BurmaNet News, January 8 - 10, 2011

[Editor]

January 8 – 10, 2011 Issue #4116


INSIDE BURMA
AP: Myanmar enacts military draft law for men, women
DPA: Myanmar's three-chamber parliament to convene January 31
DVB: Torture victims take appeal to top court

ON THE BORDER
South China Morning Post: Imprisoned and shunned, Rohingyas plead for a home
Irrawaddy: Thais tighten border security amid clashes

BUSINESS / TRADE
Bangkok Post: DSI uncovers timber scam tied to Burma
Mizzima: Clothing industry picks up in Burma

HEALTH
Xinhua: UNAIDS to extend aid for Myanmar HIV victims

ASEAN
Manila Bulletin (Philippines): Suu Kyi sees ASEAN role in restoring
democracy — Loren

REGIONAL
DPA: Bangladesh seeks to claim 400 nautical miles in Bay of Bengal

INTERNATIONAL
DVB: Student army taken off US terror list

OPINION / OTHER
TIME: Burma's release of Suu Kyi eases pressure for sanctions – Vivienne Walt
Business Asia Select/EIU: Politics: Taking stock





____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

January 9, Associated Press
Myanmar enacts military draft law for men, women

Military-ruled Myanmar has enacted a law that could draft men and women
into the armed forces and mete out prison sentences of up to five years
for draft dodgers, according to an official document seen Monday. The
country currently has a volunteer army.

The law, dated Nov. 4, 2010, but yet to be made public, will come into
force when proclaimed by the ruling military council, said an official
gazette with limited circulation.

Myanmar's 400,000-strong military ranks among the largest in the world.
Its troops are engaged in continuing conflicts with several ethnic
minority groups seeking autonomy from the central government.

Some analysts say conflicts could escalate as more ethnic groups refuse to
adhere to a Constitution and government they say will deprive them of even
more rights than they currently enjoy. The government is set to replace
the junta, possibly toward the end of this month.

The law states every male between the age of 18 and 45 and females between
18 and 35 may be drafted to serve for two years, which could be increased
to five years in times of national emergencies. Both sexes are required to
register at 18.

Those who fail to report for military service could get three years in
prison, a fine or both, and those who deliberately inflict injury upon
oneself to avoid conscription could be imprisoned for up to five years,
fined or both.

In times of national crisis the government can recruit all or some of
those eligible for military service.

Civil servants, students, persons serving prison terms or those taking
care of elderly parents will enjoy temporary postponement of military
service but could be later called to serve. Totally exempt are members of
religious orders, married women or divorcees with children and disabled
persons.

____________________________________

January 10, Deustche Presse Agentur
Myanmar's three-chamber parliament to convene January 31

Yangon – Myanmar's newly elected chambers of parliament are to hold their
first session on January 31 to begin the process of selecting a new
president, state media said Monday.

Myanmar junta chief, Senior General Than Shwe, set 8:55 am (0225 GMT)
January 31 as the official launch time and date for the country's three
houses of parliament - upper, lower and states/regions, Myanmar TV
announced.

Military-ruled Myanmar staged its first general election in two decades on
November 7, in which the pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development Party
(USDP) won 77 per cent of the contested seats.

The constitution stipulates that parliament must convene within 90 days of
the polls.

Parliament's first task will be to set up an electoral college with
representatives from the three chambers of parliament to nominate a new
president.

The president does not need to be an elected member of parliament but must
be familiar with military affairs, the constitution says.

Than Shwe, 77 years old and junta chief since 1992, is a likely candidate,
according to political observers.

'I'm sure Than Shwe will be nominated president and Maung Aye and Shwe
Mann will become vice president,' said Aung Din, director of the US
Campaign for Burma. 'This will be a Myanmar version of the Chinese
Communist Party,' he said.

Generals Maung Aye and Shwe Mann are the 2nd and 3rd highest ranking
military officers in the ruling junta. Besides being junta chief, Than
Shwe is also commander-in-chief of the armed forces.

