BurmaNet News, July 29, 2010

[Editor]

July 29, 2010 Issue #4009


INSIDE BURMA
AP: North Korean FM visits Myanmar amid nuke concerns
Irrawaddy: Leaked document reveals USDP tactics
DVB: Burma pulps Kim Jong-il biography

ON THE BORDER
DVB: Thailand ‘to return refugees after elections’

BUSINESS / TRADE
Reuters: Thailand to sign Myanmar natural gas purchase deal
Nation (Thailand): Special zone for Mae Sot pushed to boost Burma trade

OPINION / OTHER
Huffington Post (US): India's Burma policy is not pragmatism, it's realism
– Matthew Smith
MEA Government of India: Joint Statement during the visit of Chairman,
State Peace and Development Council of Myanmar
New Light of Myanmar: Year 2010 elections and responsibilities of citizens
– Kyaw Myint Naing

PRESS RELEASE
UNHCR: Myanmar: UNHCR builds houses, peace of mind for Cyclone Nargis victims




____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

July 29, Associated Press
North Korean FM visits Myanmar amid nuke concerns

Yangon, Myanmar — North Korea's foreign minister visited Myanmar on
Thursday for high-level talks that come on the heels of a U.S. warning
against any cooperation between the two nations on nuclear technology.

Officials and diplomats confirmed the arrival of Foreign Minister Pak Ui
Chun, who is on a four-nation tour and making his first visit to Myanmar
since the two countries resumed diplomatic ties in 2007. The sources spoke
anonymously because the visit has not been officially announced by the
military-ruled government.

Few details are known about Pak's four-day visit. He was scheduled to tour
Yangon's famed Shwedagon Pagoda before traveling Friday to the
administrative capital of Naypyitaw to meet his counterpart, Nyan Win, and
other senior government officials, the officials and diplomats said. The
subject of talks has not been disclosed.

Myanmar and North Korea are two of Asia's most authoritarian regimes, and
both face sanctions by the West. They have had increasingly close ties in
recent years, especially in military affairs, and there are fears that
Pyongyang is supplying the army-led Southeast Asian regime with nuclear
technology.

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton expressed concern at a
security meeting last week with senior Asian officials about reports that
North Korea had delivered military equipment to Myanmar, also known as
Burma.

"We continue to be concerned by the reports that Burma may be seeking
assistance from North Korea with regard to a nuclear program," Clinton
said. "We will be discussing further ways in which we can cooperate to
alter the actions of the government in Burma and encourage the leaders
there to commit to reform and change and the betterment of their own
people."

On his regional tour, Pak also visited Vietnam and Laos and was headed
next to Indonesia, diplomats said.

Myanmar severed diplomatic relations with North Korea in 1983, following a
fatal bombing attack during a visit by South Korea's then-President Chun
Doo-hwan that killed 21 people, including four South Korean Cabinet
ministers.

Three North Korean commandos involved in the bombing were detained — one
blew himself up during his arrest, a second was hanged and a third died in
prison in 2008.

____________________________________

July 29, Irrawaddy
Leaked document reveals USDP tactics

The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) led by Thein Sein, the
Burmese prime minister, has outlined a wide range of tactics—including the
use of cadres of hardcore criminals—aimed at achieving a landslide victory
in the upcoming election.

The party's documents, which were leaked to Burmese media this week allege
that Burma's last election in 1990 was rigged by the then election
commissioners in favor of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National
League for Democracy party.

Assessing the current political landscape in the run-up to the election,
the documents says: “Our party [USDP] does not need to compete with any
main opposition party,” adding that small political parties are faced with
various challeges and are ineffectual.

“Our party has been systematically set up for strength and unity that will
assure us public support and hence a victory,” the document states.

The military regime created the USDP on April 29, when Thein Sein and 26
ministers and senior officials officially formed USDP out of the regime's
mass civic ogranization called the Union Solidarity and Development
Association (USDA), which was disbanded.
The Election Commission recognized the USDP as a political party on June 8.

All USDA assets were transferred to the USDP early this month, raising
complaints by political parties that this was a violation of the election
laws.

Documents which describe the election as a “battle” sketch plans for the
party's election campaign.

Teams at the township level will consist of organization teams, support
teams, reception teams, monitoring teams and transportation teams.

Team members with “cheerful, active, influential and other admirable”
characteristics and qualities would be selected by the USDP Central
Executive Committee (CEC). They would receive financial support from
respective regional committees.

The party programs also include the organizing of criminals across the
country.

“Criminals and thugs must be organized. Otherwise, they could be used by
other political parties to bully, torture, and extort from us,” the
10-page document notes.

Two-member rallying groups responsible for getting all voters to go to the
polling stations will be formed.

Two groups will be active on polling day, the document says. One will be
outside the polling station and the other inside.

USDP representatives will be on hand to observe the conduct of the poll
inside the polling stations and another supervisory group outside will
keep close watch on the activities of opposition party members.

“If necessary, photo and video recordings must be taken in the townships,”
the document states.

