BurmaNet News, September 17, 2010

[Editor]

September 17, 2010 Issue #4044

INSIDE BURMA
AFP: Myanmar deprives 'millions' of vote in ethnic areas
AP: Myanmar cancels voting plans for some areas
Mizzima: Shan and Burmese Army units clash in state’s north
Mizzima: Editors secure release of cadet held over Magway flood photos
SHAN: Burma’s elections to be held on township basic, not population basic
BBC via MT: Shortage of trained journalist may hinder media industry after
election

BUSINESS / TRADE
Asia Sentinel: The Threat to Burma's Environment
Mizzima: Manipur blockade cuts trade at Sagaing border market

INTERNATIONAL
AFP: US ‘thoroughly disappointed’: Kurt Campbell
DVB: UK foreign secretary lashes out at junta’s election

OPINION / OTHER
Irrawaddy: 'Concern' doesn't cut it (Editorial)
Asia Times: China, Myanmar reaffirm strategic vows - Clifford McCoy
Info-Birmanie, HRW, FIDH and LDH: Le Mercredi 22 Septembre A 11H00 au cape

OBITUARY
Irrawaddy: Suu Kyi’s mentor dies

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

September 17, Agence France Presse
Myanmar deprives 'millions' of vote in ethnic areas

Myanmar is scrapping voting in swathes of insurgency-plagued ethnic areas
in its first election in two decades -- a move criticised as excluding
millions from a poll already seen as undemocratic.

State media announced late Thursday that around 300 villages across
Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Mon and Shan states would be excluded from the
November 7 election because conditions are not in place for a "free and
fair" vote.

One Shan leader, who did not want to be named, estimated that in that
state alone about two million people -- around 30 percent of the
population -- would not get the opportunity to vote.

"It's because of the security there," he said.

The "Tatmadaw" state army, which has ruled since 1962, has long fought to
control the country's ethnic rebel groups, some of whom have waged
decades-long armed uprisings, claiming neglect and mistreatment.

The entire region in Shan state controlled by the military wing of the
ethnic Wa, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), has been excluded from the
vote, the Shan leader said.

Other groups operating in the affected areas include the Kachin
Independence Army, the Shan State Army and the Karen National Liberation
Army.

Thailand-based Saw David Taw of the Ethnic Nationalities Council -- a
coalition of Myanmar ethnic groups -- said the junta had shied away from a
vote in areas where there is friction with rebels, even though some had
agreed peace pacts.

"It seems to me they have a tense relationship with the ceasefire groups,"
he said.

A simmering civil war has wracked parts of the country since independence
in 1948 and observers say the state's determination to crush ethnic rebels
has increased as elections loomed.

Trevor Wilson, an academic and former Australian ambassador to Myanmar,
said the junta had been forced to admit "in a very dramatic and specific
way the shortcomings they have in exercising control over the country".

He said the Wa, a group associated with a vast drug smuggling operation
that some say funds its weapons and troops, had instructed citizens in its
areas not to participate in the election.

But the move to scrap polls in some areas -- which comes after some ethnic
minority parties were not permitted to register for the election --
further undermines the credibility of the vote, Wilson added.

"The parliaments are going to be even less representative and less
inclusive than anybody might have expected," he said.

Affected areas are not expected to have any representative in parliament.

The vote is the first since a 1990 landslide win by democracy icon Aung
San Suu Kyi's party that was never recognised by the junta.

It has been criticised by activists and the West as a sham aimed at
putting a civilian face on military rule.

This week state media confirmed that Suu Kyi's National League for
Democracy (NLD) had been disbanded after its decision to boycott the
election because of rules that would have in effect forced it to eject its
leader to participate.

Opposition parties have faced formidable hurdles, including a fee per
candidate equivalent to several months' wages for most people, while a
quarter of the legislature is reserved for serving military.

Soe Aung, spokesman for the Forum for Democracy in Burma, said the latest
restriction showed the military regime's "true colours" when it comes to
dealing with ethnic groups.

He said the move was yet another measure to ensure the junta proxy parties
like the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) are unopposed in
the election.

"The USDP are trying to ensure they win in every constituency with big
majorities," he said. "I'm not surprised -- the election results are
already known to the people of Burma."

____________________________________

September 17, Associated Press
Myanmar cancels voting plans for some areas

Yangon- Several areas of Myanmar will not be able to vote in November's
elections, mostly parts of the country where restive ethnic minorities are
dominant, state media reported Thursday.

State television said that the Election Commission had announced that "the
elections will not be held in several constituencies where free and fair
elections could not be held." It did not elaborate.

The announcement is the first sign from the government side that the
country's first election in two decades may not go as smoothly as desired,
despite its tight control over its organization and rules.
Pro-democracy groups, as well as Western nations and human rights
organizations, have already criticized the election as unfair and
undemocratic, though the accusations have hardly ruffled the junta's
confidence.

The announcement said the Nov. 7 elections had been canceled in several
townships of the Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Mon and Shan states, including four
townships in the Wa self-administered division.

Ethnic groups in those areas, which are mostly along the eastern and
northern border, are at odds with the ruling junta over its insistence
that they integrate their semi-autonomous security forces into the
government's border guard forces.

The attitude of the ethnic minorities has posed a real threat, since the
government is hard pressed to ensure security in some areas where ethnic
guerrilla militias are strong. Many of the groups have sought more
autonomy from the government since Myanmar's independence in 1948, and the
government maintains uneasy cease-fires with them.

The Election Commission announced earlier this week that 37 political
parties will contest the election. It said Tuesday that five established
parties including detained democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi's National
League for Democracy - which won a landslide victory in the last election
in 1990, but was not allowed to take power by the military - and the
second place party in the 1990 polls, the Shan Nationalities League for
Democracy, have been dissolved for their failure to reregister.