All three would have to resign their military posts to take political
office.

The president will be responsible for choosing the next cabinet, primarily
selected from the ranks of the USDP, which is packed with ex-military men
and government ministers.

Even without the USDP's electoral win, the next parliaments would not be
free from military controls since the current constitution allows the army
to appoint 25 per cent of all legislators, enough for them to veto any
legislation.

Myanmar's elections were strongly criticized by the international
community for being unfair and for excluding Nobel laureate Aung San Suu
Kyi and her National League for Democracy opposition party.

Suu Kyi, 65, was freed from a seven-year house detention term on November
13, six days after the polls.

The National League for Democracy won the 1990 general election by a
landslide, but it was blocked from assuming power by the military. The
party was officially disbanded in May for failing to register to contest
the polls.

Myanmar has been under military dictatorships since 1962.

____________________________________

January 10, Democratic Voice of Burma
Torture victims take appeal to top court – Peter Aung

The families of three men tortured and jailed last year are taking an
appeal over their sentences to Burma’s Supreme Court.

The three, from Mon state in eastern Burma, had been arrested in July 2010
along with two others under accusation that they held ties with the
opposition Karen National Union, whose armed wing has been fighting the
ruling junta for nearly six decades.

One of the men, San Shwe, died during the initial interrogation, while Law
Kwat was later released after agreeing a fee with the army. The remaining
three, Hla Phone, Maung Thein, Pow Lar – all of Bilin in Mon state, where
the arrest was made – are serving three-year sentences.

A relative of one of the men said under condition of anonymity that during
a recent visit to the prison he had been shown the injuries caused by
torture, and that all three men had been assaulted during the
interrogation.

“They said San Shwe was killed in the interrogation and his body dragged
[out of the cell] like a dog.”

Previous appeals to lower-level courts over the sentencing had failed, and
the three families were now preparing to petition Burma’s top court in the
capital, Naypyidaw.

“We are not looking to put the blame on anyone or to get compensation,”
the relative said. “As Buddhists, we just blame it on karma. We just want
our loved one released from prison and the family of [San Shwe] be
informed about his death so they can hold a funeral.”

Aye Myint, head of the Guiding Star legal advocacy group, criticised the
arrests and treatment of the men.

“The civilians were arrested in downtown [Bilin] and we know that [the
army] disposed of the body of the man killed in interrogation without
letting the people know – we have photo evidence of that.

“Ko Law Kwat was tortured with a method where a plastic material is melted
down with fire and poured on his body, including the genitals. It looked
pretty bad from what I saw in the photos. We also have photo evidence of
San Shwe’s body being buried.”

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

January 9, South China Morning Post
Imprisoned and shunned, Rohingyas plead for a home – Shaikh Azizur Rahman

Persecuted refugees are being held in jail and denied help, writes Shaikh
Azizur Rahman.

When Asiya Begum heard the miraculous news in January 2009 that her
husband was among the survivors of a nightmarish voyage that claimed the
lives of 350 fellow Rohingya boatpeople, she felt she had been blessed by
good fortune.

She learned Rashid Ahammad had been aboard a powerless hulk towed out to
sea and abandoned by Thai authorities. For weeks he drifted under the
tropical sun, his shipmates dying around him as their meagre supplies of
food and water ran out. But then he had been rescued by the Indian
coastguard and detained in India's distant Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

Ahammad would be safe at home soon, she thought.

But almost two years later, Ahammad is still languishing in jail in the
Andamans, rejected as a non-resident and denied refugee status by the
government in Bangladesh, where he had lived for 15 years after fleeing
persecution in Myanmar.

The increasingly desperate plight of Ahammad and 169 of his fellow
detainees was laid bare in a specially arranged telephone interview with
the Sunday Morning Post from their jail in Port Blair.

The tearful men begged the Bangladeshi authorities to reconsider their
claims, and threatened to go on a hunger strike.

