group who are now
in their forties and thirties, such as Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi, are
also welcome. “They are a new generation,” Than Nyein said.

After the election commission approves the NDF’s application, he said that
many former NLD members are likely to join the NDF party, and the party
expects to rely heavily on former NLD activists across the country.

Meanwhile, some former NLD leaders expressed caution about the role of the
NDF.

Win Tin, a former colleague of Than Nyein who pposed NLD re-gistration,
said that Than Nyein and other former NLD members within the new political
party must be loyal to the people of Burma and respect Suu Kyi.

Some activist said they were concerned that the NDF could split dissident
groups, which could affect the overall pro-democracy movement.

“We could see a big split among the opposition,” said Chan Tun, a veteran
Rangoon politician. “I want to suggest that they seek unity and
understanding. If you have the same goals, then it's all right to use
different tactics and approaches. I hope all the pro-democracy groups can
avoid disunity, which would be the biggest blow for the movement.”

Than Nyein was a former student leader in the late 1950s and early 1960s.
During the 1988 uprising, he was a physician in southern Shan State, where
he led a pro-democracy movement. After the military coup, he was briefly
detained.

In the early 1990s, Than Nyein and other NLD leaders close to Suu Kyi were
sideline from the party because of the junta’s pressure. He said a number
of his friends have died in prison. He was arrested several times during
the past 20 years. His last detention was in 1996 for aiding Suu Kyi. He
was released in September 2008 along with other NLD leaders such as Win
Tin and Khin Maung Swe.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

May 7, Mizzima News
Army expands outposts near Indian border – Nyein Chan

Dhaka – The Burmese junta’s Western Command is building 15 army outposts
using forced labour by villagers who have to bring their own food to the
projects near the Indo-Burman border, army sources and local residents
have said.

In what is seen as a plan of “area domination”, eight new army outposts
were being built in Paletwa Township, Chin State, near the triangular
India-Bangladesh-Burma border region, and seven outposts in Buthidaung and
Maungdaw townships in Arakan (Rakhine) State. The outposts had been under
construction since the end of last month, an army source said.

The Paletwa outposts would be in Myeikwa, Hnonebuu, Chinletwa, Zeditaung,
Laoshine, Labawa, Tarungaing and Toepee villages, he said, adding that all
would comprise a large hall-type hut and between nine and 15 smaller huts,
each of which would lodge between 20 and 25 soldiers.

A local resident said the army was using forced labour to build the
outposts, which were to be completed by the end of this month.

“We have to bring our own meal packets. Even the women have to go there
[outpost sites] if they have no male family members in their households to
perform this forced labour,” a villager from Chinletwa told Mizzima at the
border. “We have to work there, felling trees and bamboo, building huts
and digging earth.”

In the border triangle area, the anti-junta opposition groups such as the
Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) and the Chin National Front (CNF), and the
anti-Indian groups such as the United Liberation Front of Asom and the
National Socialist Council of Nagaland, all have armed wings.

The ALP’s militia clashed with junta troops last February. Both it and the
CNF have no more than 1,000 troops between them, facing off against 10,000
troops army under the Western Command, based in Ann Township and
responsible for military operations and security in Rakhine and Paletwa
towns in Chin State.

The region however has never been completely brought under Burmese Army
control because of the militias.
____________________________________

May 7, Myanmar Times
More than 70,000 passports issued to migrants: official – Kyaw Hsu Mon

PASSPORT issuing offices along the Thai-Myanmar border will have issued
more than 70,000 temporary passports to migrants working in Thailand by
the end of April, a spokesperson from Special Branch, under the Ministry
of Home Affairs, said on April 23.

Three offices have been set up – at Myawaddy in Kayin State, Tachileik in
Shan State and Kawthoung in Tanintharyi Division – to issue temporary
passports to migrant workers who were previously working in Thailand
illegally but have registered for the National Verification process. The
passports are valid for two years and applicants are required to pay a 100
baht (US$3) processing fee.

Applicants are supposed to apply in person, but workers in Thailand say
they can get around this by paying a broker to complete the process for
them. However, this adds significantly to the cost of acquiring a
passport, which one long-time resident estimated to be about 10,000 baht
($310).