While several registered political parties are struggling to surmount
financial and logistical constraints imposed by the election commission,
USDP members are reportedly starting to canvass support across the
country.

According to election observers in Rangoon, political parties will be
allotted only two weeks for campaigning.

Critics say the coming election expected to take place in October lacks
legitimacy and credibility.

____________________________________

July 29, Democratic Voice of Burma
Burma pulps Kim Jong-il biography – Ahunt Phone Myat

Burmese officials have been assisting the North Korean embassy in Rangoon
in seizing and destroying a biography of North Korean leader Kim Jong-il,
written by a Burmese.

More than 500 copies of ‘Kim Jong-Il or the Beloved Leader of North

Korea’ were taken off the shelves and destroyed in front of the author,
Hein Latt. The North Korean embassy rejected a number of allegations made
in the book, such as the leader’s height and eating habits, a Rangoon
publisher and friend of Htein Latt said.

This was despite apparent approval from Burma’s notorious strict censor
board, through which all written material is required to pass before it is
published.

“They seized the books and we understood that no compensation was given for

them,” he said. “They just impounded the books and destroyed them. It
seems they [Burmese government] are a bit afraid.”

He said that the book “includes facts from articles published by Western
nations as well as from North Korea,” and that the embassy rejected some
of the contents.

“For example, they could not accept the facts that [Kim jong-il’s] height
is five feet two inches, and he not only loves movies but also produces
them. They don’t want anything that indicates a bit of pessimism and they
would not accept anything that might affect his status.”

The embassy also rejected accusations that the North Korean leader has a
penchant for exotic cuisine: he is known to eat only simple food in front
of visiting dignitaries as a testament to his modest upbringing, and the
embassy flatly denied that his cupboards bore more than basic wheat
products.

Htein Latt reportedly lost two million kyat (US$2,000) as a result of the
book’s recall. Members of Burma’s literary world say it is the first time
in living memory that a foreign embassy has destroyed locally-published
the books.

North Korea’s foreign minister, Pak Ui-chun, arrived in Burma today on a
four-day visit as the highest-level delegate from the reclusive state to
travel to Burma since bilateral relations were normalised in 2007.

The two countries rank at the tail-end of the majority of the world’s
political and media freedom barometers, but relations appear to be warming
and North Korea has been accused of supplying Burma with advanced military
hardware

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

July 29, Democratic Voice of Burma
Thailand ‘to return refugees after elections’ - Francis Wade

Thailand will only return the 150,000-odd Burmese refugees sheltering in
camps along the border once situation in their home country returns to
normal, which will likely be after elections this year, a Thai official
has said.

Tawin Pleansri, secretary general of the National Security Council, said
that the matter of return was still under consideration by the Thai
government, but the exact date and time has not been set, Thai News
Service reported. It went on to quote Tawin as saying that conditions for
return “would probably be after the general elections take place”.

The vast majority of officially-recognised refugees reside in nine camps
along the Thai-Burma border, although many more live and work in
Thailand’s major urban areas, such as Bangkok and Chiang Mai.

The Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TTBC) puts the current total
population of the camps at 147,978, a rise of nearly 11,500 since January
this year. More than 60 percent of these have fled a six-decade long
conflict in Karen state.

Observers have said that the elections this year will do little to alter
the situation in Burma, which has been ruled by a military junta since
1962. Prevailing current opinion is that military rule will continue under
the guise of a civilian government, likely headed by current junta
ministers.

David Mathieson, Burma researcher at Human Rights Watch, said that Tawin’s
comments were likely “a case of rhetoric over reality. I can’t really see
that [Thailand is] going to send refugees back unless the situation
significantly improves, and there’s no indication that it will before or
even after the elections”.

While Thailand, which currently holds the chair of the Association for
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) bloc, continues significant trade with
Burma, it has in the past year voiced concern that Burma’s domestic crisis
is becoming a regional problem.

“Thailand’s different from lots of other countries in that it’s suffered
more because of the problems inside Burma – Thailand gets most of the
refugees, migrant workers, narcotics, cross-border fighting and
instability,” Mathieson said.

He added that it was unlikely that the elections this year, even if they
were to be free and fair, would transform conditions inside Burma. Karen
state in particular is still littered with landmines and people there
still have “no livelihoods, no health and education infrastructures in
most areas, and pretty serious issues of land ownership and instability
between and within ethnic groups”.

“The elections won’t alter the basic human security indicators for a
humanitarian repatriation of refugees,” he added. “[Burma] probably won’t
be ready for a few years, and that’s being really optimistic”.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

July 29, Reuters
Thailand to sign Myanmar natural gas purchase deal

Bangkok – Thailand will sign on Friday an agreement to buy natural gas
from the Zawtika field at the offshore Block M9 in the Gulf of Martaban in
Myanmar from late 2013, Energy Minister Wannarat Charnnukul said.

State-controlled PTT PCL (PTT.BK), as a buyer, will sign the gas deal with
sellers, which include state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise and
PTTEP International, a unit of PTT Exploration and Production (PTTEP)
(PTTE.BK), he told a news conference.