The NLD decided to boycott the election, saying it was illegitimate and
unfair. Among other official limitations, the recently enacted election
laws would not allow Suu Kyi to run or even remain a member of her own
party. The military-backed constitution already has clauses that would bar
her from holding office.

____________________________________

September 17, Mizzima News
Shan and Burmese Army units clash in state’s north - Salai Tun

An armed clash took place between an ethnic ceasefire group that had
rejected the junta’s Border Guard Force proposal and the Burmese Army late
on Tuesday, military observers said, without being able to provide
casualty figures.

The skirmish between the Shan State Army (North) (SSA-N) First Brigade led
by General Panpha and Infantry Battallion 147 under the Burmese Army’s
Northeastern Command occurred at Namgmakyang in Hsipaw Township in the
north of the state, a major from the Shan State Army (South) (SSA-S) told
Mizzima.

“Yes, the armed clash took place. But, we still don’t have detailed
information. We don’t know the numbers of killed and injured in the armed
clash. We are trying to contact with SSA-N to get information,” the major
said.

According to local sources, people fled areas affected by the clash.

“Since the junta pressured the SSA-N to transform into its Border Guard
Force, tension has increased in the area, so some people felt fearful and
moved to other places. Some families from the Burma Army’s soldiers also
moved to safer places”, the major said.

Confirming the skirmish, the Shan Herald Agency for News reported that the
armed clash had taken place between of the SSA-N 1st Brigade and a unit of
the junta’s 55th Light Infantry Division in Hsipaw Township. It said one
SSA-N soldier was injured.

An officer from the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) also said that
although there had been no fighting between his group and the junta’s
army, the junta had imposed restrictions on KIO officers’ travel. He added
that junta fighter aircraft had on September 11 flown over areas
controlled by the KIO, which are near the Sino-Burmese border.

Aung Kyaw Zaw, a military analyst based on the Sino-Burmese border, said,
“I don’t know the exact area where the armed clash took place but I think
some soldiers from both sides might’ve died in the fighting. I don’t know
which side had trespassed [on the other’s territory].”

Meanwhile, the junta had increased its troop numbers near the headquarters
of the United Wa State Army (UWSA).

____________________________________

September 17, Mizzima
Editors secure release of cadet held over Magway flood photos - Khaing Suu

New Delhi – A cadet reporter for the Weekly Eleven Journal was released on
Friday morning after two days’ detention for refusing to sign a pledge
that he would stop taking photos of flood damage in Magway Division,
central Burma.

Aung Thu Nyein, 28, held at the Magway Township chief’s office in the
compound of Magway Police Station No. 1 since Wednesday, was released at
10 a.m. today, the journal’s website reported.

“Our intern has been released as the result of negotiations. He did not
need to sign any pledge,” the website quoted the journal’s managing
editor, Wai Phyo, as saying. The editor was referring to a statement
officials told Aung Thu Nyein to sign swearing that he would refrain from
taking any more photos of flood damage, as he had been doing on Monday
when arrested.

The cadet had returned to his Magway home immediately after release but
details of his condition remained unknown apart from what was already
available on the journal’s website, Wai Phyo told Mizzima.

Police had detained the intern for Weekly Eleven while he was taking
photos of fallen trees and the flooding that had hit Magway on Monday
evening. The officers seized his camera, deleted its photos and told him
to report to the township chief’s office in the compound of Magway Police
Station No. 1 the following day.

Officials then attempted to force him to sign the pledge but he refused
and was subsequently detained.

After that, the Eleven Media Group sent two senior editors to Magway to
conduct negotiations in the case, Wai Phyo told Mizzima yesterday.

____________________________________

September 17, Shan Herald Agency for News
Burma’s elections to be held on township basic, not population basic -
Hseng Khio Fah

Elections conducted on township basic could put candidates who will be
contesting for the 7 November polls in trouble and difficulties for their
contestants, according to election observers from the Sino-Burma border.

According to the military junta’s plan, the upcoming elections will not be
based on population, but on townships.

Some candidates in Shan state have raised concerns that the proposed
formation may place them before twofold challenges as population in some
areas and townships are unbalanced, an elections watcher from the
Sino-Burma border said.

Muse Township
For instance, each of the two constituencies of Shan State North’s Muse
Township has been designed to have 27 polling stations. One of its
constituencies is in the western part of the township and the other in the
eastern part. But it is learned that population is imbalanced.

“Population in the west is larger and dense in contrast to the east,”
according to local resident of Muse. “In addition, most people in the east
don’t have Identity Cards.”

“Under this circumstance, it is likely there may be ghost ballots,” a
business predicted.

Kachin News Group (KNG) reported on 15 September that in Kachin State and
Shan State, the military led Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)
is using local militia groups to garner votes for the party. Muse district
alone hosts more than 10 local militia groups.

“Now, the militia groups in Northern Shan State are pushing people and
saying ‘Everyone must vote for the junta-backed USDP’,” it said.

In accordance with Union Election Commission announcement, there will be
two constituencies in each township, particular for the state legislature,
which elects two representatives per township. There are 330 townships in
Burma. Out of them 55 townships are in Shan State. But 15 have been formed
into self-administered region/zones: Wa, PaO, Palaung, Danu and Kokang.

According to Richard Horsey, independent analyst and former ILO liaison
officer in Burma, a total of 176 seats will be contested in Shan State’s
55 townships:

* Pyithu Hluttaw (House of Representatives)   -   55  seats

* Amyotha Hluttaw (House of Nationalities)     -   12 seats (5reserved for
5 self administered areas: Wa, PaO, Palaung, Danu and Kokang)

* State Hluttaw (State Legislature)                 -   109 seats (minus 8
seats for 4 townships under Wa control, but plus 7 seats for minorities
each with a population of over 59,000)

The Election Commission meanwhile has issued announcement that parts of 32
townships, including 12 in Shan State, will be unable to hold elections.
The 12 included 5 townships controlled by the Wa and Mongla ceasefire
groups that have turned down Naypyitaw’s demand to disarm themselves.

