BurmaNet News, September 23, 2010

[Editor]

September 23, 2010 Issue #4048

QUOTE OF THE DAY
“There were no crimes against humanity in Myanmar
(w)ith regard to the
issue of impunity, any member of the military who breached national law
was subject to legal punishments
there was no need to conduct
investigations in Myanmar since there were no human rights violations
there.” – U Wunna Maung Lwin, Myanmar Ambassador to the Human Rights
Council (HRW/Mizzima)

INSIDE BURMA
BBC Burmese: Indifferent mood greets Burma polls
BBC: Burma soldiers 'refusing tasks in pay, rations protest'
Mizzima: Rights abuses surge ahead of November polls
Irrawaddy: Burma's EC rejects Democratic Party campaign ad

ON THE BORDER
Nation (Thailand): Ethnic leader predicts united armed struggle after
Burma's election
SHAN: China to be friends with both junta, ethnic groups

INTERNATIONAL
Mizzima: France joins calls for UN inquiry into Burma abuses
Reuters: Myanmar tells U.N. body it will never seek atom bombs
DVB: UN millennium development goals in jeopardy

OPINION / OTHER
Irrawaddy: Is there really hope for ethnic candidates? – Kay Latt

OBITUARTY
Irrawaddy: Poet Moe Hein dies

PRESS RELEASE
AI: Myanmar: Political prisoners must be freed
HRW: US/ASEAN: Three years after crackdown, no justice in Burma
BNI: New Burma election website launched for 2010 election in Burma




____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

September 23, BBC Burmese
Indifferent mood greets Burma polls – Soe Win Than

There are six weeks to go before Burma's first election in 20 years, but
many feel that the result is already clear.

Although over 30 political parties will contest the 1,163 seats in the
national and regional parliaments, most people believe that the same faces
that rule Burma now will be in power after the polls.

The government has founded its own political party - the Union Solidarity
and Development Party - headed by the incumbent prime minister.

Most ministers and senior military officers who in recent weeks have
resigned from their army positions will run for the USDP.

While other parties struggle to find enough candidates, the USDP is the
only party that will contest all constituencies.

The election law provides that when there is only one candidate in a
constituency then that candidate will be declared the winner. This means
that the government party has already bagged a number of seats even before
elections are held.

These seats will be supplemented by the 25% of seats guaranteed under the
new constitution for the military, which means unelected military officers
will sit in parliament.

The prevailing mood among the electorate in Burma is mostly of indifference.

Ko Zaw, a Rangoon resident, told the BBC: "I have no interest in the
elections. I don't believe anything will change after the polls. The
generals have made sure that they will stay in power."
Intimidation

The elections have been mired in controversy from the outset.

The political party that overwhelmingly won the last elections in 1990 but
was never allowed to govern, the National League for Democracy (NLD), has
decided not to take part, citing the undemocratic nature of the
junta-approved constitution.
Women search for their names on a list of eligible voters, in Yangon on 21
September 2010 Prominent pro-democracy names - including Aung San Suu
Kyi's - are not on the electoral register

It argues that the elections will merely cement the military's continued
hold on power.

Last week, the government's election commission formally disbanded the
party because it had not registered for the polls.

The NLD has been calling on people not to vote in the elections.

Articles in state-run newspapers have threatened NLD leaders with prison
terms for disrupting the electoral process.

Other parties have also complained that the government party is enjoying
unfair privileges.

While many parties are struggling to find money to campaign, the USDP has
access to unlimited state funds. Ministers can use state facilities to
campaign in their constituencies.

Parties have also complained of their supporters being harassed by the
authorities.

"When we went to an area to explain our party policies to the residents,
police followed us and watched closely," said Aye Lwin, chairman of the
Union of Myanmar Federation of National Politics.

"After we left the area, those who came to the meeting were questioned by
local authorities. This intimidates those who want to support us."

Despite all this, some believe elections offer a space, an opening for
political movement.

"We know these elections will not bring about a democratic government
straight away," said Thein Nyunt, a leader of the National Democratic
Front, founded by former NLD members.

"But this is the only opening at the moment available in the country. It's
not right to talk now about what we cannot do in the parliament. We have
not been there yet."

But others warn that the parties which do take part give the elections the
hint of legitimacy which the junta desperately wants, when the shape of
the future parliament is already clear.

The military regime which has ruled Burma since 1988 will come to an end
after the elections but a new form of civilianised military rule will
certainly continue.

____________________________________

September 23, BBC News
Burma soldiers 'refusing tasks in pay, rations protest'

Reports from Burma say soldiers in many areas are refusing to carry out
routine tasks in protest at short rations and lack of access to their pay.

In a series of BBC interviews, soldiers in garrison towns have said their
rations have been cut for weeks.

They say commanders have barred access to money they have saved, which is
kept in a central fund.

Their action comes just over a month before Burma's first general election
for 20 years.

Ahead of the 7 November polls, the BBC Burmese service has interviewed
individual soldiers in garrison towns across the country.

It has built up a picture of deep resentment in parts of the army just
weeks before the election, BBC World Service Asia-Pacific editor Viv Marsh
reports.

Soldiers say their food-rations have dropped and that while prices have
been rising, their commanders have blocked access to their savings.

"The rations have been cut to one-third of the usual amount. Our salaries
are not enough to support our families," said one private from the Light
Infantry Division No 701, based about 40km (24m) from Rangoon.