They are stuck in limbo: no nation is willing to admit that they are its
citizens, and their reluctant Indian hosts will not allow the group to be
assessed for refugee status. Accused of no crime, they remain stuck in
jail, far from their wives and children, for the foreseeable future.

Family and friends in Bangladesh are also desperate. Some say they have
not been able to raise enough money to bribe Bangladeshi police into
accepting the detainees' legitimate residency claims. When pressed on the
issue, a Bangladeshi diplomat said investigations into the long-running
residency claims would continue.

The detainees' plight exemplifies that of the Muslim Rohingya, who are
among the world's most shunned people.

They are denied citizenship and relentlessly persecuted in military-ruled
Myanmar, but those who have fled to neighbouring Bangladesh are mostly
treated as illegal immigrants, with Dhaka having long ago barred the UN
refugee body, UNHCR, from granting new claims of refugee status.

"One and a half years ago Bangladeshi police conducted inquiries to find
out whether my husband was a Bangladeshi resident," said Begum in a recent
telephone interview.

"As they asked, I presented the documents showing that he was Bangladeshi.
Yet, the Bangladeshi government has not let him return home. For two years
he has been in that Indian jail. It is extremely painful for him, and also
for us."

Efforts to repatriate Ahammad and some of the other survivors of the
once-secret Thai policy of abandonment at sea have apparently been blocked
by Bangladeshi authorities.

The men set sail from Bangladeshi waters in late 2008, in hope of finding
jobs in Malaysia or Thailand. But when they arrived in Thai waters, they
were secretly detained, behind barbed wire, on a remote island before
being towed out to sea and cast adrift.

This was part of a covert policy conducted by the Thai military that was
exposed by the South China Morning Post last year. The policy was
eventually rescinded by the Thai government, but not before hundreds died
under horrific conditions or were lost at sea.

Bangladesh claims the Andaman detainees are probably illegal immigrants
from Myanmar. Officials say most of the ethnic Rohingyas in Bangladesh are
not genuine refugees and are not the responsibility of the Bangladeshi
government. Of the 451 boatpeople rescued in Indian waters, 38 survivors
said they were from Myanmar and 413 men claimed they were from Bangladesh.
However, Bangladesh only accepted just over half of this latter group were
actually its citizens; 223 Bangladeshis and ethnic Rohingyas with
Bangladeshi residency were repatriated to Bangladesh (one man died in
detention).

The detainees who say they are Myanmese are resigned to never returning
home to a land where they are despised.

But the remainder, including Ahammad, have been making increasingly
desperate efforts to return to their homes and families in Bangladesh.

After the Bangladeshi interior ministry declared they had no claim to
residency, relatives of the men petitioned police with their identity
documents.

Inside the Port Blair jail, the remaining detainees staged demonstrations
to highlight their demands. After the men held hunger strikes in February
and June, lasting 10 and 11 days respectively, Bangladeshi police agreed
to conduct another round of investigations regarding their residency
claims.

The Bangladesh High Commission in New Delhi said recently that 19 of the
remaining 189 men had been found eligible to return to Bangladesh. Ahammad
was not among them.

"On verification of their home addresses, as they stated on the list, and
other related documents we have found that 19 of the men rescued and
detained by India had legitimate rights to return to Bangladesh," said
Syed Muntasir Mamun, a diplomat with the High Commission. "Those 19 men
will be taken back to Bangladesh very soon."

Good news for the 19, as word spread in the jail, but another bitter blow
for the remaining 170.

In a phone call, some of the rejected detainees said they were extremely
disappointed and depressed over the decision. They demanded a "fairer"
inquiry into their claims of residency, or they would launch another
hunger strike soon.

Ahammad said he feared the Bangladeshi government decided he was a
Myanmar-based Rohingya.

"I have my wife and five children living in Bangladesh," he said. "For
more than 12 years I worked in the town of Cox's Bazar as a mason. I have
my home in Bangladesh."