____________________________________

September 17, BBC Monitoring via Myanmar Times
Burma: Shortage of trained journalist may hinder media industry after
election

The media sector is facing a shortage of well-trained journalists that
industry sources say may hinder its ability to cover news properly after
this year's election.

U Ko Ko, chief executive officer and chief editor of Yangon Media Group,
publisher of The Yangon Times, said he felt only one-third of journalists
were ready to work in "the new phase of the media sector that we are
expecting after the election".

"The number of journalists working in the industry is promising," said U
Ko Ko, who was appointed secretary of the Myanmar Writers and Journalists
Association in May. "But I think about one-third will need intensive
training to improve their skills while the final third are really not very
interested in journalism. So I would say the industry as a whole is
semi-ready to step forward" into a more relaxed media environment.

The opening of the National Democratic Force headquarters in TarmweMr Ross
Dunkley, chief executive officer of Myanmar Consolidated Media and
editor-in-chief of The Myanmar Times, said his company also faced a
shortage of journalists.

"When there have been no universities offering bachelor or masters degree
courses in journalism and when the journalists generally do not have
enough opportunities to travel to foreign countries to learn about the
media sectors there, then you're always going to have a situation where
some journalists lack skills," Mr Dunkley said.

"But I anticipate the local media sector will be a lot happier after the
election."

The lack of formal training programmes means many enter the sector without
an adequate understanding of what journalism entails, while others seem to
see it only as a stepping stone to a more high-paying job.

"In recent years some people have been entering the industry because of
the better pay in comparison to other jobs and also the possibility of
going on foreign trips. Some use working as a journalist as a stepping
stone for working at a non-government organisation or foreign embassy,"
said Ko Saw Linn Aung, editor of Hot News and a former executive editor of
Flower News.

U Ko Ko agreed that the recent "boom" in the media sector had attracted a
lot of people with a questionable dedication to journalism.

"Most see working in the media as just another kind of job ... [Ellipsis
as published] and after a few years they often quit for a better-paid job
somewhere else," he said.

Ludu Sein Win, a veteran writer who closely follows the news media, argues
there are few experienced journalists passionate about their work, which
he blames on the 26-year break in journalism development during the
socialist era.

Media sector nationalised 1962

When General Ne Win took over the country in 1962, he quickly nationalised
the previously burgeoning private media sector. As a result, the quality
and image of journalism suffered, Ludu Sein Win said.

"This led to a reduction in young people's exposure to journalism so they
don't know much about the nature of this kind of work, how important and
valuable this job is," he said.

Because of the lack of journalism programmes, most publishers take on
university graduates and train them in-house. They are also usually paired
up with a mentor, who may have perhaps two or three years experience.

While U Ko Ko s aid self-study was necessary, there are also very few
Myanmar-language texts for young journalists to learn from.

Myanmar Consolidated Media, established by local and foreign investors in
2000, has been one of the largest trainers of young journalists over the
past decade.

With the assistance of Sasakawa Peace Foundation, the company has
conducted 10 three-month full-time training programmes, on completion of
which graduates enter the newsroom.

Journalism training programmes

Some non-government organisations and foreign embassies also offer
training programmes, while the Myanmar Writers and Journalists Association
held basic and advanced journalism training programmes in 2008 and 2009.
The association's first programme for 2010 began on September 1, with 45
trainees.

So far these training programmes have not been able to train enough
reporters to meet industry demand. But a change may be on the horizon. In
2011, the first batch of 42 students will graduate from a four-year
Bachelor of Arts (Journalism) course run by the National Centre for Human
Resource Development under the Ministry of Education.

While those in the industry have some reservations about the course's
content, most said it was still a positive development.

"I'm happy just to hear the word BA (Journalism). If the graduates are
passionate about journalism then I welcome them," said U Kyaw Min Swe, the
chief editor of Myanmar Partner Think Tank Group, publisher of The Voice.

Hpu Hpu, a final year BA (Journalism) student, said she was confident her
future lay in journalism although she couldn't say the same for all of her
classmates.

"Even though they are attending the course, some have still not decided
whether journalism is for them or not," Hpu Hpu said. "For me, the answer
is simple. I'll devote myself to this job and do my best."

And there are still literally hundreds of examples of dedicated and
ambitious young journalists for graduates like Hpu Hpu to follow.

Ahr Mahn, the 28-year-old executive editor of 7Day News, published by
Imforithm-Maze, said he enjoyed the job satisfaction journalism provided.

"I can now stand on my own two feet as a journalist and live off the work
I do. My ambition is to run a private daily newspaper so I started
Associated News Agency with three partners, which is currently selling
news to The Voice," he said.

The graduates will enter the industry at a time when journalists are
anticipating significant changes to the rules that govern the way they
operate.

"We expect to get the chance to run private daily newspapers. We hope the
working atmosphere will change when this happens and I think the
competition will be more intense," said U Ko Ko.

"Given the current capacity in the industry, for us to take on the
traditional role of news media during the country's transition to
democracy could be a challenge, but it's not one we should fear. We have
to move forward through trial and error."

U Kyaw Min Swe said he was "satisfied" with the performance of local
journalists.

"They do their job under various...conditions and have to learn mainly
through practical experience, with little proper training," he said.

"But we still must try hard to improve further. Later on we will have to
compete with international or at least regional media; we have to do a lot
more. The achievements so far are relatively small."