"Wives are angry as they find difficult to pay school fees for children.
So we asked the officers to give us enough rations and to return our
savings."

"If we don't get back our savings, we might join with the people outside
and protest."

The soldiers say they are refusing to take part in routine drills.

"Not only in our divisions, soldiers in LID 702 and 703 are also defying
orders," said the private.

"They refuse to do sentry duty and 'fatigue tasks' (compound cleaning
jobs).. .We also refused to do parades when ordered."

They also say they have learned that front-line forces in Burma's border
areas are still on full rations.

Last week, the Burmese authorities denied there was any disquiet in the
military.

____________________________________

September 23, Mizzima News
Rights abuses surge ahead of November polls

A periodic review of human rights transgressions in Burma reveals a spike
in election related violations as the date for the country’s first general
election in twenty years draws ever nearer.

The survey, compiled by the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma
(ND-Burma), identified 60 cases of election related rights violations in
the first seven months of this year.

The most prevalent instance of abuse, accounting for 27 percent of all
cases, concerned intimidation and coercion, including civilians being
required to give money and census information to the junta-backed Union
Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

Second most prominent was the denial of freedom of movement, documented in
23 percent of cases. With respect to the approaching elections, ND-Burma
found “monks and other influential villagers suspected of organizing in
preparation for the elections closely watched and denied travel documents,
restricting their movement.”

Yet, electoral related violations alone account for only a fraction of all
abuses throughout the country.

In total, 352 instances of rights infractions committed by the regime are
chronicled for the period covering January through July 2010. Of these, 69
cases dealt with forced labour and 56 the confiscation or destruction of
property.

However, in the recently released report, ND-Burma draws special attention
to a further 238 chronicled cases of arbitrary taxation.

“The military,” contends the findings, “has transformed taxation from a
routine and legitimate function of government into a tool of repression
and extortion.”

In a country estimated to realize two-thirds of its population employed in
agriculture, ND-Burma points to the “average subsistence farmer in Burma
maybe being forced to pay more than 50% of his or her livelihood in
so-called ‘taxes’.”

Bolstering the assessments of a number of foreign governments recently
airing their support for the establishment of a UN commission of inquiry
into rights abuses in Burma, ND-Burma believes the violations documented
“are acts that may constitute breaches of international humanitarian law
and international human rights law” owing to their widespread and systemic
occurrence.

Other documented transgressions directly linked with the elections include
arbitrary arrest, lack of freedom of expression, vote buying and favors
extended with an agreement to in turn support the USDP at the polls on
November 7.
____________________________________

September 23, Irrawaddy
Burma's EC rejects Democratic Party campaign ad – Saw Yan Naing

Burma’s Election Commission (EC) last week rejected without official
reason the script for a Democratic Party (Myanmar) campaign ad intended to
be broadcast on state-run television and radio, said members of the
party's central executive committee.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Thursday, Thant Zin Myint, a member of the
Democratic Party central executive committee, said the party's campaign ad
script was rejected by the EC last week and the chairman of the party,
prominent politician Thu Wai, went to Naypyidaw on Thursday morning to
submit another script.

Each of the 37 political parties approved by the EC to contest the Nov. 7
election are allowed to campaign through state-run radio and television
for 15 minutes each. However, each needs to submit the script for their
campaign ad to the EC for approval seven days before it is broadcast.

Thant Zin Myint said the EC probably rejected the party campaign script,
which was written by Thu Wai, because they believe some of the ideas in
the script violate one of the nine rules released by the EC on Sept. 15
restricting party campaign speech. In particular, he said the EC may have
determined that the script violated ruled (d), which says a party may not
stimulate sedition or give any talks that can tarnish the image of the
state.

The EC asked the Democratic Party to resubmit its campaign ad script
within a week. If it is approved, the party’s chairman and secretary will
be filmed and recorded for the ad, which will be broadcast for 15 minutes
on state-run television and radio on Sept. 26. In order to run the ad on
that date, the process of recording and filming needs to be finished by
Sept 24.

Thus far, there is no report about which party will be the first to run
their ad on state-run television and radio on Sept 26.

The nine rules that restrict political parties' campaign speech include:
not to give any talks that can harm non-disintegration of the Union,
non-disintegration of national solidarity and perpetuation of sovereignty;
not to give any talks that can harm security, the rule of law and
community peace; not to disobey the State Constitution of the Union of
Myanmar and existing laws; not to give any talks that can lead to the
collapse of the Tatmadaw (the military) or tarnish the image of the
Tatmadaw.

The EC announced that if a political party breaches any of the
prohibitions in the notification, or any of the principles or provisions
enumerated in the permit, action will be taken against the party in
accordance with the existing laws as well as the Political Parties
Registration Law.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

September 23, The Nation (Thailand)
Ethnic leader predicts united armed struggle after Burma's election

Exclusion of ethnic groups from the coming general election in Burma will
lead to a consolidation of rebellious armed forces along the border with
Thailand to fight against the new militarybacked government, an ethnic
minority leader said.

"We all know that the election will not benefit us, so we have to unite to
fight against them," said the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP)
chief of armed forces, Bee Htoo.

"The election will change nothing in this country. I expect there will be
a major offensive from Burma's military shortly after the election," he
said.

The elected government will claim it is a democratic one but the
suppression of minorities will continue, he said.