He admitted that he was born in Myanmar but had crossed the border and
settled as a refugee in Bangladesh 15 years ago, well after the government
halted refugee assessments.

One young Rohingya detainee said he was born in Bangladesh, and that his
mother had shown his government-issued birth certificate to the police
long ago.

"Even after two inquiries by Bangladeshi police I have been found
ineligible to return to Bangladesh. I think I shall never be able to
return to my home," said the youth, before breaking into sobs. The boy
feared that his comments could anger Bangladeshi police and asked to
remain unidentified.

Some family members of the men in Bangladesh said their claims had been
denied simply because they could not pay large enough bribes to the
police.

The father of one Rohingya detainee said he presented police with
documents which proved that his son was a Bangladeshi.

"I had all the documents, including my son's [Bangladesh
government-issued] National ID card, in order," said the father in a phone
interview. "But one police officer who visited us during the inquiry
earlier this year said that unless I paid him [a bribe of] 5,000 takas
(HK$537) he would not do what was needed to help my son return to
Bangladesh. I told the officer that I was sick, old and had no job of my
own, and could not pay more than 3,000 takas, but he would not reduce his
demand.

"I could not pay his bribe, so he refused to certify that my son was a
Bangladeshi citizen and my son is still in jail."

This man, too, asked that he remain anonymous.

One of the lucky 19 who were ruled Bangladeshi residents was Abdus Shukur,
30, who said he hoped to be reunited with his wife, Kohinoor Akhtar, in
Cox's Bazar within weeks.

"More than two years of my life have gone by in this jail and during this
period my family has suffered immensely," he said by phone from the jail.
"but many of my companions died at sea. I am lucky that I am still alive."

The Rohingya ethnic group has been the subject of an ongoing crackdown on
illegal immigration by Bangladeshi authorities near Cox's Bazar since the
start of 2010.

The UNHCR has been barred by Bangladesh from registering any Rohingya
arrivals as refugees since 1992 even though they continue to flee Myanmar
in such numbers that their population in Bangladesh has swelled to an
estimated 200,000 plus.

In an attempt to keep a check on their population, hundreds were arrested
and jailed this year. Some were even pushed back to Myanmar.

Bangladeshi Police officer Jasimuddin last year conducted inquiries into
some of the Port Blair detainees' residency claims. He said that "a big
number" of the 170 rejected detainees were most likely illegal settlers in
Bangladesh.

"During inquiries around Teknaf [in Cox's Bazar district] relatives of
more than half of the men could not produce any documents showing that
those detained in India were citizens or legal residents of Bangladesh,"
said Jasimuddin.

"In some cases we even found the men had never lived at the Bangladeshi
addresses which, they claimed, were their homes. We assumed that they were
Burmese Rohingyas, with no connection to Bangladesh at all. We have to be
very careful before we certify one as Bangladeshi."

However, a Bangladeshi diplomat admitted that some of the 170 men probably
had residency rights.

"We will seek another round of police inquiries into the 170 cases of the
men detained in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands," said the India-based
diplomat, who did not want to be identified.

"We believe some more among them may have legitimate rights to return to
Bangladesh."
____________________________________

January 10, Irrawaddy
Thais tighten border security amid clashes – Sai Zom Hseng

Thai authorities have raised border security after some artillery shells
fired by Burmese troops during two days of clashes with a splinter group
of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) exploded near a village in
Thailand's Mae Sot District.

The incident will be investigated and if necessary the Thai government
will issue a formal complaint to the Burmese regime through the the two
countries' border committee, according to  the commander of the Royal Thai
Army's Mae Sot-based No. 4 Regional Command, speaking to reporters.

Around 100 heavy artillery shells were fired by Burmese troops during
fighting that started at 7 o'clock this morning, with six of the shells
exploding on the Thai side. Yesterday, 11 shells fired by government
troops exploded near the village of Mae Koking in Mae Sot District.