Source: The Myanmar Times website, Rangoon, in English 13 Sep 10

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

September 17, Asia Sentinel
The Threat to Burma's Environment

More than 20 mega-dams are being constructed or planned on Burma's major
rivers, including the Salween and Irrawaddy, by multinationals without
consulting local communities, a wide range of NGOs charged in a statement
Friday. In addition, the group charged, mining, oil and gas projects are
creating severe environmental and social problems.

Several papers are to be delivered on Sept. 18 in an all-day seminar in
Bangkok on the impact and consequences of overseas investment in
large-scale projects in Burma that say as many as 30 companies from China
alone are investing in dam projects on the two rivers.

The NGOs include Towards Ecological Recovery; the Thai Action Committee
for Democracy in Burma, the Shan Women Action Network; the Pa-O Youth
Organization, Arakan Oil Watch, the Human Rights Foundation of Monland and
the Burma Rivers Network.

On the Salween, according to the group, Thai, Burmese and Chinese
investors are planning to build at least six dams, including the Ta Sang
and Hutgyi dams, which will produce electricity to be sold to the Asean
power grid.

"It has been well documented that dams in Burma exacerbate conflict, cause
forced displacement and threaten biodiversity," the group said in a
prepared release. "Several Asean actors, including from Thailand, Malaysia
and Singapore, are involved in gas exploration and extraction in Burma.
The Yadana and Yetagun gas projects, which provide fuel for 20 percent of
Thailand's electricity, have been linked to forced relocation, forced
labor, torture and extrajudicial killings."

In addition, the activists said, South Korean, Indian and Chinese
companies are financing and constructing new trans-Burma oil and gas
pipelines that have already led to the loss of peoples' livelihoods and
various forms of violence.

Large-scale mining of coal, iron and other minerals and gems by foreign
investors is devastating areas of agricultural importance and rich
biodiversity. Thai companies are planning to import 1.5 million metric
tons of lignite annually for 30 years from Mong Kok, an active conflict
zone in eastern Shan State, while Russian and Italian companies are
involved in a massive iron mining project that will displace thousands of
people and pollute agricultural waterways near the Shan capital of
Taunggyi.

Currently, the largest foreign investors in Burma are Thailand, Singapore,
China and the UK, according to the release.

"As the largest investor, Thailand invested a total value of US$7.4
billion in 59 projects during the period 1989 to 2008, equivalent to 47
percent of the total foreign direct investment in Burma," the group said.
"The UK and Singapore ranked as second and third largest investors,
investing US$1.86 billion in 17 projects and US$1.5 billion in 71 projects
respectively."

China is also emerging as major investor in Burma, with US$1.8 billion
invested as of January 2009. Most of the benefits go to the Burmese
military regime and investing companies, while the people of Burma gain
little, the group argued. In Burma, they said, "there are no
accountability or transparency mechanisms. "

"The social and environmental costs of these projects are borne
disproportionately by the most vulnerable groups of people living near the
projects, including women and indigenous peoples, and have caused
increased flows of refugees and migrants to neighboring countries."

The group called on the international community, particularly Asean, to
recognize the social and environmental threat from the development. "Asean
needs to review its heavy focus on trade and investment, recognize the
differing political and economic situations of Asean member countries,"
the group said, "and promote equal benefit-sharing and sustainable
development, especially with regard to the region's shared natural
resource base."

The group also called on Asean to develop an effective legal framework
that requires full corporate social and environmental accountability to
reduce the social and environmental consequences of their investments in
natural resource extraction projects, including large-scale hydropower
dams, and mining, oil and gas project as well as to develop an extractive
industry framework to guide member countries; governance of their
resources.

http://asiasentinel.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=2699&Itemid=208

____________________________________

September 17, Mizzima
Manipur blockade cuts trade at Sagaing border market - Khaing Kyaw Mya

New Delhi– The 72-hour blockade by students’ organisations of a national
highway in the northeastern Indian state of Manipur since Tuesday evening
has all but crippled Namphalong market, across the border in Burma.

The All Manipur Students’ Union (AMSU) Chandel District Committee, the
Kuki Students’ Organisation (KSO) and Moreh Government Higher Secondary
School students, demanding a principal for the school, are blockading
National Highway 39 between state capital Imphal and the Indo-Burmese
border town of Moreh. The post has been vacant for the year since the last
head was transferred.

The market is in Tamu Township, Sagaing Division, in northwestern Burma.

The blockade, called a bandh in India, came after state Education Minister
L. Jayanta Kumar Singh reneged on a promise made last month to students at
AMSU headquarters that a new principal would be appointed.

“The protesters are demanding that a new principal be sent by the Manipur
government,” Moreh resident Ngai Nagi said.

The blockade would be a precursor to intense agitation unless the
government was ready to resolve the dispute, another resident said.

The strife has had a major financial impact on trade at the now almost
deserted Namphalong International Market near border gate No. 2, a market
official said on condition of anonymity.

“Because of the blockade, sales have plummeted 
 Only local people from
Tamu are visiting,” the official said.

A bedding goods vendor told Mizzima her sales had dropped more than two
thirds compared to the past few weeks and that there were no buyers from
Manipur. She added that there were no vehicles arriving from Imphal.

“Before the blockade we could sell at least 10,000 rupees (US$214) worth
of goods [a day] but now I’m hardly making 2,000 to 3000 rupees a day.
We’ll find it difficult to pay shop rents and taxes,” she said.

The Indo-Burmese border trade agreement between the military regime and
India was signed on January 21, 1994 to boost bilateral commerce.

Its more than 120 shops have mostly Burmese and Chinese goods for sale and
vegetables, seasonal fruits and Burmese handicrafts are also available.