“Brokers can arrange it so the applicant doesn’t need to go to office but
you have to pay more for that service. Even if you don’t use a broker, the
costs are still high. You need a visa and for that you have to pay a 500
baht ($15) fee to the Thai government and then you have to pay for travel,
food and accommodation when you go to collect the passport. I think to get
a broker to organise it you have to pay about 5500 baht ($170),” said U
Kyaw Khin, who has lived and worked in the capital, Bangkok, for about 10
years. “Then when they get to Thailand with the passport, they have to
apply for a work permit and medical certificate. These cost 1900 baht
($60) each.”

The program to issue temporary passports was started in July 2009 after a
series of coordination meetings between the Thai and Myanmar governments.
At a meeting in Bagan in mid February, U Maung Myint, Deputy Minister for
Foreign Affairs, told The Myanmar Times the “government had drawn up a
plan to finish issuing temporary passports for 1.2 million illegal Myanmar
workers in Thailand by February 2012”.

He said the government hopes to process from 2000 to 3000 temporary
passports a day and 600,000 in 2010. According to Thai authorities,
passport holders will be granted legal status under Thai law and have the
same rights as Thai workers.

According to the Ministry of Home Affairs figures, to April 23, 29,480
passports have been issued in Myawaddy, 20,314 in Tachileik and 19,684 in
Kawthoung

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

May 7, Agence France Presse
US envoy to visit Myanmar if he can see opposition chief: US

Washington – US envoy Kurt Campbell will visit Myanmar if the military
junta there allows him to meet with opposition icon Aung San Suu Kyi and
other opposition members, a senior US official said Friday.

"Unless the Burmese (Myanmar) government agrees to our conditions he will
not go," the State Department official told reporters on the condition of
anonymity.

The conditions are "meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi and meeting with various
opposition figures, including National League for Democracy (NLD)
members," the official said. "We're still negotiating whether these
conditions exist."

Campbell, the assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific
Affairs, met with Suu Kyi, the NLD leader, in Yangon last November when he
became the highest-ranking American official to visit Myanmar in 14 years.

President Barack Obama's administration last year launched a policy of
engaging the junta in a bid to promote democracy and improve human rights,
but has since sharply criticized the junta's approach to elections.

State Department spokesman Philip Crowley said meanwhile it was "highly
regrettable" that the junta created the circumstances in which the NLD was
forced to form a new party after the NLD disbanded ahead of elections.

The NLD refused to meet a May 6 deadline to re-register -- a move that
would have forced it to expel its own leader -- and boycotted the vote,
which critics say is a sham designed to legitimize the junta's
half-century grip on power.

"We applaud the resolve of the NLD to continue working for the people of
Burma," he told reporters on Friday, using the former name for Myanmar.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

May 7, Voice of America
Military rule in civilian clothing? – Editorial

Burma's top military leaders recently resigned their posts and organized a
new political party, a move possibly intended to run candidates in
national elections later this year.
Prime Minister of Burma Thein Sein.

Burma's top military leaders recently resigned their posts and organized a
new political party, a move possibly intended to run candidates in
national elections later this year, the first since 1990.

The international community has been calling consistently for a return to
representative, civilian rule in Burma. This action by some of Burma’s top
generals, though, follows enactment of a restrictive election law that
bars many political activists from running for office. The decision by
General Thein Sein and some 20 other members of his cabinet to shed their
uniforms raises more questions than it answers about Burma's future.

Under a controversial new constitution drafted by the military government,
a popular vote some time later this year will, Burmese authorities say,
restore civilian rule for the first time since 1962. The generals see the
election as a way to enhance their credibility at home and deflect
criticism on their policies from the international community.

To accomplish this, Burma's leaders would have to open up the political
process. Instead, they restricted it with the new Political Parties
Registration law and the constitution, which guarantees 25 percent of the
seats in Parliament to the military even before the voting. Now, by
leaving their military posts and forming the new Union Solidarity and
Development Party, or USDP, Thein Sein and his “former” military
colleagues could supplement the military’s 25% quota on parliamentary
seats, enabling the military to retain control of the country under the
guise of an open election.

The USDP has yet to announce its plans, and it is hoped that its
intentions will soon be clear. To be credible, an open, free and fair
election is essential, along with a chance to conduct a broad and serious
dialogue with leading activists and various ethnic groups who deserve a
say in Burma's future.