A DKBA officer, speaking on condition of anonymity, confirmed that two of
their troops were injured by today’s artillery fire.

The regime troops started firing heavy artillery yesterday, mainly
targeting DKBA troops near the villages of Waw Lay and Phaluu in Kawkareik
Township, Karen State.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Monday, Nan Phaw Gay, the editor of the Karen
Information Center in Mae Sot, said, “Government troops carried out heavy
attacks yesterday. They fired heavy artillery the whole day. We can’t
confirm how many have been injured or killed yet.”

Maj San Aung from DKBA Brigade 5 said that the regime's troops were
responding to the DKBA's successful guerrilla tactics, which he said have
been effective against Burmese forces in the area.

“The government wants to take the Waw Lay and Phaluu areas as soon as
possible,” he added.

A local resident of Phaluu told The Irrawaddy that hundreds of people from
the area have fled to Thailand since yesterday and are currently at the
Mae Tao Clinic in Mae Sot.

DKBA Brigade 5, led by Col Saw Lah Pwe, is the first ethnic armed group to
engage in hostilities with the regime over the issue of the junta's border
guard force (BGF) plan, which would put armed cease-fire groups under
Burmese military command. Clashes between the DKBA and Burmese troops
began on Nov. 7, 2010, the day the regime held its first election in 20
years.

According to recent unconfirmed reports, a meeting was held last Friday
between Maj-Gen Thet Naing Win, the commander of the Burmese army's Bureau
of Special Operation 4 (BSO-4), and DKBA leaders to negotiate an end to
the current situation.

A Burmese military source said that he couldn't confirm or deny the rumor,
but added that it was unlikely. “Commanding officers from the Southeastern
Military Command said they don’t need to negotiate with the DKBA,” he
said.

Meanwhile, a Burmese army artillery unit based in Mong Yawn Township in
eastern Shan State started firing artillery near a camp of the National
Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), another armed cease-fire group that has
rejected the BGF scheme, on Friday.

The unit warned on Jan. 6 that it planned to start artillery firing
training on Friday, but nobody expected the shells to land so close to the
NDAA camp, said an NDAA officer, speaking on condition of anonymity.

“They [the local artillery unit] can do their training somewhere else. We
didn’t know that they were planning to fire shells near our camp. They
fired 15 times with 155-mm shells, but they all exploded outside of our
camp and no one was injured,” the NDAA officer said.

The NDAA has between 1,000 and 1,200 troops and is based in Mongla in
eastern Shan State, according to exiled military observers.

The military junta has been pressuring the ethnic cease-fire groups to
join the BGF scheme since April 2009. Most, however, have refused,
including the United Wa Stated Army, the strongest ethnic army, with an
estimated 30,000 troops, and the Kachin Independence Army, with an
estimated 10,000 troops.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

January 8, Bangkok Post
DSI uncovers timber scam tied to Burma – King-oua Laohong

The Department of Special Investigation has impounded 75 million baht
worth of smuggled timber in a racket they believe is backed by national
politicians and state officials.

DSI deputy chief Narat Sawetanant said his agency and the Royal Forest
Department raided Suksawat Plywood company in Nonthaburi where they
discovered the teak.

They believe the timber was smuggled from Burma by another company, Anton,
in Chiang Mai, which sold the wood to Suksawat.

The DSI, which impounded the wood, found that documents for its import
were fake, said Pol Col Narat.

He said Justice Minister Pirapan Salirathavibhaga has ordered an
investigation as many residents in the far North have lodged complaints
against the wood smuggling gang.

Influential figures including politicians and government officials are
believed to have colluded with the gang, said a DSI source.

The source said kickbacks were paid to officials in charge of wood
imports. The wood was cut and sold to a gang by Burmese ethnic rebels
living across the border.

The rebels were making money from the timber as an alternative to selling
drugs.

The source added proxy firms were set up to conduct the smuggling and
falsify the import documents.