The KNPP, one of three rebellious ethnic groups along Burma's border with
Thailand, announced it would continue its armed struggle after the
November election in Burma. The other two groups are the Karen National
Union (KNU) and Shan State Army (SSA).

The Burmese authorities announced last week that about 300 villages across
Kachin, Kayah (Karenni), Karen, Mon and Shan states would be excluded from
the November 7 election because conditions are not in place for a "free
and fair" vote.

The KNPP declared earlier that it rejected the militarysponsored
constitution and would not participate in the election, Bee Htoo said.

"The constitution gives most state authority to the military, so I think
it's useless to talk about the election under this charter," Bee Htoo said
in a rare interview with selected Thai journalists recently.

The military junta has no sincere intention to include ethnic minorities
in its political process. No opinion of the minorities was taken into the
2008 constitution, he said.

"So we see no point in joining such a political process, but the only
option available is the continuation of armed struggle," he said.

The Karenni are coordinating with other armed groups, including the KNU
and SSA.

"We are now working closely together, politically and militarily. I
personally met leaders of the SSA three times this year and we have an
exchange committee with the KNU," Bee Htoo said.

"I think there is no other way but to join hands and units and fight
together. All groups and factions in the groups should know that we have a
common enemy," he said.

The NNPP has fought for autonomy under the Union of Burma since 1957. Bee
Htoo has commanded the party's armed wing, known as the Karenni Army, of
some 1,000 fighters since 1983.
____________________________________

September 23, Shan Herald Agency for News
China to be friends with both junta, ethnic groups – Hseng Khio Fah

China is yet to ignore ceasefire groups based along its southwestern
border because they are like the fence of the country. As such she will
maintain her friendly relations with both the ruling junta and the
ceasefire groups, according to Chinese security officials and border
watchers on the Sino-Burma border.

“Till date, our policy on ceasefire groups is unchanged. We will try our
utmost to preserve our friendship with both the military junta and the
ceasefire groups,” a Chinese officer told SHAN.

“Looking back at several instances that took place in the past between the
Burmese Army and China, we can say that the junta has shown itself to be
far from being trustworthy,” he said.

The first momentous instance was the incident in 1967, when dozens of
Chinese people were killed during the Mao Zedong badge riots.

Similarly, more than 100 ethnic Chinese were massacred by the Burmese Army
in the Mongkoe incident that took place in 2000. (On 24 October 2000, a
faction of the Mongkoe Defense Army (MDA), a breakaway group of the
Kokang, had mutinied. A month later, the mutineers were executed, MDA
leader Mong Sala put in jail and the territory occupied by the Burmese
Army.)

Again, thousands of Chinese people were harassed by the junta’s military
during last year’s fighting in Kokang. (In August 2009, Kokang was
attacked and occupied by the Burmese Army and about 200 people were killed
in the attack and over 30,000 refugees fled to China.)

Another example was a promotion for Brig-Gen Aung Kyaw Zaw, former
commander of Light Infantry Division (LID) 33, which had participated in
the Kokang fighting. “He is the one that the Chinese authorities were not
fond of as he did many ghastly things to Chinese people. But he was still
promoted as the regional commander,” he said. “It means the Burmese Army
does not care about our concerns.”

An officer said the military regime took advantage on Beijing’s words out
of context referring to the junta owned newspaper ‘The New Light of
Myanmar’ report on 12 September that China’s President Hu Jintao had
promised that China will not support any group that will create
anti-government activities along their shared border. “The junta is just
putting these words into our mouths for its own agenda,” he said.

An analyst agreed with the officer’s comment. “Before the United Wa State
Army (UWSA) had only five armoured personnel carriers, but now they have
more than 10 of them.  Likewise, the number of anti-aircrafts SAM 11 has
increased,” he said. “Those things don’t fall from the sky.”

Concerning China’s policy, most people say that Beijing, the central
government and Yunnan provisional government’s policies are somewhat
different. But to one border watcher, it is the same “that is we are
friends to today’s Burma government and tomorrow’s Burma government.”

“The difference is not between central and provincial,” he said, “but
between different departments.”

The main difference however is between the law enforcement and national
security departments. “The police see the ceasefire groups as problem
makers, drug producers and arms dealers who are destabilizing the border,”
said an analyst.

Both the security people and analysts see little likelihood of hostilities
breaking out during the election period. “Military preparations will
continue. The groups will be under siege,” said one. “But if there is a
military operation, it will take place either far away from the border or
if the target can be swiftly occupied.”

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

September 23, Mizzima News
France joins calls for UN inquiry into Burma abuses – Thomas Maung Shwe

Chiang Mai– French representative Jean-Baptiste Mattei expressed at a UN
Human Rights Council meeting last Friday his government’s support to
“establish an international commission of inquiry” on human rights abuses
in Burma.

Sarkosy-2009-in-Munich

France has endured a wave of criticism since last month’s decision by
President Nicolas Sarkozy (above, at the Munich Security Conference last
year) to proceed with the deportation of thousands of Roma to Eastern
Europe. Even so, the French last Friday joined many countries’ recent
calls for a UN commission of inquiry into ‘gross and systematic’ abuses by
the Burmese regime. Photo: Sebastian Zwe
His comments were revealed in a summary of the meeting held last Friday,
posted recently on the website of the UN’s Office of the High Commissioner
for Human Rights.