PTTEP's subsidiary owns 100 percent of Block M9, located about 300 km (185
miles) south of Yangon.

PTTEP is expected to supply an initial 300 million cubic feet per day
(mmcfd) from M9, of which 240 mmcfd would be delivered to Thailand and the
rest to Myanmar. It is expected to have petroleum reserves of 1.4 trillion
cubic feet per day.

Myanmar natural gas accounts for about 30 percent of Thailand's
consumption, mostly in power generation.

About 965 mmcfd of gas from the nearby Yetagun and Yadana fields is
exported to Thailand.

The output from the Zawtika field will raise Thailand's natural gas import
from Myanmar to 1.2 billion cubic feet per day, sufficient to meet rising
power demand in Thailand, Wannarat said. (Reporting by Khettiya Jittapong;
Editing by Jason Szep)

____________________________________

July 29, The Nation (Thailand)
Special zone for Mae Sot pushed to boost Burma trade

Despite controversy over a border closure, the Commerce Ministry will
propose to the Cabinet establishment of an economic zone at Mae Sot, Tak
province, covering 5,000 rai (800 hectares) to boost border trade between
Thailand and Burma.

To ensure efficient operation, the ministry will allow the private sector
to manage it with support by the government. The economic zone will be set
up along the Moei River, which forms the border between the two countries.

Deputy Commerce Minister Alongkorn Ponlaboot, chairing the ThailandBurma
Business Development Committee yesterday, said the ministry would also
seek Cabinet approval to set up a committee to oversee and develop the
economic zone.

The zone would be managed as a mixed form between a public organisation
and an industrial estate. Its facilities would include infrastructure, an
inland container depot, a bonded warehouse, singleservice inspection and a
customs office.

"The government will support investors by granting privileges such as tax
reduction," Alongkorn said.

The setting up of the economic zone has been accelerated in line with
tentative Cabinet approval last October.

If finally approved, concerned government agencies will have to consider
in detail regulations affecting the targeted zone, which has been defined
as forestry area.

As of yesterday, the Mae Sot border checkpoint was closed because of a
dispute between the two countries. Burma had reportedly objected to a Thai
construction project on the riverbank.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

July 29, Huffington Post (US)
India's Burma policy is not pragmatism, it's realism – Matthew Smith

India graciously hosted the Burmese Dictator Than Shwe this week, raising
the question as to why the world's largest democracy would welcome one of
the world's worst dictators, a man associated with alleged war crimes and
crimes against humanity.

Indian officials and analysts explain New Delhi's foreign policy toward
Burma (Myanmar) as "pragmatic," noting that India doesn't have the luxury
of ignoring or isolating its neighbor. But the real problem is less about
India welcoming Than Shwe, and more about the way India has engaged this
entrenched military regime.

New Delhi's principal interests in Burma are access to natural resources,
trade routes, and dealing with non-state armed groups from northeast
India, a remote area that shares a long border with Burma. This approach
dates back to the 1990s, when the administration of Narasimha Rao
abandoned India's short-lived but explicit support for democracy and human
rights in Burma. The policy is now marked by a near complete silence on
human rights. To call this pragmatism is a misnomer.

Primarily a method of inquiry, pragmatism generally maintains that
practical efficacy is a standard guide to what is true and right;
pragmatists are guided by what works. India's foreign policy toward Burma
is more akin to political realism, an approach that prioritizes shoring up
power and resources against other states, often to the detriment of the
human beings on the other end of the policy. Realists narrowly prioritize
national interests, security, and the accumulation of power over all else
(commonly failing to understand that human rights protection and promotion
would serve all three).

However, even on its own terms, India's foreign policy toward Burma has
been ineffective.

Consider the state-owned oil and gas firms ONGC Videsh and the Gas
Authority of India, both implementing India's foreign policy goals in
Burma since 2004. The companies are part of a consortium mining the
controversial "Shwe" natural gas deposits in Burma's Bay of Bengal. While
the Burmese regime accepted these Indian companies in the consortium to
extract the gas, it denied India the rights to purchase the gas. Instead,
a massive transport pipeline is currently under construction to Yunnan
Province, China, financed in part by India. Last February, India's Cabinet
Committee on Economic Affairs, chaired by Prime Minister Singh, approved a
$1.35 billion investment in gas projects in Burma, including financing for
the construction of the Shwe pipeline.

The irony here is that India's Burma policy is explained as a "pragmatic"
response to China's unarguably growing influence in Burma. But in this
case, the policy literally plays into China's hands: Indian companies mine
the gas, China takes it.

Moreover, the onshore part of the project is already linked to land
confiscation, torture, and arbitrary detention. This opens up Indian
companies to significant reputation damage and potential legal liability
for complicity in human rights violations, aspects that can only damage
the very tools of diplomacy, like soft power, that India will need in its
long term engagement with Burma.