____________________________________

May 7, Reuters
Parties aplenty, but can any challenge Myanmar's junta? – Martin Petty

Bangkok – Although dismissed by many as a sham to entrench five decades of
military rule, Myanmar's upcoming election is being taken seriously at
home, with dozens of political parties queuing up to take part.

But what remains to be seen is whether any real force will emerge to
challenge the iron-fisted rule of a military that seems determined to
cling on to power.

The party seen as Myanmar's only real hope for a democratic future was
effectively disbanded as of Friday when Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi's
National League for Democracy (NLD) opted not to register for what it said
were "unjust" polls -- a move that angered many of its supporters.

A breakaway NLD faction announced just hours after the deadline that it
would enter the election under a new political entity called the National
Democratic Force (NDF) -- assuming the army-appointed Election Commission
agrees to allow it.

But if the NDF or any other pro-democracy parties emerge, their leaders
will have big shoes to fill now the charismatic, long-detained Suu Kyi,
the icon of Myanmar's democracy struggle, has clearly stated her
opposition to the long-awaited polls.

The NLD won the last election, in 1990, by a landslide but was denied the
chance to rule by a junta that used unexplained constitutional
technicalities to keep the NLD out of office.

Many experts and people on the ground believe the window of opportunity
for an opposing force to win the support of Myanmar's people and replicate
the NLD's 1990 feat is fast closing.

OPPOSING OPPOSITION?

The break-up of the NLD could lead to a fractious and divisive opposition,
with those intending to challenge the military and its proxies more likely
to face off with each other.

"We'll have to wait and see how well the real, genuine pro-democracy
parties can work together," said Aung Naing Oo, a Harvard-educated Burmese
academic based in Thailand.

"The problem is the NLD wasn't strategically deconstructed. The hardliners
and moderates who have been through thick and thin might undermine each
other. Some may go underground and that's a recipe for confrontation."

The prospect of a clumsily-formed and bickering opposition plays right
into the hands of the generals, who unlike 1990, appear to have hatched a
clever plan to retain control of the country at all levels.

The armed forces drafted a constitution in 2008 and ensured it passed a
referendum, granting its commander-in-chief more power than an elected
president and allocating control of key ministries, like justice, defence
and interior, to the military.

And it looks as if it will get its hands on the "civilian" side of the new
democratic Myanmar too.

At least 20 ministers from the junta, including Prime Minister Thein Sein,
resigned from the military last week to become civilian politicians,
although as is typical with Myanmar, their parties remain a mystery.

A party known as the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA)
has attracted wide attention on state-controlled television, prompting
accusations the junta has hijacked a social development organisation to
use as its vehicle for parliamentary politics.

The USDA appears to be modelled on Indonesia's powerful Golkar Party and
claims to have 24 million members -- about half of Myanmar's population.

PARLIAMENTARY SIDESHOW

A total of 30 groups have applied to become political parties and more may
join before the June 6 deadline for new parties to register for the
election, a date for which has yet to be set.

Only four of 10 existing parties have applied to run, three, including the
National Unity Party (NUP) -- the runner-up to the NLD in 1990 -- comprise
former members of the Socialist Programme Party, the political arm of the
military junta that seized power in a 1962 coup before its dissolution in
1998.

Regardless of who wins, most analysts believe parliamentary politics will
be a sideshow given the military's ministerial and budgetary powers and
its allocation of 25 percent of the national assembly and a third of
senate seats to serving generals.

"The generals don't want a repeat of the 1990 election and its clear they
won't share power with anyone," said Aung Zaw, editor of the
Thailand-based Irrawaddy magazine.

"Any idea that this election can change the political landscape is wishful
thinking. Members of parliament won't have the power or numbers to go
against these military dinosaurs."

(Additional reporting by Aung Hla Tun in Naypyitaw; Editing by Alex
Richardson)

____________________________________

May 7, Jakarta Post
Burma’s imperfect polls offer the best hope for change - Roger Huang

Burma is at an important juncture this year as its first election in 20
years approaches.

Well known for its charismatic opposition leader, Aung Sang Suu Kyi, and
the ruling, military-dominated State Peace and Development Council, it
comes as no real surprise that a series of recently announced electoral
laws would effectively prevent Suu Kyi and other political dissidents from
participating in the upcoming election.