France is now the eighth nation to come out in support of the UN launching
a commission of inquiry on Burma, joining Australia, Britain, Canada, the
Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and the United States, along with many
rights groups that have documented such crimes including Amnesty
International and Human Rights Watch, all of which have endorsed such an
inquiry.

Aung Din, executive director of rights group, the US Campaign for Burma,
welcomed France’s stance. “[The] French coming on board is a positive
development,” said the
former political prisoner, who runs the organisation that is also
campaigning for a boycott of elections in Burma on November 7.

In March, the UN special rapporteur on the human rights situation in
Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, issued a report to the UN Human Rights
Council, which stated that in Burma, there existed a pattern of “gross and
systematic” human rights abuses. Quintana’s report called on the UN to
consider launching a “commission of inquiry with a specific fact-finding
mandate to address the question of international crimes” committed in
Burma.

During the meeting several countries including Norway, the US, Ireland,
Switzerland and Japan expressed concern about the human rights situation
in Burma, the treatment of ethnic minorities and the much-criticised
national elections.

During its allotted right-of-reply time, the Burmese regime fired back
against the charges, claiming, “that the allegations against Myanmar
[Burma] were completely false and unfounded. There were no crimes against
humanity in Myanmar and the government had negotiated ceasefires with 17
of the 18 rebel groups. The military only conducted counter-insurgency
activities and not acts of military aggression. With regard to the issue
of impunity, any member of the military who breached national law was
subject to legal punishments. The Myanmar governmental authority said that
there was no need to conduct investigations in Myanmar since there were no
human rights violations there.”

The Burmese regime representatives at the meeting were likely very pleased
when China, used its time to make reference to the French government’s
recent wave of deportations of Roma (formerly known as Gypsies) back to
Romania and Hungary.

France, a permanent member of the UN Security Council has endured a wave
of criticism from within its fellow human rights group and many of its
European neighbours since last month’s decision by President Nicolas
Sarkozy to proceed with the deportation of thousands of Roma to Eastern
Europe, despite the fact they are EU citizens and, in theory, are legally
allowed to live anywhere in the European Union.

Other nations present at the meeting that put up a vigorous defence
against charges of human rights abuses were North Korea and Iran.
____________________________________

September 23, Reuters
Myanmar tells U.N. body it will never seek atom bombs – Fredrik Dahl

Vienna – Myanmar told the U.N. nuclear watchdog on Thursday that
allegations it was trying to develop atomic bombs were unfounded and that
its nuclear activities had solely peaceful ends.

A Norwegian-based exile group said in June that Myanmar had a secret
programme dedicated to acquiring nuclear weapons capability, following up
on similar allegations by defectors from the reclusive, military-ruled
country.

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) said at the time it was
looking into the report. Myanmar is a member of both the nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the Vienna-based U.N. agency, now
holding its annual 151-nation assembly.

"There have been unfounded allegations reported by international
media...that Myanmar is attempting to develop a nuclear weapon programme,"
the head of the country's delegation, U Tin Win, said in a speech to the
IAEA General Conference.

"We would like to reiterate that the applications of nuclear science and
technology in Myanmar are only for peaceful developmental purposes and
Myanmar will never engage in activities related to the production and
proliferation of nuclear weapons," the Myanmar chief delegate said.

EXILES ACCUSE JUNTA

In June, an exiled anti-government group said it had carried out an
investigation indicating that Myanmar's military junta is pursuing a
clandestine nuclear weapons programme.

The five-year inquiry by the Norway-based Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB)
concluded that Myanmar, formerly Burma, was a long way from producing a
nuclear weapon but had gone to great lengths to acquire the technology and
expertise to do so.

If true, it would be the first Southeast Asian country with nuclear arms
aspirations and alter the strategic landscape of a fast-growing region
whose big countries -- from Indonesia to the Philippines and Thailand --
are closely allied with Washington.

The DVB report cited a U.S. nuclear scientist assessing evidence provided
by Sai Thein Win, a Burmese defence engineer.

He said he had defected after working in factories built to develop
weapons of mass destruction.

A U.N. report obtained by Reuters in May suggested that Myanmar, along
with Iran and Syria, had been aided by North Korea which appeared to have
been using front companies to export nuclear and missile technology.

Last year, Washington offered Myanmar a fresh start towards improving
long-strained relations. But U.S. officials have been disappointed by the
junta's refusal to budge on key sticking points involving democratic
reforms, as well as growing disquiet over its nuclear stance.

Last October, Myanmar's foreign minister told his Japanese counterpart
that his country was seeking Russian nuclear expertise, but only for
civilian atomic energy for its people.

The isolated, impoverished country has been under Western sanctions for
two decades and analysts say a nuclearised Myanmar could trigger an arms
race in the region.

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said at a security forum in
Thailand last year she was concerned about the possible transfer of
nuclear technology to Myanmar from North Korea, which has left the NPT and
tested two nuclear devices.

(Reporting by Fredrik Dahl; Editing by Mark Heinrich)

(For more news visit Reuters India)

____________________________________

September 23, Democratic Voice of Burma
UN millennium development goals in jeopardy – Joseph Allchin

Some 140 heads of state are in New York to mark five years until the
target date of the UN Millenium Development Goals (MDGs), but observers
say that governments around the world are failing billions of people.