“[But] no vehicles mean no customers from Imphal. This has hit sales,”
another merchant said. “Most customers are from Imphal and they buy
Chinese goods.”

India is one of Burma’s major trading partners and one of the largest
markets for its goods, according to the Institute for Defence Studies and
Analyses in New Delhi.

“Bilateral trade between 
 [the neighbours] has grown more than 80 times
in the last 28 years,” an institute report said in January.


>From US$12.4 million in 1980-81, Indo-Burmese trade grew steadily, to

reach a level of US$995 million in 2007-08, the report said.

After a significant increase in border trade, India on May 12 added 18
categories to the list of permitted commodities for import and export,
including bicycle parts, life-saving drugs, fertilizers, spices, incense
sticks, salt and stainless-steel utensils.

India shares a 1,020-mile (1,543-kilometre) border with Burma, separating
Burma’s Arakan, Chin, and Kachin states and Sagaing Division from India’s
northeastern Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Nagaland and Mizoram states.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

September 17, Agence France-Press
US ‘thoroughly disappointed’: Kurt Campbell

The US official leading dialogue with Burma said Thursday he was
thoroughly disappointed with the results but that engagement was the best
option as the country prepares for controversial elections.

“I think it would be fair to say in almost every arena, we have been
disappointed,” said Kurt Campbell, the assistant secretary of state for
East Asian affairs.

“Everything we’ve seen to date suggests that the November elections will
be without international legitimacy,” Campbell told a forum at the US
Institute of Peace.

President Barack Obama’s administration last year entered dialogue with
Burma after concluding that the longstanding policy of isolating the
military regime had not borne fruit.

Campbell said that US priorities included persuading the junta to free
political prisoners including opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and to
seek clarity on reports of nuclear cooperation with North Korea.

But the military regime is going ahead with a 7th of November election,
ahead of which it officially abolished Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League
for Democracy.

The election is the first since 1990 polls, which the National League for
Democracy swept. The opposition party was never allowed to take power and
Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel peace laureate, is under house arrest.

But Campbell supported dialogue with the junta, calling it “among all the
difficult options, the best way forward.”

“The period after the election might create new players, new power
relationships, new structures inside the country, so we think we need to
stand by and see how that plays out,” Campbell said.

Campbell said that the United States was ready with “a combination of some
pressure, and also some rewards,” in return for progress by Burma.

“We are prepared to act in both cases given developments on the ground,”
Campbell said.

The United States has maintained sweeping sanctions on Burma but says it
is willing to ease them eventually in return for progress.

____________________________________

September 17, Democratic Voice of Burma
UK foreign secretary lashes out at junta’s election - Joseph Allchin

Britain’s newly elected Foreign Secretary, William Hague has given a
stinging assessment of the upcoming elections in Burma as he responded to
the dissolving of the National League for Democracy (NLD), by saying;

“These actions expose the elections in Burma for what they are – a sham
process designed to keep the regime in power and deny the Burmese people
their right to freely choose their leaders.”

William Hague has however been having his own election difficulties. The
former leader of the Conservative Party was recently embroiled in a
scandal after he hired a 25-year old ’special advisor’ called Christopher
Myers, above and beyond his usual retinue of advisors on his election
campaign. Mr Myers reportedly shared a room with Hague when on the
campaign trail, leading to questions over Hague’s sexuality to emerge in
the press.

Whilst it was also reported that despite committing to stand with;
“renewed determination to support the people of Burma” his department, the
Foreign and Common Wealth Office, could end the BBC’s Burmese radio
service; one of a small number of relatively ‘free’ news services widely
available in the country.

The party leader and Prime Minister, David Cameron also made a strongly
worded statement in the House of Commons; Britain’s parliament. Responding
to a question from an opposition MP he declared that he had raised the
issue of the Burmese elections with the Indian government on a recent
trip; “because I think it is important that we talk to the neighbouring
states of those countries and make sure that they are campaigning in the
same way [as he is].”

He continued that; “Aung San Suu Kyi’s continued detention is an outrage”,
adding that; “her example is deeply inspiring. All of us like to think
that we give up something for democracy and politics; we do not. Compared
with those people, we do nothing. They are an inspiration right across the
world, and we should stand with them”.

Such statements are nothing new from British Prime Ministers. Former Prime
Minister Gordon Brown made similar statements and his wife showed the
Oscar nominated DVB documentary Burma VJ in their official residence,
Downing Street, the first ever official film screening on the property.

However the Conservative Party’s commitment to the Burmese people will be
tested further by the fact that Britain remains one of the top investors
in Burma despite strict EU sanctions. This because of Britain’s off-shore
tax havens, most notably the British Virgin Islands.

A sore point because the Conservative Party’s largest ever donor,
billionaire Lord Ashcroft was himself a tax exile, with non-domicile
status enabling him to pay nothing towards the public purse, until those
facts were revealed and threatened his position in the house of Lords;
Britain’s unelected ‘upper house’.

Ashcroft has held senior positions within the ‘Tory’ party, and even
reportedly payed for him and Hague to travel to sanctioned Cuba on an
official trip, no information was available on the sleeping arrangements
on this official trip however.

With former EU minister Chris Bryant commenting in the Guardian newspaper
that; “It seems William Hague held talks with the Cuban government but
completely ignored the opposition in Cuba. It has been an accepted
principle across Europe, enshrined in the EU common position, that we
would only make high-level visits to Cuba if we were free to visit
whomever we want. Hague’s actions have been a real slap in the face for
those who are campaigning for a more open Cuba.”

However Hague, a biographer of British slavery abolitionist William
Wilberforce, described his human rights position, in a talk given to
lawyers in London recently, as; “idealism tempered with realism”.