Irrespective of the wave of criticism the electoral laws attracted from
pro-democracy forces and foreign governments, it seems clear that the
multiparty election will take place with or without the participation of
non-junta-supported parties. This includes the main democratic opposition,
the Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy, providing a serious
challenge to the NLD and other political stakeholders.

Regardless of the mockery that the 2010 Burma election may make of the
democratic process, it would be an even bigger blow for the country if no
genuine opposition participates. Under the new laws, NLD will face
dissolution as a legal entity if it continues with its current plan to
boycott the election.

Despite the undemocratic clauses of the 2008 Constitution on which the
2010 election is based, it will essentially allow a pseudo-civilian
government to be formed after the election. This will include the
reintroduction of a parliamentary system in Burma, albeit with 25 percent
of the seats guaranteed for the military. Despite the unfair practices and
challenges any opposition may face, the election also provides an
opportunity for opposition groups to challenge the SPDC, by competing for
seats against junta-backed proxy parties.

Hundreds of genuine democratic enthusiasts not affiliated with the NLD
will still be eager to run in the election. Some may succeed in the polls
even in the face of open intimidation and junta manipulation.

By participating in the election, even without Suu Kyi’s approval or the
NLD’s involvement, opposition groups may garner enough support to become
viable players in the Burmese political landscape. Additionally, from
within the SPDC-ascribed framework, opposition politicians will finally
have a “legitimate” platform to push for gradual political liberalization,
and perhaps even more important, address key pragmatic social and economic
concerns of the state when the parliament finally convenes after a hiatus
of several decades.

For the last two decades, the NLD and the international community have
continued to condemn and dismiss the SPDC. However, continued isolation,
Western sanctions and moral condemnation of the generals have done little
to sway the junta’s position. Such policies have in fact only strengthened
the junta’s resolve to develop the Burmese state at their own pace and on
their own terms.

Irrespective of what Suu Kyi stands for, and the noble sacrifices she and
others have made in their demand for a democratic Burma, the reality is
that Western support and continued focus on Suu Kyi and the NLD, along
with their sanctions, have failed to influence the ruling junta.

Participating in the election within the constraints set by the junta may
seem like kowtowing to the military regime and falls far short of the
international norms in upholding a credible democratic process. However,
for a nation that has been plagued by civil war, ethnic tensions,
factional politics and bureaucratic inefficiency ever since its
independence, participation in the election is perhaps the only viable
option at present for any constructive development.

Suu Kyi will remain an important figure for the future of Burma, whether
as a living martyr or as a figure for peace and reconciliation in a more
politically relaxed Burma. However, the political realities of today’s
Burma suggest that pragmatism must prevail over abstract notions of
democracy and simplistic moral positions. For the betterment of the
Burmese populace, gradual, incremental political changes will be more
constructive than continued absolutist positions that insist on vague and
unrealistic goals aimed at immediate “democracy” in the Burma state.

As former Burmese UN Secretary-General U Thant reportedly once said,
“Governments, systems, ideologies come and go, but it is humanity which
remains.” Similarly, in order for Burma to move beyond its current
political impasse, strict dogmatism must be abandoned by the NLD and other
oppositional stakeholders. As long as the democratic forces survive the
2010 electoral games, hope will remain for Burma.

East Asia Forum

Roger Huang is research development officer at the Center for Asian
Pacific Studies, Lingnan University, Hong Kong.

____________________________________

May 7, Irrawaddy
Game over? No, not yet – Aung Zaw

Like it or not, Burma’s politics will remain black and white, with no
prospect of becoming “multi-colored,” as in neighboring Thailand.

The decision by Burma's main opposition party and outright winner of the
1990 election, the National League for Democracy (NLD), not to reregister 
signaled that political divisions remain deep.
Aung Zaw is founder and editor of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be
reached at aungzaw at irrawaddy.org.

As the NLD held a final gathering this week at its Rangoon headquarters
before its forced dissolution, Burmese people and the dissident community
inside and outside the country hotly debated the future of the party, the
democracy movement as a whole and, of course, the roles of Aung San Suu
Kyi and other party leaders.

Many pragmatists, revolutionary activists and even members of the
“pro-election” camp have sympathy for the NLD and Suu Kyi and want them to
 continue the fight. Some of the criticism of the NLD is based on sympathy
because the critics want to see the party adopt a better political
strategy and tactics and to become savvy.