India's interests in Burma's gas will also generate multi-billion dollar
profits for the Burmese regime. This comes at the same time as increasing
disquiet about Burma's nuclear ambitions. In Hanoi last week, US Secretary
of State Clinton expressed concern over reports of Burma's illegal nuclear
program and weapons trade with Pyongyang, both of which are activities
enabled by multi-billion dollar natural gas profits, the Burmese regime's
single largest source of income. India's uncritical generation of even
more revenue for the regime at this time could finance nuclear
proliferation, which would clearly work against Indian interests.

India should engage Burma more pragmatically. New Delhi should support an
international arms embargo against the generals, and it should support a
UN commission of inquiry into possible crimes against humanity and war
crimes in Burma, as recommended by UN Special Rapporteur Tomas Ojea
Quintana. This will not only benefit Burma, but also its neighbors.
Opening up contested areas to a commission of inquiry could deter human
rights abuses by the Burmese Army and non-state armed groups under
scrutiny. In turn, this could improve the prospects for responsible Indian
investment in Burma far more than uncritical financial support for the
current military regime.

India should also join ASEAN, the EU, and the US in applying multilateral
pressure on the banks doing business with the regime and its cronies. This
strategy could be used as leverage for meaningful democratic changes in
Nyapidaw. It could start with banks in Singapore, well-known repositories
of the generals' ill gotten gains.

With regard to acquiring Burma's natural resources, Indian companies
should prioritize transparent and objective human rights and environmental
impact assessments before investment decisions are made, and thereafter:
if there's an unreasonably high risk that a project will contribute to
abuses, then it should be postponed or abandoned until the preconditions
for responsible investment are in place, whenever that may be. And as
ever, the projects should have the free, prior, and informed consent of
local communities.

____________________________________

July 27, MEA Government of India
Joint Statement during the visit of Chairman, State Peace and Development
Council of Myanmar

At the invitation of the President of India, Smt. Pratibha Devisingh
Patil, the Head of State of the Union of Myanmar, Senior General Than
Shwe, Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council of the Union of
Myanmar, is paying a State Visit to India from July 25- 29, 2010.

The Chairman is accompanied by his wife Daw Kyaing Kyaing. Apart from his
official engagements in New Delhi, Senior General Than Shwe will also
visit places of economic, historical and religious interest.

2. This visit is a part of a series of high-level contacts that India and
Myanmar have had over the past few years. These include visits by Vice
Senior General Maung Aye, Vice-Chairman of the State Peace and Development
Council of the Union of Myanmar, in April 2008 and Shri M. Hamid Ansari,
Vice President of India, in February 2009.

3. In New Delhi, Senior General Than Shwe was accorded a ceremonial
reception at Rashtrapati Bhavan on 27 July 2010. He was received by the
President of India, who hosted a banquet in his honour.

4. Shri M. Hamid Ansari, Vice President of India, Shri S. M. Krishna,
External Affairs Minister and Smt. Sushma Swaraj, Leader of Opposition
called on Senior General Than Shwe.

5. Senior General Than Shwe had a meeting with the Prime Minister of
India, Dr. Manmohan Singh, which was followed by delegation level talks.
The meetings and exchanges were positive and marked by cordiality on both
sides.

6. India and Myanmar are close and friendly neighbours linked, inter alia,
by civilizational bonds, geographical proximity, culture, history and
religion. Apart from a boundary that stretches over more than 1640
kilometers and borders four North-Eastern states of India, there is a
large population of persons of Indian origin in Myanmar. Bilateral
relations are reflective of these multifarious and traditional linkages
and the two countries live side by side as close neighbors based on the
Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.

7. Recalling these shared bonds of civilization, the Head of State of
Myanmar and the Prime Minister of India expressed their commitment to
further strengthen and broaden the multi-dimensional relationship which
now encompasses a range of areas of cooperation. Enhancing economic,
social and developmental engagement will help harness the considerable
potential in India-Myanmar bilateral relations, which would, in turn,
contribute to the socio-economic betterment of their respective peoples.

8. Recognizing that peace and stability in the region is essential for
development and for the well-being of the people of their respective
countries, the two leaders agreed on close cooperation between the
security forces of the two countries in tackling the pernicious problem of
terrorism. They agreed that security cooperation should be given immediate
attention since terrorists, insurgents and criminals respect no boundaries
and undermine the social and political fabric of a nation. Both leaders
reiterated the assurance that the territory of either would not be allowed
for activities inimical to the other and resolved not to allow their
respective territory to be used for training, sanctuary and other
operations by terrorist and insurgent organizations and their operatives.

9. Understanding that continued cooperation will lead to success in
fighting the insurgency issue, the two leaders agreed to strengthen
cooperation and collective efforts of the two countries along the border.
In this context, the two leaders welcomed the Home Secretary level talks
held in Nay Pyi Taw in January 2010 and the important decisions taken in
that meeting.

10. Both leaders expressed their desire for greater economic engagement.
In this context, the Prime Minister of India conveyed Indias commitment to
continue with developmental assistance to Myanmar. The Myanmar side
expressed deep appreciation for the generous and concessionary credit
facilities given by India to finance significant infrastructure and other
projects. Projects that are currently underway under such aid assistance
include railways, road and waterway development, power and industrial
training centres, tele-communication, etc. The Indian side agreed to
consider Myanmars request for assistance in the three areas namely: IT
development, Industrial development and Infrastructure development in
Myanmar which will lead to upliftment of the bilateral cooperation to a
higher level.