In any case he has a long way to go to match the previous Labour
government on their struggles with human rights, their record regarding
the torture of terrorism suspects remaining a blight on the UK’s image as
a place of justice and human-rights.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

September 17, Irrawaddy (Editorial)
'Concern' doesn't cut it

With less than two months to go before Burma is subjected to an election
that will be the very antithesis of “free and fair,” it is comforting to
know that UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has once again found the time
to chime in on the country's current political situation.

“The Secretary-General notes with some concern the decision by the Union
Election Commission to dissolve 10 political parties prior to the general
election, including the National League for Democracy and four others for
failing to renew their registration,” a spokesperson for the UN chief told
reporters on Wednesday.

The party that has represented Burma's democratic aspirations for the past
two decades is summarily erased by a regime that has murdered, raped and
intimidated its way to absolute rule over 50 million people, and Ban
expresses “some concern.”

Strong words, indeed.

The people of Burma are also concerned. But our concern is that the United
Nations has again proven itself to be utterly ineffectual as a standard
bearer and defender of democratic principles.

Since 1988, innumerable senior UN officials have jetted in and out of
Burma to find a political solution to the country's problems and negotiate
a way to national reconciliation. Among them were Malaysian diplomat
Razali Ismail and Nigeria's Ibrahim Gambari, two seasoned negotiators
whose high-profile mandate as special envoys representing the
secretary-general raised the stakes of the UN's involvement in Burma.
Sadly, both men failed abjectly in their efforts to move the country
toward meaningful change.

It seemed, however, that almost every visit they made to Burma brought
talk of “turning a new page” or yet another “imminent breakthrough.” Of
course, there was never any evidence of this, but we were always assured
that behind the scenes a “secret dialogue” was taking place that held some
promise of real progress.

But what was really happening during their tenures was more of the same:
indiscriminate killing of ethnic minorities, ruthless repression of the
political opposition and vicious attacks on activists, media personnel and
monks.

In 2008, Ban himself traveled to Burma to plead with the regime to allow
international aid to reach victims of Cyclone Nargis. His mission was a
qualified success: emergency relief began to flow into the devastated
Irrawaddy delta, but only because Ban observed the generals' taboo against
mentioning democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who was due at that time to
be released from five years of house arrest.

For many Burmese, this was adding insult to injury. We don't expect human
decency from our rulers, but we do look to the leaders of the
international community to speak up for the fundamental human rights of
those who are powerless to speak for themselves.

Sadly, Ban's performance as secretary-general has been deeply
disappointing. As long as he continues to confine himself to expressions
of “concern,” Burma's rulers will only be emboldened to push forward with
their anti-democratic mockery of an election. And the people of Burma,
already weary after decades of unfulfilled promises, will lose what little
hope they have left of support from the United Nations.

It's time for tougher words, Mr. Secretary-General, and some even tougher
action.

____________________________________

September 16, Asia Times
China, Myanmar reaffirm strategic vows - Clifford McCoy

Myanmar leader Senior General Than Shwe's visit to China last week won
public support from Beijing for his government's planned national
elections on November 7. With that backing, Myanmar's generals can now
proceed unconcerned by Western criticism of the election process or the
results.

Two points stood out from Than Shwe's highly anticipated visit: China's
overt and unequivocal support for the elections, and Myanmar's assurance
that security would be maintained during and after the polls.

The latter is of special concern to Beijing due to heightened tensions
between Myanmar's government and ethnic insurgent groups along their
shared and strategically significant border.

Than Shwe's entourage included Prime Minister Thein Sein and junta number
three Shwe Mann, both of whom officially retired from the military last
month, presumably so that they can run nominally as civilians in the
elections. The military's new joint chief of staff, Lieutenant General Min
Aung Hlaing, was also part of the visiting group.

Than Shwe's trip followed on Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao's
high-level visit to Myanmar in June to celebrate 60 years of diplomatic
relations.

The New Light of Myanmar, Myanmar's state mouthpiece English daily, said
on September 11 that Chinese President Hu Jintao expressed thanks for the
clarification of Myanmar's election plans and progress.

China's Foreign Ministry spokesperson Jiang Yu told reporters on September
7, "We hope that the international community will provide constructive
help for Myanmar's upcoming election and avoid bringing negative effect to
bear on Myanmar's political course and regional peace and stability."

Two days later, underscoring Beijing's support, she told reporters, "A
smooth election in Myanmar is in the fundamental interest of the Myanmar
people and conducive to regional peace and stability ... China respects
the independently chosen development path of the Myanmar people and hopes
that the election can proceed smoothly."

In a gesture that indicated Myanmar's generals clearly still plan to guide
government policy after the democratic transition, Than Shwe assured
China's leaders of a continued close friendship after the polls. "Myanmar
will continue to develop strategic relations with China after the
election, and the handover from the military." he said. Than Shwe's visit
was likely geared to dispel any concerns in China that a change in
government would undermine their significant investment interests in the
country.

Many analysts believe that China's overriding concern is whether a new
democratic order will be able to guarantee stability along its southern
frontier. This is especially important to China given Myanmar's role as an
outlet for its exports to the Indian Ocean and more importantly as a
gateway for future oil and gas imports destined for its landlocked
southern regions.

A planned new 2,380-kilometer crude oil pipeline will extend from a
transshipment facility at the western Myanmar port of Kyaukpyu to Kunming
in China's southwestern Yunnan province. The pipeline will reportedly
carry 22 million tons of crude oil per year.

A similar gas pipeline will stretch longer at 2,806 kilometers and will
transport 12 billion cubic meters of gas per year to China's Guizhou
province and Guangxi's Zhuang Autonomous Region. The pipelines, as well as
a refinery, are expected to be completed by 2013. Construction on the
Chinese portion of the pipelines began earlier this month.