Since its foundation in 1988, the NLD has never been able to function as a
political party, operating rather like a quasi semi-underground social
movement. Many of its leaders, including Suu Kyi, have been detained for
long terms of imprisonment or house arrest.

Although the NLD emerged the winner of the 1990 election, the result was
not recognized by the regime, which then decapitated the party and
imprisoned many of its members.

The regime ruthlessly and brutally played a black and white game, and with
the dissolution now of the party the junta may feel it has achieved its
objective. But I am not so sure.

Suu Kyi and party leaders have repeatedly said that they would never turn
their backs on the people or renounce the struggle for democracy. They
have vowed to keep the visible signs of the party—its banners and
placards—on view, perhaps provoking a crackdown.

Political and social instability will undoubtedly increase before we see a
better Burma.

Suu Kyi will continue to be an influential leader regardless of whether or
not she remains under house arrest or heads a political movement. She and
other  prominent activists now in prison should be released and resume
their involvement in the opposition movement.

The new government (a “wolf in sheep's clothing?”) will have no choice but
to continue to face the fundamental challenges presented by a still
formidable Suu Kyi and her calls for political dialogue, the embattled
democracy movement, radical activists, unpredictable political strife,
thorny ethnic issues and the restless, armed ethnic rebels.

International support for Suu Kyi and the pro-democracy movement, while
not expected to increase dramatically, will remain strong. The struggle is
not over. With or without the NLD, the desire for change in Burma will
remain the same.

The upcoming election (apparently more like a selection than an election)
is unlikely to change the dynamics of the current civil-military
relationship because the regime wields a unilateral and coercive policy
instrument. We may see a less evil and more sophisticated government take
power but fundamentally meaningful changes are unlikely to come to Burma.

The issues of ethnic minorities, human rights violations, political
prisoners, forced labor, internally displaced persons, refugees and the
millions of migrants stranded in neighboring countries won’t be solved.

The ethnic issue will continue to confront the new government because the
Burman-dominated military regime doesn’t understand the aspirations of the
ethnic minorities and why they took up arms in the first place.

Snr-Gen Than Shwe once famously declared at a cabinet meeting: “Let them
[the ethnic minority groups] smoke as many 555 cigarettes as possible. Let
them drink as many Black Label [whiskies] as possible. As long we have
peace it is fine.”

Ethnic leaders aren't fighting for 555 cigarettes and Black Label whiskey,
however. Without a solution of ethnic issues, there can be no political
transition in Burma.

Internationally, the military’s absolute control of key areas in the
future government indicates that Naypyidaw will remain a pariah, lacking
credibility and legitimacy. Burma will continue to be a problem child in
the region and beyond.

Sanctions will remain in place, although the West, particularly the US,
will find more creative ways to penetrate Burma and the new regime. The
clandestine military relationship between Burma and North Korea will
continue to draw the attention of the West and neighboring governments.

Of course, there is no lack of wishful thinkers and spin-doctors, saying
things they don’t believe in for the sake of maintaining the status quo
for their  donors or just to undermine Suu Kyi and the democracy movement.

Indeed, some naively believe there will be a new landscape after the
election. Any new landscape, however, will be just a facade—even Snr-Gen
Than Shwe's change from military uniform to civilian suit won't disguise
his true clown's costume.

Than Shwe and his team should not be underestimated, however. They have a 
raft of “Plan Bs” in order to hold on to power at all cost. They don't
care how many more activists die in prison or in ethnic conflicts. They
are unmoved by the plight of refugees and internally displaced people.

Than Shwe and his road map may deceive sections of the foreign community
and some regional leaders suffering from “Burma fatigue.” But the people
of Burma are not deceived—they've had enough of the hell that is Burma
today and they want change.
____________________________________

May 7, New Light of Myanmar
Atrocities of neo-colonialists and betrayer axe-handles – Maung Nwe Sit

Subversives and betrayer axe-handles detonated a series of three bombs at
the X20 Thingyan Pandal on Kandawgyi Lake Ring Road in Yangon where
merrymakers were enjoying themselves at the Thingyan (Water) Festival at
about 3 pm on Thingyan Akyat Day (15 April 2010), leaving eight—five men
and three women—dead, and 170-125 men and 45 women—wounded.