11. Senior General Than Shwe and Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh
welcomed the considerable enhancement of the connectivity between the two
countries. In this context, they welcomed the progress made by M/s Inland
Waterways Authority of India towards implementation of the Kaladan
Multi-modal Transit Transport Project and reiterated their respective
Governments commitment to this project. In particular, they welcomed the
finalization of the contract for port development and Inland waterway with
M/s ESSAR. It was also agreed that the scope of the project with respect
to the road component would be revised. The road component between Paletwa
and Myeikwa on the India border would be executed by the Myanmar Ministry
of Construction with M/s IRCON.

12. The two leaders expressed satisfaction at the construction,
maintenance and repair work by Indian Border Roads Organization of the
Tamu-Kalaywa-Kalemyo Road connecting Moreh in Manipur to Myanmar and the
handing over of most of the segments of the TKK Road to the Government of
Myanmar.

13. To enhance road connectivity, especially through the State of Mizoram,
both leaders announced the construction and revamping of the Rhi-Tiddim
road at a cost of more than US$ 60 million to be financed through grant
assistance from India. The Myanmar side expressed its appreciation for
this gesture.

14. Both leaders emphasized the need to enhance cooperation in the area of
agriculture. The Indian side announced a grant of US$ 10 million for
procurement of agricultural machinery from India. The leaders expressed
the hope that this machinery will help enhance productivity in Myanmars
agricultural sector, which is the mainstay of its economy. The Myanmar
side also requested for technical assistance in manufacturing of
agricultural machinery.

15. The Indian side also announced a project to set up rice silos to
facilitate disaster relief operations particularly in the cyclone prone
delta areas, with grant in aid from India.

16. The Myanmar side expressed appreciation for Indias generous assistance
in the relief and rehabilitation efforts that followed the devastating
Cyclone Nargis which hit Myanmar in May 2008. He noted that the assistance
from India, which included dispatch of a large medical contingent to work
in cyclone affected areas as well as providing immediate medical and food
supplies, supply of GI sheets, 16 electricity transformers, 20 biomass
gasifiers and funds for restoration work on the holy Shwedagon pagoda, was
timely and catered to Myanmars urgent requirements.

17. Both leaders identified the power sector as an area of growing
cooperation. In this context, the two leaders agreed to cooperate in the
implementation of the Tamanthi and Shwezaye projects on the Chindwin River
Basin in Myanmar. They welcomed the involvement of M/s NHPC in carrying
out the much required additional investigations after the signing of the
MoU on Cooperation in Hydro-power Development projects in the Chindwin
River Basin in September 2008. Subject to the findings of these additional
investigations, the two leaders will endeavour to conclude the Memorandum
of Agreement within a year.

18. The Myanmar side conveyed their gratitude for Indias line of credit of
US$ 64 million in the transmission lines sector to be executed through
M/s. PGCIL. Both leaders also noted the need to provide for inter-grid
connectivity between the two countries. They agreed that the two countries
shall cooperate in this area, including generation of electricity from
renewable sources, and, where necessary, set up joint projects or
corporate entities for that purpose.

19. The Myanmar side welcomed the interest of Indian companies in the
mining sector. They promised all necessary assistance to enable these
companies to explore such opportunities.

20. The Indian side agreed to explore possibilities for cooperation in the
field of solar energy and wind energy in Myanmar. They also agreed to
offer Myanmar, training in related fields.

21. Cooperation in the energy sector is poised for greater growth,
especially in the area of oil and natural gas. Both leaders emphasized the
importance they attach to energy security which has a direct bearing on
the welfare of the peoples of the two countries. They expressed
satisfaction at the ongoing bilateral collaboration in exploration and
production in Myanmars petroleum sector and agreed to encourage further
investment by Indian companies both public and private, in this sector.

22. The Myanmar side welcomed the substantial additional investment by
ONGC and GAIL for the development in the upstream and downstream projects
of Myanmar offshore blocks A-1 and A-3 including the natural gas pipeline
under construction at Ramree in Myanmar.

23. In the field of telecom, following the successful functioning of the
official Fibre link between India and Myanmar via Moreh, the two leaders
agreed to upgrade the microwave link between Moreh to Mandalay under a
line of credit of US$ 6 million from India. Further, a new Optical Fibre
Link between Monywa to Rhi-Zawkhathar will also be undertaken with Indian
assistance.

24. The Myanmar side thanked India for its continued assistance through
renewal of the agreement to provide IRS-P5 and Cartosat Data through
Antrix.

25. The two leaders agreed to encourage collaboration between Myanmar and
India in the area of Information and Communication Technology.

26. Recalling Indias earlier assistance in supplying railway rolling
stock, machineries and equipments to Myanmar, both leaders agreed to
further cooperation in the railway sector. The Indian side extended a line
of credit of US$ 60 million to procure railway equipment.