Beijing is thus especially concerned about the deteriorating relations
between Naypyidaw and ethnic insurgent groups along the Myanmar-China
border. Decades-old ceasefires between the groups and the government are
in jeopardy over the generals' insistence that they join
military-controlled Border Guard Forces.

An outbreak in new fighting would likely shut down trade in many border
areas and jeopardize the pipeline routes. A Myanmar Army offensive in
August 2009 against the Kokang ethnic group resulted in some 37,000
refugees fleeing across the border into China and drew a rare rebuke from
Beijing. A flurry of diplomatic and military meetings followed amid
assurances by Myanmar's generals that the violence would not spill into
China.

During last week's visit, Than Shwe seemed keen to reassure Hu that
stability would be maintained throughout the election-related political
transition. He was quoted in Chinese state media on September 8 saying,
"Maintaining peace and stability on the border is of the utmost importance
to both countries."

Hu reciprocated by saying, "China respects the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of Myanmar, understands and supports the Myanmar government's
efforts for national reconciliation." He went on to vow stepped up
cooperation with Myanmar on border management, combating cross-border
crime, and improving living conditions in the impoverished border regions.

The New Light of Myanmar wrote on September 11 that Hu had also pledged
China would not "accept and support any groups who would carry out
anti-Myanmar government movements in border areas to damage the bilateral
relations".

Divide and rule
China is widely believed to play a double game on the border. It publicly
supports the military regime, as apparent during last week's Than Shwe
visit, as a major diplomatic ally and economic patron. Beijing's support
and influence also goes some way in preventing the generals from doing
anything rash against the ethnic groups that could upset stability along
the border.

At the same time, Beijing quietly provides advice and support to the
ethnic insurgents, many of whom were former insurgent fighters in the once
Chinese-backed Burma Communist Party and still maintain close relations
with Chinese military and intelligence officials. Covert support to the
insurgents is aimed at providing some leverage vis-a-vis the generals in
Naypyidaw.

A new deadline for ceasefire groups to join the Border Guard Force expired
on September 1, with none of the groups accepting the scheme. The United
Wa State Army (UWSA), Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Shan State Army
(North) (SSA-N), and the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) have all
declared that they will not participate in the Border Guard Force due to
fears that ceding control of their military wings would result in a loss
of political influence as well.

Tensions between the army and the militias increased after the deadline
passed, with both sides putting their troops on heightened alert and
government reinforcements arriving in areas across from ethnic positions.
For the second time this year, the Myanmar government recently ordered its
officials and workers with non-governmental organizations to leave areas
along the China border controlled by the ceasefire groups.

China, too, has increased security and surveillance on its side of the
border, according to people familiar with the situation. Most observers
believe that Myanmar's generals will hold off on any military offensive
against the groups until after the polls and the new elected government is
installed. Some observers, however, have not discounted the possibility of
small punitive actions as a way of punishing the ceasefire groups for
their resistance.

The deadline followed the latest rounds of talks in August between the
government and the groups. At those talks, ethnic leaders were urged to
cooperate with Election Commission (EC) officials in preparation for the
polls. The UWSA and NDAA replied that they will not allow EC officials
into their areas since they have decided against participation in the
elections.

Several other ethnic groups in Myanmar have organized their own political
parties to contest the polls. None of these parties, however, represent
the interests of the ceasefire groups. An ethnic Kachin group, the Kachin
State Progressive Party, which is tied to the insurgent Kachin
Independence Organization, was denied registration rights. Several other
parties have complained of government interference and difficulties in
meeting campaign requirements as stipulated by new election laws.

The elections have been widely condemned by independent human-rights
organizations and Burmese exile groups who believe the junta is bent on
rigging the election results in favor of its associated candidates to
maintain power. Several Western governments, including the United States,
have voiced concern over whether the elections will be free and fair.

China's public show of support for Myanmar's election plan comes at a time
when international support is growing for a United Nations-led commission
of inquiry into allegations that military-run governments have committed
crimes against humanity over the past 20 years.

The call has been backed by US President Barack Obama's administration,
which has said it would support any efforts to establish a commission.
Obama's administration had earlier signaled moves to engage rather than
isolate the junta, and even hinted at possible aid flows in exchange for
political concessions, including the release of political prisoners.

In an apparent snub to international opinion, Hu was quoted on state
television on September 8 saying, "China pays a great deal of attention to
relations with Myanmar. Consolidating and developing Sino-Myanmar
cooperation and friendship is our unswerving policy. No matter how the
international situation changes, this policy will not alter."

Than Shwe's visit to the Shanghai World Expo 2010 and China's first
special economic zone at Shenzen could signal a renewed military interest
in replicating China's market-driven model for developing Myanmar's
backward economy. Significantly, the Myanmar pavilion at the Shanghai
trade show was completely paid for by Beijing.

Bilateral trade between China and Myanmar reached US$2.9 billion in 2009,
making China Myanmar's third largest trade partner. During Wen's June
visit, the two countries signed a series of agreements on aid, energy and
hydroelectric projects
worth an estimated $8.17 billion. As of January this year, Chinese
investment in Myanmar totaled $1.8 billion, or 11.5% of total foreign
investment in the country.

Clifford McCoy is a freelance journalist.

____________________________________

September 17, Info-Birmanie, HRW, FIDH and LDH
LE MERCREDI 22 SEPTEMBRE A 11H00 AU CAPE

Info-Birmanie
Human Rights Watch (HRW)
Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l'Homme (FIDH)
Ligue des droits de l'Homme (LDH)

INVITATION PRESSE

Crimes et Impunité en Birmanie :
Quel rôle pour la communauté internationale ?