Pol Col Narat said Suksawat Co only bought the wood and had no knowledge
of the smuggling. The company's executives have not been charged.

An investigation was under way to establish if Suksawat and Anton had any
link apart from trade.

The DSI has discovered in many previous investigations that trees have
been felled in Thailand and sent to Burma. After that, they are
re-imported in the guise of Burmese timber.

But the timber confiscated at the Suksawat company is different, said the
source. It is teak grown in Burma.

Pol Col Narat said state officials played a part in the illegal imports as
it was impossible that the timber could have slipped into the country
without their knowledge.

The National Anti-Corruption Commission would be asked to probe any
officials with a hand in the smuggling.

____________________________________

January 10, Mizzima News
Clothing industry picks up in Burma – Kyaw Kha

Chiang Mai – During the past six months, the number of clothing factories
in Burma has increased from about 120 factories to more than 200,
according to Burma’s Clothing Manufacturers’ Association.

As a result of the global economic crisis, only about 120 clothing
factories in Burma were operating in 2009, but since June 2010, the
growing demand for clothing has caused many factories to reopen and also
attracted investors to create more factories.

Before mid-2009, there were 171 clothing factories in Burma.

“Because of the worldwide economic recession in 2008, many clothing
factories in Burma closed down. But, since June, most of them can operate
again. Many new clothing factories have been set up”, Myint Soe told
Mizzima.

Burma has received clothing export orders from International clothing
giants in South Korea, Japan and Latin American countries.

Moreover, after heightened tension in the Korean peninsula, South Korea
stopped the import of clothing from North Korea and has sought out more
clothing from Burma.

Before 2003, Burma could export clothing to the United States, but it can
not sell clothing to the US now because of its economic sanctions.

China, one of the leading exporters for clothing, has shifted some of its
focus to the electronics and automotive industries, giving Burma a better
chance in the clothing market, Myint Soe said.

Because the clothing industry is thriving, Burmese employees in the
clothing factories number about 80,000. Many are now earning better
salaries, according to officials and workers at the factories. Average
salaries have increased from about 60,000 kyat (about US $60) to 80,000
kyat (about US $80). Most clothing workers in Burma come from rural areas.

A worker from the Ever November Industry Company Limited in the Hlaing
Tharyar Industrial Zone said, “Our company has received bulk orders for
clothing. Our incomes depend on our productivity. So, if my work is fairly
productive, I can earn up to 80,000 kyat per a month”.

The chairman of Burma’s Clothing Manufacturers’ Association, Myint Soe,
said Burma earns about US $50 million from the clothing industry annually.

Observers have noted that the Western economic sanctions against Burma
have compounded the problem, leading the sanctions to become an even more
controversial issue.

____________________________________
HEALTH

January 8, Xinhua
UNAIDS to extend aid for Myanmar HIV victims

Yangon -- The UNAIDS will extend supply of anti-retroviral (ARV) drug for
Myanmar HIV victims up to 2015 under a joint United Nations Programme on
HIV/AIDS, local media reported Saturday.

About 250,000 people were infected with HIV/AIDS in Myanmar, the Voice
quoted the UN organization as saying.

A total of 20,000 HIV/AIDS patients or 27 percent of 74,000 in Myanmar
have been treated with ARV drug, the report said.

Myanmar has achieved a unique distinction of bringing about a gradual
declination of HIV prevalence in the country over the past decade.

The country's HIV prevalence rate dropped from 0.94 percent in 2000 to
0.67 percent in 2007 and to 0.61 percent in 2009.

There are 11 local non-governmental organizations (NGO), 21 international
NGOs and 7 United Nations agencies actively collaborating with Myanmar's
ministry of health in responding to HIV/AIDS.

Myanmar is also actively participating in the ASEAN work program in
HIV/AIDS and Mekong regional HIV/AIDS projects as well as global and
regional activities initiated by various UN agencies.