27. The two leaders noted with satisfaction that the project being
undertaken by TATA Motors to set up a heavy turbo truck plant at Magway is
proceeding well and encouraged other Indian companies to enter into the
industrial sectors in Myanmar. The Myanmar side assured that current
investment proposals by private Indian companies in Myanmar would be
actively facilitated.

28. The two leaders welcomed the expansion of trade and commerce between
the two countries manifest in the increase in the volume of trade to more
than US$ 1 billion per annum. They agreed that trade at border trade
points should be further enhanced to boost the immense potential that
exists in bilateral trade. This would also directly benefit the North-East
States of India.

29. Referring to the existing border trading points at Moreh - Tamu
(Manipur) and Zawkhathar-Rhi (Mizoram) as well as the additional point
agreed to be operationalised at Avankhug-Somra (Nagaland), the two sides
agreed to put in place the necessary infrastructure to make these points
viable and business friendly.

30. The two leaders welcomed the establishment of direct banking links
between India and Myanmar following the signature of the correspondent
banking relationship agreement between United Bank of India and Myanma
Foreign Trade Bank, Myanma Economic Bank and Myanma Investment and
Commercial Bank for providing banking arrangements relating to upgrading
of border trade to normal trade. They encouraged the business community to
make optimal use of this arrangement and thus enhance direct trade
transactions.

31. The two leaders encouraged to conduct business meetings to be held
alternately in both countries for trade promotion. They noted that such
measures can help build bridges at the business level and promote business
and commercial opportunities.

32. In recognition of the close and friendly tourism cooperation between
India and Myanmar and cooperation under the frameworks of ASEAN+India and
BIMSTEC, the two sides agreed to further promote tourist contacts. The
Myanmar side thanked India for the facilities and courtesies being
extended to Myanmar pilgrims visiting India.

33. Both leaders welcomed the proposal for the restoration of the historic
Ananda temple in Bagan to be undertaken with the assistance of the
Archaeological Survey of India, with the involvement of the Ministry of
Culture of Myanmar.

34. Both leaders expressed satisfaction at the ongoing implementation of
the MoU for cooperation in Buddhist studies and the related work plan
agreed to between the Ministry of Religious Affairs of Myanmar and the
Nava Nalanda Mahavihara University. Several hundred Myanmar Buddhist
scholars and monks are currently studying in this university in various
disciplines.

35. The Myanmar side expressed gratitude to India for its numerous HRD
initiatives in Myanmar which included setting up of the following:

the Myanmar-India Centre for English language Training;
the Myanmar-India Entrepreneurship Development Centre;
the India-Myanmar Centre for Enhancement of IT Skills; and
the Industrial Training Centre in Pakokku.

36. The Myanmar side also indicated that the training offered by India
under the ITEC and TCS schemes have been valuable for scholars and
Government officials in Myanmar. The Indian side agreed to offer more
opportunities for higher studies and training in Universities and training
institutions in India to scholars from Myanmar.

37. The Myanmar side informed the Indian side about developments in
Myanmar including the groundwork for elections scheduled towards the end
of the year. The Indian side thanked the Myanmar side for the detailed
briefing and emphasized the importance of comprehensively broad-basing the
national reconciliation process and democratic changes being introduced in
Myanmar.

38. While discussing international developments, the two sides emphasized
the importance of an effective multilateral system, centred on a strong
United Nations, as a key factor in tackling global challenges. In this
context, they stressed the urgent need to pursue the reform of the United
Nations including the Security Council, to make it more representative,
credible and effective.

39. The leader of Myanmar reiterated Myanmars support for Indias bid for
the permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council. He also
conveyed its support to Indias candidature for a non-permanent seat in the
UNSC for the term 2011-2012.

40. The two leaders also emphasized the importance of India and Myanmar to
work together in the cause of regional cooperation. The Indian leadership
offered its good wishes to Myanmar for a successful term as BIMSTEC Chair,
a responsibility that it assumed in 2009. The Indian side welcomed
participation of Myanmar at the 16th SAARC Summit as an Observer for the
first time.

41. The two sides expressed satisfaction at the ongoing cooperation
between India and Myanmar under the ASEAN-India Summit Relations and
welcomed the implementation of the ASEAN-India FTA. The Myanmar side
appreciated Indias support for building an ASEAN Community in 2015, and to
the Vientiane Action Programme including the Initiative for ASEAN
Integration and other sub-regional growth initiatives such as Mekong-Ganga
Cooperation Initiative and EAS cooperation. Myanmar side recognized that
ASEAN-India Framework Agreement on Comprehensive Economic Cooperation
which was signed in 2003 has played a significant role in strengthening
the Dialogue Partnership. Myanmar being a natural bridge between ASEAN and
India, the Indian side reiterated its intention of building upon the
commonalities and synergies between the two countries to advance its Look
East Policy.

42. In the above context, both leaders reiterated their commitment to
undertake the tri-lateral connectivity from Moreh in India to Moe Sot in
Thailand via Myanmar. The Indian side agreed to take up the preparation of
DPRs for roads and causeways in Myanmar to realize this project.