UN chief Ban Ki-moon appealed to the summit to “send a strong message of
hope. Let us keep the promise”, hinting at concerns that the eight goals
will not be met. US President Barack Obama furthermore called for a “new”
approach to delivering aid, suggesting a results-based approach instead of
simply throwing money at development issues – a possible indicator of
Washington’s own economic woes.

Amnesty International pointed to the Burmese junta as not only failing on
a number of MDG targets but also breaking treaty obligations that they had
signed.

“It’s clear that the government of Myanmar [Burma] has not taken positive
steps for the realisation of economic, social and cultural rights, and of
course the Millennium Development Goals speak to economic rights in
particular,” Amnesty’s Burma researcher, Benjamin Zawacki, told DVB.

Zawacki believes that such issues do not receive enough attention in
regards to Burma, with observers focusing more on political and civil
rights – what is known as negative liberty or impediments to do as one
pleases – as opposed to positive liberties: the freedom from hunger, for
example.

This sentiment is echoed by Burmese political analyst Aung Naing Oo, who
told DVB that “rights aren’t just about being able to do stuff; for many
it’s also about being able to get two square meals a day”. Burma remains
one of the world’s least developed countries, with annual income averaging
at little over US$200 a year.

“What they [the junta] are obligated to do is to protect those rights that
are enshrined in the human rights conventions it has signed,” Zawacki
continued. “It is a state party on the rights of the child and, for
example, Article 4 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child makes it
very explicit that if the government is unable or unwilling to ensure the
economic rights of the child, the rights to food, to healthcare or
shelter
then it has to allow the international community, the outside
world, to provide for those rights.

“You can’t hold children hostage because of your own inability or
unwillingness to protect those rights.”

He points to May 2008’s cyclone Nargis as an example, one he hastens to
add was exceptional but nonetheless demonstrative of the government’s
attitude to protecting or promoting economic rights.

Burma is said to be “off track” on ‘improving maternal health’, one of the
eight MDGs. The MDG Monitor website also states that for two of the
targets – ‘eradication of extreme poverty and hunger’ and ‘develop a
global partnership for development’ – there existed “insufficient data”.

The two targets that Burma is said to be “very likely to [achieve], on
track” were providing universal primary education and promoting gender
equality and empowering women.

The remaining categories – combating child mortality, reducing major
diseases such as malaria and HIV/AIDS and ensuring environmental
sustainability – were considered “possible to achieve if some changes are
made”.

The pessimism surrounding maternal health will come as no surprise given
the severe lack of funding that healthcare receives in Burma, with the
junta spending roughly US$0.50 per person annually on healthcare. This
fact will also not bode well for those areas considered “possible to
achieve if some changes are made”.

This target received special attention on Wednesday when Ban Ki-moon
launched a new initiative aimed at combating maternal deaths. Amnesty
International have noted that in the three days that the summit took
place, some 3,700 women will have died during childbirth, more often that
not as a result of lack of healthcare.

The initiative will include increases in funding for women and children’s
health to the tune of roughly $US40 billion, while the UN had lined up
prominent speakers for the launch, including Chinese Premiere Wen Jiabao.
Who told the audience that “assistance should be selfless and have no
strings attached”.

Burma receives some of the lowest levels of development aid in the world,
partly a result of the isolationist tendencies of the junta, but also the
international community’s tendency to avoid working with a ‘pariah’ state.

This fact, coupled with the admittance that two categories, including the
key ‘eradication of extreme poverty and hunger’, did not have enough data
asks serious questions about the Burmese junta’s ability to work with
development NGOs and their desire to assess such areas of concern.

Indian economist Amartya Sen famously attributed famine not to a lack of
food but rather improper distribution. His work focused on the famines in
his native Bengal that occurred under the authoritarian rule of
colonialism, and the experience of mass famine has not been repeated since
India became a democracy.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

September 23, Irrawaddy
Is there really hope for ethnic candidates? – Kay Latt

Given the blatant bias by authorities and the Union Election Commission
towards the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), critics say
that the result of the elections is already known generally. The USDP and
the National Unity Party are the main rivals in most of the constituencies
with little challenge by the National Democratic Force and and other
parties.

So, what about ethnic parties? Some optimists predict that there is a
great potential for ethnic parties in their respective areas due to racial
tendencies of ethnic people to vote for their fellows. We must look at 
that prediction based on the available facts.

In seven states where ethnic people reside, there are 123 and 84
constituencies for the People’s and National parliament respectively, with
257 seats for their state’s parliaments. Twenty-two ethnic parties out of
37 parties in total will contest for these 464 seats plus some areas in
regions where ethnic people live.

The largest ethnic party is the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party
(SNDP), which will contest in157 constituencies, mostly in Shan State and
its adjacent areas in Kachin and Kayah states. There are 176 seats in
total for Shan State with 55 and 12 seats for the People’ parliament and
National Parliament respectively, and 109 seats for the state parliament.

The SNDP has faced harassment and threats from the UEC and the USDP. It
has found it difficult to canvass in some places and faced coercion by
local authorities to support the USDP. The hope for SNDP to win even in
Shan State is still faint in the face of the USDP hegemony.

The second largest ethnic party in Shan State is Taang (Palaung) National
Party which will contest in six townships for both National and Regional
parliaments.