The injured are now in Yangon General Hospital and Thingangyun General
Hospital. The Myanmar Radio and Television then aired the bad news about
30 or 40 times with an interval of few minutes, thus enabling the whole
public to get the breaking news. And they mourned for the victims. Then,
they were filled with overwhelming sense of outrage with the bombers.

The 16th April issues of the daily newspapers said that of the injured,
55-39 men and 16 women—were discharged from the hospitals. The eight dead
were Executive Officer U Thant Zin Thein of Mingala Taungnyunt Township
Development Affairs Committee, who was at that time on duty there,
In-Charge of a 100-house unit U Khin Maung Lay of No 28, Mandalay Street,
Kandawlay, Mingala Taungnyunt Township; U Soe Win, Daw Ni Ni Thein and Daw
Htay Htay Yee of Mingala Street, Mingala Taungnyunt Township, U Kyin Aung
of Kandawlay, Mingala Taungnyunt Township, U Aye Ko Ko Maung of No 34,
Kyi-taw Maha Thukha Street in Mingala Taungnyunt Township, and a woman who
was about 30-year old.

The dead comprised two Christians, one Muslim, and five Buddhists. Funeral
services were carried out at Yayway Cemetery at 4 pm the following day,
and the place was crowded with the mourners.

Although MRTV airing the news repeatedly as it really was, certain western
radio stations and internal destructionists came to air fabricated news
stories to create public outrage.

One of them said that Myanmar government's media had announced nothing
about the bomb blasts yet with the intention of misleading the people. It
was on 11 September 2001, the 110-storey World Trade Centre in Manhattan
in New York, the US, was attacked by two passenger airplanes. Both the
twin towers were leveled to the ground, and nearly 3000 people died in the
attack.

Director Robert Mueller of FBI had to take eight months after the event to
announce that they had not been able to identify the attackers, who
hijacked the two passenger airplanes and steered the aircraft into the
World Trade Centre. Some days after the event, US President George W Bush,
who had already planned to invade Afghanistan in relation to the laying of
oil pipelines, accused leader of Al-Qaeda Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan
of masterminding the attack. Twenty-six days after the attack, US Air
Force launched air attacks on Afghanistan.

Later, the US announced that the 19 attackers were Arabians; that 17 of
them were Saudi nationals; and that the 19 Arabians legally migrated to
the US and attended the aviation courses for years.

The US could not expose the attackers of the cases including that of the
September 11 in a short time. Without the knowledge that it takes time to
expose the offenders in a crime, expatriates and internal axe-handles
criticized the government for being unable to identify the names of the
offenders. Indeed, they were trying to conceal their atrocities.

FBI could not identify the attackers for eight months. But only a few days
after the incident, US President George W Bush held Osama bin Laden
responsible for the attack. If so Myanmar could easy say that the
offenders were NCGUB Sein Win, his follower Pyithit Nyunt Wai (a) Maung
Maung, and expatriates and mercenaries from NLD, ABSDF and Vigorous
Burmese Students Warriors. But, it had to identify the names of the
offenders only after exposing the crime in detail.

While absconders under the leadership of U Nu and U Law Yon were active in
1969-70, some mercenary bombers detonated bombs (hand grenades) at the
rate of 600 kyats a hand grenade. Due to public information, expatriate
Nyunt Tin, who launched hand grenade attack to some passengers at Yangon
Central Railway Station and to the patients in the lift at Yangon General
Hospital, was arrested. The court concerned sentenced expatriate Nyunt Tin
to death. He was hanged at Yangon Jail. At that time, U Nu, U Law Yon and
followers, Major Aung, Bo Yan Naing, Bo Sakkya, Bo Let Yar, Kyaikmaraw U
Thwin, Yangon B a Swe, Tin Maung Win and Ye Kyaw Thu of People's Democracy
Party committed bomb attacks, claiming that they were acting for
democracy.

After 1988, old- and neo-expatriates, reciting democracy mantra
repeatedly, were committing such crimes as hijacking, drug trafficking,
terrorist acts including bomb attacks, murders and nation destruction acts
acting under order of colonialist countries that were providing financial
assistance to them.