AIDS is one of the priority diseases of Myanmar's national health plan and
prevention and care activities for HIV/AIDS are being implemented as a
national concern.

____________________________________
ASEAN

January 10, Manila Bulletin (Philippines)
Suu Kyi sees ASEAN role in restoring democracy — Loren – Mario B. Casayuran

Manila, Philippines – Aung San Suu Kyi believes that the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) would play a vital role in restoring
democratic institutions in her country, according to Sen. Loren Legarda.

After a meeting with the pro-democracy icon in Yangon, Myanmar, Legarda
called on the Philippine government to continue playing an active role in
moving for the restoration of democratic institutions in the country still
ruled by a military junta.

The role of ASEAN on the political life of Myanmar should be patterned
after that of African nations which played a significant part in resolving
political disputes in Ivory Coast, Legarda said.

“The release of Aung San Suu Kyi last November sent us a signal that the
restoration of democratic rule in Myanmar could be on the way. We hailed
her release, a hard-fought freedom that translates to a victory for
democracy. Now, as member of the ASEAN, we must continue to call on
Myanmar authorities to take concrete steps towards a fair political system
that would allow the involvement of all its citizens in the country's
political affairs,” Legarda said.

Legarda quoted Aung San Suu Kyi as saying that she would only take part in
Myanmar’s elections under an “inclusive political process,” in which all
citizens of Myanmar (Burma) could freely participate.

“We all need to do our part in helping nations, especially our neighbors
in Asia, become practicing democracies — the kind that works better for
development. Aung San Suu Kyi has thanked President Aquino for calling her
after she was released from house arrest, and she continues to be grateful
to us for our consistency and vigilance in expressing our views and
concerns relative to the restoration of democracy in Myanmar,’’ Legarda
said.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

January 9, Deustche Presse Agentur
Bangladesh seeks to claim 400 nautical miles in Bay of Bengal

Dhaka – Bangladesh will fight to establish its claim to 400 nautical miles
of territorial waters in the Bay of Bengal disputed by neighbouring India
and Myanmar, officials said Sunday.

'We will submit our claim to the United Nations over our maritime boundary
in the Bay of Bengal sometime next month,' Foreign Minister Dipu Moni told
reporters after finalizing Bangladesh's document for its claim over the
disputed waters.

Sandwiched between India and Myanmar in the upper reaches of the Bay,
which is believed to have potential for hydrocarbon exploration,
Bangladesh has already staked its claim with other international legal
agencies.

New Delhi and Yangon already submitted their claims to the United Nations
last year.

Bangladesh is arguing its claim based on its population, economic status
and needs, while India and Myanmar are relying on arguments based on
geometric calculations. Bangladeshi officials are resting their hopes on
the fact that many other countries prefer its approach.

The maritime dispute has, at times, led to the nations' navies conducting
sometime provocative warship manoeuvres in the contested area. There have
also been flare-ups between Myanmar and Bangladesh over access to the
region for oil and gas exploration.

But all sides have now put their claims on hold pending UN action.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

January 10, Democratic Voice of Burma
Student army taken off US terror list – Htet Aung Kyaw

A Burmese student army that rose to prominence following the 1988 uprising
has been removed from a list of organisations deemed terrorists by the US
government in the wake of the 9/11 attacks.

The All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF) had been classed as a
terrorist organisation despite the US having granted asylum to some of its
members in the 1990s. Its former chairman, Htun Aung Kyaw, resides in the
US, while other senior members were granted scholarships at prominent
American universities.

Htun Aung Kyaw told DVB that some members, unaware they were being classed
as terrorists, had asylum bids turned down, while others who already had
green cards were denied citizenship.

He said the group’s name was removed from the list after former ABSDF
members in the US petitioned the government.

“About 60 or 70 [former ABSDF members] signed the petition [in December]
and we sent it to Human Rights First, an organisation based in Washington
who had been providing us with assistance.