The two “Wa” parties have only two townships in which to field their
candidates since four townships in the Wa Self-administrative Division
have been declared “areas where elections will not be held.” The United Wa
State Army has already refused requests from these two parties to campaign
in areas under their control.

Other ethnic-based parties such as the Kokang Democracy and Unity Party,
Pa-O National Organization, Inn National Development Party, Lahu National
Development Party and Kayan National Party, will also field candidates in
their respective stronghold areas.
Other small ethnic groups in Shan State such as Danu, Taungyo, Gurkha and
Kachin have no political party to represent them. They are minority groups
in Shan State , and they generally view Shan nationals the way the Shan
see Burmans.

The second largest state is Kachin, with 70 seats for all parliaments.
Unfortunately, the Kachin State Progressive Party was not allowed to form
as political party. The Unity and Democracy Party of Kachin State will its
place as only ethnic party in Kachin State. In fact, it is just an arm of
the USDP. As a result, no ethnic party truly represent the Kachin, and
other ethnics in Kachin State.

Rakhine State is the third largest state with 64 seats for all
parliaments. The largest ethnic party is the Rakhine Nationals Progressive
Party, which fielded 45 candidates both in national and regional
parliaments. Other parties such as Rakhine State National Force of
Myanmar, Kaman National Progressive Party, Mro or Khami National
Solidarity Organization and Khami National Development Party are not
significant in terms of the number of candidates.

There are 45 seats for all parliaments in Mon State, which is the fourth
largest with only one ethnic party, the All Mon Region Democracy Party
(AMRDP). The party will contest for 25 seats in Mon and Karen state.
Activities of the AMRDP are closely watched by military intelligence and
the Election Sub-commission.

Smaller states such as Chin, Karen and Kayah (Karenni) have 39, 36 and 34
constituencies respectively for People, National and Region’s parliaments.
Among Chin ethnic parties contesting in Chin State, the Chin Progressive
Party (CPP) is relatively large and it has fielded 39 candidates in Chin
State and the Sagaing Region. Leaders of CPP are mostly retired civil
servants who have no political background comparable to candidates in the
All Mon Region Democracy Party.

Another Chin party, the Chin National Party, also fielded 23 candidates
for different parliaments. The third ethnic party in Chin State is the
Ethnic National Development Party, which represents the Mara people of the
Chin tribe that reside in Thantlang, Matupi and Paletwa townships. Chin
nationals make up of about 50 small ethnic groups among a 1.5 million
population.

Three ethnic Karen Parties, the Karen People's Party (KPP), the Phalon
Sawaw Democratic Party and the Kayin State Democracy and Development
Party, will represent Karen people. The Phalon Sawaw Democratic Party is
the most successful party in Karen State, whereas the Karen People's Party
has focused only on Rangoon, Irrawaddy, the Pegu region and Mon State
where there is a Karen population. The Kayin State Democracy and
Development Party was set up by former leaders of Karen cease-fire groups
including DKBA.

There are a lot of villages and village tracts where elections will not be
held in Karen State, especially in Papun, Thandaunggyi and Kya-in-seik-kyi
townships. Given the situation, representation in Karen state is quite
doubtful.

In Kayah State, there is only one ethnic party contesting, the Kayan
National Party (KNP). In fact, the KNP fielded candidates only in Dimawso
Township and the rest of its candidates are in Phekhon in Shan State
South, Thandaung in Karen State and Pyinmana in the Pegu region.

A KNP leader said in an interview that the party’s was banned from
campaigning in DiMawso and there are not many supporters in Pyinmana and
Thandaung since many people have fled from forced relocation.

In brief, the USDP, NUP and their ethnic proxy parties will easily reap
most seats in many ethnic areas such as Kachin, Karen, Kayah and Mon
states, where there is no strong opposition party to compete. For ethnic
areas such as Shan, Rakhine and Chin, the state-backed parties will use
all possible means to win as many seats as possible.

Optimists who hope ethnic party candidates can win a significant number of
seats in regional parliaments may have their doubts increased, in light of
the above numbers.
The number of constituencies in various parliaments in ethnic areas:

____________________________________

September 23, Human Rights Watch
US/ASEAN: Three years after crackdown, no justice in Burma

US-ASEAN Summit is Moment to Align Divergent Policies Ahead of Elections

New York – US and Southeast Asian leaders meeting in New York this week
should press the Burmese government to end an escalating campaign of
repression, release political prisoners, and begin a dialogue with
opposition groups ahead of Burma’s coming flawed elections, Human Rights
Watch said today. September marks the third anniversary of the brutal 2007
crackdown on peaceful protests led by monks and known as the “Saffron
Revolution.”

US President Barack Obama and leaders of the ten-member Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) will hold a summit in New York on
September 24, 2010, the eve of the annual United Nations General Assembly.

“Three years ago, world leaders meeting at the United Nations expressed
outrage and repugnance over the brutal use of force to disperse Buddhist
monks and other protestors in Burma,” said Sophie Richardson, acting Asia
director at Human Rights Watch. “This summit is an opportunity for the US
and ASEAN leaders to send a clear message to Burma’s rulers that their
intransigence, denial of basic freedoms and cynical election manipulation
harm the region’s progress.”