LE MERCREDI 22 SEPTEMBRE A 11H00 AU CAPE

La Birmanie sera une nouvelle fois à l’ordre du jour de la 65e session de
l’Assemblée générale des Nations unies, Si le processus politique et les
élections à venir le 7 novembre prochain sont un sujet de préoccupation
pour la communauté internationale, tout comme les relations avec la Corée
du Nord en vue d’un possible transfert d’équipement nucléaire, le sort de
la population demeure largement passé sous silence.

Et pourtant, le bilan est accablant : 3 300 villages déjà détruits par
l‘armée en quinze ans, travail forcé, déplacements forcés de plus de 500
000 personnes, meurtres, tortures, viols, enrôlement de force de 70 000
enfants dans l‘armée
. En mars 2010, M. Tomás Ojea Quintana — rapporteur
spécial des Nations unies sur la situation des droits de l’homme en
Birmanie — a recommandé à l’ONU la création d’une commission d’enquête sur
les crimes de guerre et les crimes contre l’humanité commis par toutes les
parties (armée birmane, groupes rebelles). Quels sont les mécanismes
internationaux qui existent pour mettre fin aux abus des droits de l’homme
et à l’impunité générale qui règne ?

Au cours des dernières semaines, plusieurs pays dont les États-Unis,
l’Australie et le Canada, ont fait état de leur soutien à l’ouverture
d’une commission internationale d’enquête sous l’égide de l’ONU. La
France, elle, tarde à prendre position publiquement. Il est essentiel
qu’elle et le Royaume Uni rallient cette initiative, et persuadent l'Union
européenne de s’engager dans cette bataille diplomatique à l’occasion de
la 65e Assemblée générale des Nations unies.

Quel rôle la France peut-elle jouer dans la mobilisation internationale ?
La communauté internationale a-t-elle les moyens d’intervenir pour
protéger la population birmane ?

Pour répondre à ces questions:

Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, ancien rapporteur spécial des Nations unies sur la
situation des droits de l’homme en Birmanie entre 2000 et 2008 ;
Jean-Marie Fardeau, directeur France de Human Rights Watch ;
Souhayr Belhassen, Présidente de la Fédération Internationale des Ligues
des Droits de l’Homme (FIDH) ;
Isabelle Dubuis, coordinatrice d’Info-Birmanie

LE MERCREDI 22 SEPTEMBRE  A 11H00 AU CAPE
Grand Palais, Cours la Reine – Perron Alexandre III, 75008 Paris

____________________________________
OBITUARY

September 17, Irrawaddy
Suu Kyi’s mentor dies - Wai Moe

Thakin Ohn Myint, regarded as Aung San Suu Kyi’s mentor as well as her
father's colleague and confidant during Burma's struggle for independence,
died peacefully at his home in Rangoon on Friday morning. He was 92.

During the past two decades of military rule in Burma, the veteran
politician was well-known for his role as an aide to Suu Kyi. He
co-chaired the National League for Democracy's (NLD's) humanitarian
committee which offered financial and moral support to political prisoners
and their families.

Born in Letpandon, Pegu Division, in April 1918, Ohn Myint became
politicized in the pre-World War II era. At 15, he joined the Dohbama
Asiayone (“We Burmese Association”), which was the leading anti-colonial
front at the time. The members referred to each other as “Thakin,” meaning
“master,” as a satirical counterpunch to British colonial supremacy within
Burmese society.

He wrote articles for Burmese newspapers and in 1936 became news editor of
The Progressive alongside well-known journalist Chit Maung. Ohn Myint
liked to mix journalism with politics and in 1939 was elected as an
executive member of the We Burmese Association. The following year, he
attended the All Indian National Congress as a representative of the
association.

During WWII, Ohn Myint became involved in the anti-fascist movement with
his leftist colleagues and was said to be close to Thakin Than Tun, the
former chairman of the Communist Party of Burma. In the post-independence
period, he founded Kyaw Lin Book, which quickly emerged as a left-wing
publishing house.

His relations with the Communist movement proved costly in 1958 when he
was arrested and sent to the notorious prison camp on Coco Island in the
Andaman Sea.

He was released and returned to Rangoon in 1960, but was rearrested for
his political leanings in the mid-60s by the Ne Win security forces and
incarcerated in Insein Prison.

His resolve never faltered and when he was free he spent his time in
political circles arguing fervently for leftist causes.

As a former comrade of independence hero Aung San, he maintained a close
friendship with Suu Kyi’s mother Khin Kyi and the family. He shared his
thoughts and opinions openly with the future NLD leader during her many
visits to Burma in the 1970s and 80s, and was undoubtedly one of her
greatest political influences.

When the military regime cracked down on a suspected Communist underground
network in 1989, Ohn Myint was rearrested along with veteran politicians
Bo Set Yaung, Thakin Khin Aung, Daw Kyi Kyi and Soe Win, and was sentenced
to another five years.

As a former prisoner himself, Thakin Ohn Myint was a natural choice for
the NLD when it began its assistance program to political prisoners and
their families in 1995.

He was arrested yet again in 1998 along with other veteran politicians,
journalists, scholars and activists for giving interviews to researcher
Aung Htun who was writing a book about the history of Burma's student
movement. This time, he was sentenced to seven years with hard labor even
though he was 80 years old. He was released in January 1999 following the
visit of US Congressman Tony Hall.

After his release, Ohn Myint continued his work with the NLD’s
humanitarian committee for political prisoners. In the last years of his
life, he joined a handful of other veteran politicians in working for
national reconciliation.

Fellow inmates at Insein Prison recall a memorable quote from Thakin Ohn
Myint in 1990: following the election there were rumors that the junta
would soon give up power and release all political prisoners. Ohn Myint
flatly dismissed the rumors and responded to the other prisoners saying:
“The junta will not give up power that easily. Sometimes the opposition is
simply like a fish on the junta’s hook.”