Making groundless accusations, colonialist countries and their NATO
invaded Iraq and Afghanistan. So far, over 700,000 Iraqi civilians and
30,000 to 40,000 Afghans have died due to the NATO invasion. The two
countries were reduced to ashes. Companies from the invading country are
now exploiting oil from Iraq at will. So, some local people launch suicide
bomb attacks against the invaders. These attacks can be labeled as
struggles for national liberation.

In contrast to those countries, in Myanmar axe-handles receiving funds
provided by colonialist countries, attending explosives courses conducted
by colonialist countries, and using sophisticated bombs, are committing
bomb attacks against the people who have been working hard since regaining
independence for national development, peace and stability. They are
trying to deceive the people through false information. They call for
economic sanctions against their own country. They resort to all possible
ways to break up the Union. They launch bomb attacks against the public.

Applying various ways and means, the media of western colonialist
appointed national traitors, fugitives and expatriates from various
countries and persuade them with incentive of dollars to destroy their own
nations. The western colonialist media praises that the destructive acts
of national traitors, fugitives and expatriates are democratic activities.
Actually these activities cause starvation, enslavement, instability in
the nation concerned.

All the people may remember that everytime the insurgents were able to
seize a hill or a region at the border area, BBC and VOA honoured the
insurgents. If the insurgents lost their stronghold or a camp and fled
into other country due to attacks of Tatmadaw with excessive firepower and
collaborative efforts of people's militia, the western media would say
that due to excessive use of weapons of the Myanmar Tatmadaw, those
fighting for freedom has to flee suffering heavy casualties; that the
global countries have to provide humanitarian assistance to them; and that
they should stop the offensive of the Myanmar Tatmadaw. It is obvious that
VOA and BBC appointed expatriates and allow them to broadcast as they wish
and RFA (Radio Free Asia) and DVB (Democratic Voice of Burma) are
established at an expense of millions of dollars.

All the Myanmar people know that whenever insurgents and expatriates blow
up bombs to kill innocent people, BBC and VOA contact expatriates and
insurgents as soon as possible and made interviews with them to help them
hide their destructive acts.

Natural gas was produced at offshore Mottama on a commercial scale. It was
a joint venture business among Total of France, UNOCAL of the USA and the
Ministry of Energy of Myanmar. Thailand bought gas from Myanmar. According
to the request of the customer, gas pipelines were laid through Dawei
area. At that time, the expatriates and axe-handles put pressure on US and
French companies to leave Myanmar. They cried that if not, the military
government would be wealthy. They also cried that the natural gas pipeline
project caused deforestation and environmental degradation. They filed a
law suit against the oil companies at the court in the US. As an act of
propaganda, expatriates and lackeys of colonialist shot and screened
movies at Hollywood for discrediting the government. They thought that due
to economic sanctions, Myanmar people would be in a state of misery and
would be discontented. Thus, the public will topple the Myanmar military
government and then, the puppet government of the colonialists can be
installed. They calculated that if Myanmar has no income, the development
projects (roads, bridges, factories, mechanized farming, dams, schools and
hospitals) would come to a halt. In reality, trade in natural gas
flourished with Thailand thanks to the gas pipelines.

The expatriates and insurgents requested Thailand not to buy natural gas
from Myanmar, but to no avail. Therefore, the insurgents made attempts to
plant mines to explode the Myanmar gas pipeline at the Thai border. The
natural gas pipeline was repaired many times due to several attacks. With
regard to the first explosion, Tamalar Baul of KNU broadcast that the KNU
blew up the gas pipeline under his supervision and directives. The other
day, BBC and VOA contacted KNU Secretary Pado Mahn Shar and asked him a
leading question to deny KNU involvement. We all know their lies.

Regarding the bomb attacks against those who paid homage to the sacred
Buddha Tooth Relic and those who went shopping at department stores, the
west broadcasting media distributed fabricated news saying that the real
culprit government was trying to put the blame on KNU.

Now, Myanmar is peaceful and stable and gaining development momentum.
Preparations are being made to hold the democracy elections. The article
has already answered the question "Who are the murderer bombers on the
auspicious occasion of Myanmar New Year?" No one other person than the
traitors, colonialist stooges, expatriates, mercenary murderers and
so-called democracy activists relying on colonialists, will commit such a
brutal crime.



Translation: MS+TTA