Burma’s first elections in 20 years are scheduled to take place on
November 7. However, repression continues ahead of the elections, with the
state-run media warning people advocating for a boycott of the elections
that they face prison for trying to disrupt the process. Groups of
National League for Democracy (NLD) members have been touring Burma urging
citizens to boycott the vote. Electoral laws released in March have
effectively sidelined much of the opposition, including the recently
outlawed NLD which overwhelmingly won the 1990 elections, and its
incarcerated leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Political prisoners are deemed
criminals and are unable to even cast a ballot.

The military will have reserved seats in all three levels of parliaments:
national lower and upper houses, and in 14 regional assemblies. The ruling
junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) formed Union
Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), led by the current Prime Minister
Thein Sein and dozens of recently retired senior officers will contest all
of the 1,168 seats up for voting. Other parties will only have the
resources and finances to field far few candidates. Sharp curbs on freedom
of expression, assembly, and association will tightly control the
campaigning. The elections fall far short of international standards.

Recent statements by ASEAN leaders regarding the elections have done
little to press the Burmese leadership to conduct genuine polls. During
the ASEAN Regional Forum meeting in Hanoi in July, ASEAN Secretary General
Surin Pitsuwan claimed that ASEAN ministers gave the Burmese foreign
minister Nyan Win “an earful” of criticism about the elections. Yet the
official statement by current ASEAN chair Vietnam, “reiterated the
importance of holding the general election in a free, fair, and inclusive
manner which would lay the foundation for the long term stability and
prosperity of Myanmar
(the ASEAN ministers) welcomed ASEAN’s readiness to
extend their support to Myanmar and reaffirmed their commitment to remain
constructively engaged with Myanmar.” Singapore’s foreign minister, George
Yeo, said, “Once the generals take off their uniforms and they've got to
win votes and kiss babies and attend to local needs, the behavior will
change and the economy will gradually open up.”

“ASEAN should be raising the bar on democracy in Southeast Asia, not
lowering it,” Richardson said. “And if the US really wants to claim a
positive, constructive return to Southeast Asia, it needs to place justice
and human rights at the core of its ASEAN agenda.”

Human Rights Watch pointed out that ASEAN's summit coincides with the
third anniversary of the crackdown that began on September 26, 2007. In
the following weeks, Buddhist monks in Rangoon, Mandalay, and other towns
across Burma staged peaceful marches to protest government policies and
poor living standards. Lay supporters gradually joined the marches,
swelling to tens of thousands of people calling for political, economic
and social reforms. In the most extensive documentation of the crackdown
to date, Human Rights Watch and the former United Nations special
rapporteur for the situation of human rights in Burma, Paulo Sergio
Pinheiro, documented at least 20 extrajudicial killings during the
crackdown, but both believe the death toll is much higher. Despite
widespread calls for an open and impartial investigation into the
violence, the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) have never
convened an investigation.

Human Rights Watch calls on the US and ASEAN leaders to press Burma’s
Prime Minister Thein Sein, who will be attending the summit, for the
immediate and unconditional release of more than 2,100 political
prisoners, half of whom were arrested following demonstrations in August
and September 2007, and sentenced to outrageously long prison terms in a
series of closed trials in late 2008.

“Release of political prisoners is one of the touchstones for a credible
election, and on this measure the Burmese junta fails,” Richardson said.
“The only way to seize the minds of the generals, those still serving and
the recently retired ones preparing for their new roles as
parliamentarians, is to close ranks against the ongoing repression in
Burma.”

Human Rights Watch pressed the US government to call on ASEAN leaders to
support growing calls for a Commission of Inquiry (CoI) into allegations
of crimes against humanity and war crimes in Burma. In March, the current
UN special rapporteur for the situation of human rights in Burma, Tomas
Ojea Quintana, called for the establishment of a high level CoI to
investigate serious crimes in Burma in his annual report to the Human
Rights Council. To date, the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, New
Zealand, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary have publicly supported
the forming of a CoI. Human Rights Watch has called on leaders attending
the UN General Assembly to support the proposal in the upcoming session of
the GA. During a general debate at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva
on September 17, the Burmese ambassador U Wunna Maung Lwin said, “There
were no crimes against humanity in Myanmar
(w)ith regard to the issue of
impunity, any member of the military who breached national law was subject
to legal punishments
there was no need to conduct investigations in
Myanmar since there were no human rights violations there.”

“Ending impunity and building peace in Burma require justice, not a
deliberately manipulated election,” said Richardson. “It’s time for those
who express outrage to match the SPDC’s intransigence with a unified call
for a credible inquiry into widespread and systematic violations of
international law in Burma.”

Human Rights Watch's campaign, “2100 in 2010: Free Burma's Political
Prisoners,” aims to increase international awareness and pressure for the
release of all political prisoners in Burma before the elections.

____________________________________
OBITUARY

September 23, Irrawaddy
Poet Moe Hein dies

Burmese poet and writer Moe Hein died of throat cancer in Rangoon on
Thursday at the age of 68.

Moe Hein was the youngest son of Burma's two famous literary
personalities, the late journalist Chit Maung and his wife, the prolific
writer Ma Ma Lay. Chit Maung was a close friend and colleague of Burma's
national hero, Aung San.

Following in his parents' footsteps, Moe Hein wrote a number of
travelogues, memoirs, a collection of poems and articles on religion. For
years, he also volunteered as an English teacher in Buddhist monasteries.