43. During the visit, the following documents were signed;

a. Treaty on Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters
b. MOU regarding Indian Grant Assistance for Implementation of Small
Developmental projects.
c. MoU on Information Cooperation
d. Agreement on Cooperation in the fields of Science & Technology
e. MoU on Conservation and Restoration of Ananda Temple in Bagan, Myanmar

44. Senior General Than Shwe thanked the President of India and the Indian
Government and people for the warm and gracious hospitality extended to
him and the members of his delegation during their stay in India.

45. Senior General Than Shwe also extended a warm invitation to the
President and Prime Minister of India to visit Myanmar at a mutually
convenient time. The President and Prime Minister of India thanked him and
accepted the invitation with great pleasure. The dates for the visit would
be decided by mutual consultations through diplomatic channels.
____________________________________

July 29, New Light of Myanmar
Year 2010 elections and responsibilities of citizens – Kyaw Myint Naing

Nowadays, internal and external antigovernment elements that persist in
European democratization process and European democracy norms as the one
and only yardstick of democratization are very loud in their opposition
against the national political leadership role the Tatmadaw will play in
Myanmar's democratization process.

They are making highly critical remarks that the 2008 constitution
formulated for the future democratic government comprising serviceman MPs
representing 25 percent to be nominated by the Commander-in-Chief of
Defence Services and civilian MPs representing 75 percent to be elected by
the public and the forthcoming 2010 elections are particularly designed to
extend the rule of the military dictatorship.

In reality, they are rather ignorant of the great difference between
European and Asian democratization processes, and they are trying to make
a carbon copy of western democracy.

In European democratization process, with the firm practice of the market
economy, the national bourgeois that came into existence together with the
market economy in the feudalism became influential and played leadership
role in the economic and political fields.

Later, feudal rule came to pose barriers to the growing market economy.
So, the people under the leadership of the national bourgeois revolted
against and revoked the feudal system and turned to parliamentary
democracy. So, there was no need for armed forces to take a national
political leadership role in the democratization process.

Asian democratization process was totally different from European
democratization process. Colonialists nullified feudal rule of Asian
countries by force. However, feudal economy and politics remained
unchanged and were maintained as colonial rule. To put it in another way,
the policy remained unchanged despite changes in administration. In
consequence, colonies saw neither market economy nor national bourgeois
capable of taking a leading role in national politics.

After the World War II, colonialism came under worldwide opposition.
Colonial powers were economically and militarily weak due to the war. The
peoples of the colonies had a growing sense of anti-colonialist fervour.
Therefore, colonial countries had no choice but to grant independence to
their colonies.

Being in dire straits due to the colonial rule, the war and Fascism, the
peoples of newly-independent countries came under the influence of
socialism also known as anti-imperialism and establishment of socialistic
policy. Nonetheless, defects of socialism sparked internal armed
insurgency and mass demonstrations. Ruling governments and political
parties were in no position to restore State's stability and peace, and so
the armed forces of those countries had to take over State power. After
taking the national political leadership role, they introduced the market
economy. When the countries saw flourishing market economy, and political
parties capable of taking a leadership role in national politics, the
armed forces returned to their barracks.

In the post-independence period, the whole Myanmar was at the mercy of
multicoloured insurgent groups, and the AFPFL (Anti-Fascist People's
Freedom League) government was called Yangon government. The then
Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services General Ne Win was thus entrusted
State's duties to serve as Deputy Prime Minister to suppress the armed
insurrection.

Again in 1958, the AFPFL government split into two factions: Stable AFPFL
and Clean AFPFL and the two groups were vying for power, thereby putting
the country on the verge of collapse. So, the Caretaker Government of
General Ne Win was entrusted duties to restore State stability and
community peace and to hold elections.

Elections were held in 1960 and power was handed over to the winning party
Pa-Hta-Sa the following year. Taking full advantage of collapse of the
Pa-Hta-Sa government into Oo-Bo faction and Thakin faction, Shan
chieftains conspired to secede from the Union and join the SEATO led by
the US. The conditions forced the Revolutionary Council to take over power
for non-disintegration of the Union and perpetuation of sovereignty in
1962.

In 1988, the nation lacked effective administration, stemming from mass
demonstrations. The Tatmadaw had to take over power as the State Law and
Order Restoration Council and saved the nation and the people from riots
and mob rules. Then, it revoked the Myanma Socialist Programme Party the
people disliked, and complied with the people's real desire by introducing
the market-oriented economic system and the multiparty system to open the
door to democracy. These facts provided strong evidences that in times of
emergency the armed forces were entrusted the national political
leadership role according to Asian democratization process.

In the 1988 incident, when Dr Maung Maung was in office, he pledged that
he would hold elections in three months and hand over power to the winning
party with the aim of ensuring peaceful process for democracy.

Yet, those who were said to be leaders of the riots and mass protests took
the advice of US senator Stephen Solarz and demanded formation of an
interim government and declined the offer made by the Dr Maung Maung
government.