In December 2009, after he was diagnosed with throat cancer, Moe Hein
wrote an article in a local magazine, announcing that as a long-time
vegetarian he would never again eat meat so that he would be fit enough to
undergo chemotherapy.

“He continued writing poems and books about cancer until he died of that
same disease,” said one of his nephews.

Moe Hein is survived by his wife, a son and a daughter. His funeral will
be held on Saturday in Rangoon.

____________________________________
PRESS RELEASE

September 24, Amnesty International
Myanmar: Political prisoners must be freed

On the third anniversary of the violent crackdown on the “Saffron
Revolution”, Amnesty International calls on the Myanmar government to
immediately and unconditionally free all political prisoners arrested for
their peaceful activism.

The Myanmar authorities continue to imprison over 2,200 political
prisoners—more than double the number held before the August 2007 protests
against sharp fuel and commodity price rises.

“While the international community, including Myanmar’s ASEAN neighbours,
has been calling for free, fair and inclusive elections there, the plight
of thousands of political prisoners has been overlooked,” said Benjamin
Zawacki, Amnesty International’s Myanmar Researcher.

Amnesty International believes the vast majority of those held are
prisoners of conscience who are being punished merely for peacefully
exercising their rights to free expression, assembly and association.

The Myanmar government will hold its first elections in 20 years on 7
November 2010 against a backdrop of political repression and systematic
violence.  Under Electoral Laws enacted in March 2010, no political
prisoner can take part in the elections or hold membership in any
political party.

International attention in recent months has focused on the power-play
between the military and the government’s proxy parties on the one hand;
and the armed ethnic minority groups, the National League for Democracy,
and a small number of new opposition parties on the other.

“The long-standing problem of political imprisonment in Myanmar remains
very much at the heart of the political impasse in the country”, said
Benjamin Zawacki.  “These prisoners constitute a significant part of the
political opposition”.

In the largest show of public discontent against the military government
in Myanmar since the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, tens of thousands of
protesters—led by Buddhist monks—took to the streets in August and
September 2007, demanding economic and political reforms.

The peaceful country-wide demonstrations were violently put down by the
authorities in late September 2007.  At least 31 (and possibly more than a
hundred) people were killed—with many more injured and at least 74
disappeared—and thousands detained.

The brutal crackdown provoked international condemnation, including an
unprecedented expression of revulsion and demands for change from the UN
Security Council, the UN Human Rights Council and the Association of South
East Asian Nations (ASEAN).

Yet even as Myanmar prepares for its first elections in two decades, as
part of what it calls a “Roadmap to Democracy”, it continues to repress
political opposition.

“It beggars belief that the government can attempt to burnish its
democratic credentials by holding elections, while it also holds more than
2,200 political prisoners behind bars and out of sight of the campaigns
and polls”,  said Benjamin Zawacki .  “The international community should
point out to Myanmar that these practices cannot be reconciled under any
genuine Roadmap to Democracy”.

Political prisoners in Myanmar are held in deplorable conditions.

Many of those who took part in the Saffron Revolution, such as labour
rights campaigner Su Su Nway, monk leader and activist U Gambira, and 88
Generation Student group members Min Ko Naing, Htay Kywe, Mie Mie, Ko Mya
Aye and Zaw Htet Ko Ko, are in poor health.  In the past two years, at
least 238 political prisoners have been moved to extremely remote prisons,
restricting their access to relatives, lawyers and medical care.  Reports
of torture and other ill-treatment are rife.  The International Committee
of the Red Cross has been denied access to prisons in Myanmar since late
2005.

“On this third anniversary of the Saffron Revolution, Amnesty
International calls on world leaders to demand that the Myanmar government
free all political prisoners at once, and ensure human rights protection
throughout the elections period and beyond”, said Benjamin Zawacki.

____________________________________

September 23, Burma News International
New Burma election website launched for 2010 election in Burma

Burma News International (BNI) members, other independent media and
Burmese civil society groups have established a website providing a unique
(in-depth news and analysis from each ethnic state) Burmese perspective on
the upcoming general election.

The site, http://burmaelection2010.com is the source for daily news,
current events, features, analysis, video clips and radio production
relating to coverage of the 2010 election in Burma. The content is
enriched by input from an extensive network of journalists reporting from
inside Burma and along its borders with Thailand, India, Bangladesh and
China.

The content is available in both English and Burmese.

Special features of the site include:

• Links with other news websites reporting on the 2010 election in Burma.

• Information on reference books and election monitoring process databases
collected by BNI.

• BNI is producing weekly report on news and issues related to the various
ethnic groups participating in Burma election as well as a weekly election
analysis paper.

• Readers can monitor election news in each ethnic region of the country.

• BNI has posted the results of a 2008 survey of people's inside Burma
opinions about the constitutional referendum pushed through by the
military regime that year.

BNI will provide coverage of a wide range of topics including voter and
party profiles in the various ethnic regions as well as election process,
abuses and fraud.

And, BNI will provide information on how Burmese living abroad can contact
various Burmese embassies to vote in the election.

BNI and its eleven member exiled news groups want to assist the
international media, human rights activists and researchers and everyone
monitoring the elections by providing a detailed record of Burma’s first
election in twenty years.

Audiences can access this detail information in
http://www.burmaelection2010.com.

For more details:
Khin Maung Shwe
Mobile: +66 84 722 5988
Email: contact at burmaelection2010.com
Website: http://www.burmaelection2010.com