In 1990, SLORC held elections for democratization in a peaceful way. And
it issued Notification No 1/90 and invited to draw a constitution to
translate the election results into reality in a democratic way. However,
it was the NLD that opposed the process of writing a constitution.

NLD was responsible for the process, but it remained stubborn, refusing to
take part in writing a constitution. In 1992, the SLORC held talks with
all responsible including NLD three times. Under the common consent, the
National Convention was launched in January 1993 to draw a constitution.

Under the leadership of chairman U Aung Shwe, 86 NLD representatives
attended the National Convention for three years. After the 104 basic
principles had been adopted, in November 1995, NLD representatives
complied with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's order of anti-National Convention and
talks, and made a written demand for a dialogue, and walked out of the
convention giving a lame excuse that' their demand did not meet any
response.

Sticking to the concept that democratization could be achieved only after
the downfall of the military dictatorship, confrontation with the SLORC
government, defiance against all orders, the concept that the people would
take to the streets only through organizing measures and public poverty,
and demands for international economic sanctions against the nation, the
NLD tried to come to power.

As the NLD continued to refuse to accept the process of implementing the
results of the 1990 elections through a new constitution, the results were
null and void. So, to hold next-time elections due to the rise in the
number of eligible voters in a couple of decades became necessary to
satisfy the public desire. Therefore, 2010 elections are intended to meet
the people's desire. Continued attempts to disrupt the process of
implementing the people's desire and democratization suggest that there
have not been any party capable of taking the national political
leadership role in democratization.

In my opinion, a principle is written and adopted in writing the
constitution that serviceman members of parliament forming 25 percent to
be nominated by the Tatmadaw and civilian members of parliament forming 75
percent to be elected by the people will have to work hand in hand in the
national politics due to the fact that it is no longer prudent for the
Tatmadaw to go on as the military government according to the conditions
of the nation, and in case the nation will encounter conditions similar to
the multicoloured insurgency that followed independence in 1948. As a
matter of fact, the constitution and 2010 elections are the very first
step to Myanmar's democratization. Therefore, I would say that every
citizen in favour of peace and democracy is responsible for casting votes
in the elections without fail because successful completion of 2010
elections is necessary for maintaining already-achieved State stability
and peace, national reconsolidation, and economic growth.

Translation: MS

____________________________________
PRESS RELEASE

July 29, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
Myanmar: UNHCR builds houses, peace of mind for Cyclone Nargis victims

KANASO NGU VILLAGE, Myanmar, July 28 (UNHCR) –  In the horrible trail of
destruction left by Cyclone Nargis two years ago, Daw Pyu was left
scavenging for any scrap material she could cobble together to put some
sort of a roof over her head.

"We really needed help after our terrible experience," says the
50-year-old widow. "I did not have anything except a UNHCR blanket to keep
me warm when it rained."

Fast forward to today and, thanks to UNHCR, Daw Pyu, her son and daughter
are living comfortably in a roomy house typical of the local construction
-- a thatched roof and bamboo-mat walls on a wooden frame. It stands on
stilts above the floodplain of the Irrawaddy Delta in Bogale Township,
where more than 10,000 people lost their lives to Nargis, one of the 10
deadliest cyclones on record, and certainly the worst natural disaster
ever to hit Myanmar.

Recalling the horrors of being left homeless by Cyclone Nargis, which hit
on 02 May, 2008, Daw Pyu looks around her living area and kitchen and now
says: "I could not have believed that I would ever own such a nice house
in my life."

Right after Nargis, she says, it was impossible to find drinking water,
plagues of mosquitoes bred around the shattered houses, and there was no
way to cook a hot meal. Once they built a makeshift shelter, it wasn't
even weatherproof as the monsoon rains continued.

"We could not even sleep with peace of mind," she says, "as we were
worried that the rain and wind would destroy our fragile shelter."

The UN refugee agency moved into the delta quickly with emergency relief
-- plastic sheeting, blankets, mosquito nets, cooking pots, jerry cans --
followed later by homes for the most vulnerable, like Daw Pyu. UNHCR also
helped the local authorities issue national registration cards. These
allow villagers to obtain public services and travel without securing
permission of the village head.

UNHCR emergency assistance went to more than 400,000 people (some 85,000
families). In addition, the UN refugee agency gave 8,800 families
construction materials and other help to build homes under programs that
have contributed about US$8 million since the cyclone.

Daw Pyu's house was not an outright gift, but was a way to help her family
get back on their feet. As they helped build it, they were paid daily
wages and learned carpentry skills that will help them earn a living in
the future in an area where many depend on fishing and farming.

"Their participation in the project gave them a sense of ownership," says
Kyaw Thu Lwin, UNHCR field assistant in Bogale.

And acquiring the house on their three acres of land has given Daw Pyu's
family immeasurable contentment.

"We do not need to worry about shelter anymore when there is wind and
rain," she says. "With peace of mind, we can now farm our land more,
bringing more income."

And dream about branching out into different crops. With the new national
registration card issued to them by government authorities with UNHCR's
help, one of Daw Pyu's children muses: "We could apply for a farming loan
from the bank."