A meeting was held on 20 December between HRF and the Department of
Homeland Security (DHS) and the group was removed from the list. Htun Aung
Kyaw said that an official announcement will be made shortly by the DHS.

“This will give a moral support for our ABSDF comrades who are currently
[fighting] as they are no longer seen by the world as terrorists but as
freedom fighters making an effort to bring democracy to Burma.”

He added that the petition was pushed as testament to the many ABSDF
members residing in refugee camps along the Thai-Burma border whose asylum
requests were left pending following 9/11. “Now they will once again be
given opportunities to come here to the US.”

The ABSDF has recently been engaged in fighting in eastern Karen state
after joining forces with a breakaway faction of the Democratic Karen
Buddhist Army (DKBA), which has been battling the Burmese army.

At its peak the student army had some 10,000 troops. It has been linked
with the Karen struggle ever since its formation in the late 1980s, when
thousands of students fled to the jungle and were sheltered by the Karen
National Union (KNU) and its armed wing, the Karen National Liberation
Army (KNLA).

The US has nerarly 50 groups on its list of foreign terrorist
organisations, the vast majority of which are based in the Middle East.
Only six hail from Asia.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

January 8, TIME
Burma's release of Suu Kyi eases pressure for sanctions – Vivienne Walt

It was one of the most exhilarating moments of 2010: On Nov. 13, Burmese
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi emerged after seven years of house
arrest in Rangoon and addressed thousands of adoring supporters. To many
in the West, that sight seemed to signal that one of the world's most
intransigent military dictatorships was headed for a sea change.

Two months on, that giddy feeling is fading. Indeed, rather than heralding
a move toward far-reaching political change, say campaign groups, Suu
Kyi's freedom appears to be complicating efforts to increase pressure on
Burma's ruling generals. The U.S. currently has a raft of sanctions
against Burma, including a ban on financial dealings with ruling officials
as well as bans on timber, gems and military trading. E.U. sanctions,
which are renewed each April, involve similar trade restrictions as well
as a visa ban for top officials and their families and a freeze of their
financial assets.

Yet since Suu Kyi's release, calls from Washington and Brussels to impose
tighter sanctions have quieted. And one of those sanctions is a measure
campaign groups say is crucial to forcing Burma's military to clean up its
human-rights record: targeting the non-Burmese banks that service the
country's government. That tactic is permitted, although on a
discretionary basis, under U.S. sanctions, but Washington has opted not to
impose it. "We've been pushing and pushing for this," says Jennifer
Quigley, advocacy director of the U.S. Campaign on Burma in Washington.
"Now, as a result of Aung San Suu Kyi's release, the U.S. is saying, 'We
are going to hold off and see what happens.' This is a wait-and-see game."
Did Burma's ruling generals make a canny calculation to free Suu Kyi in
order to buy themselves time and political goodwill?

If so, they might have made a smart move. The campaign against Burma is
not dead, of course. But neither does it carry any urgency these days,
despite — or maybe because of — the excitement Suu Kyi's reappearance has
ignited. Suu Kyi herself has been tentative in supporting sanctions,
telling Western journalists she is still assessing their impact on the
masses of poor Burmese. Without the opposition leader's support for the
banking sanctions, says Quigley, campaign groups are reluctant to push
hard for the measure. And, says Tom Malinowski, Human Rights Watch's
Washington director, Suu Kyi's release has given Western governments an
unrealistic sense that the Burmese generals are ready for change. "There
are a number of countries who will use any excuse to avoid taking
difficult steps," he tells TIME. "If they can use Aung San Suu Kyi's
release as an excuse to give Burma more time, they will."

Western governments appeared to prove that point when they offered almost
no response to a report published Dec. 15 by one of the most vocal Burma
campaign groups, EarthRights International. The report claims that
Norway's government is indirectly bolstering Burma's military rulers by
investing about $4.7 billion from its giant sovereign wealth fund in
energy companies operating in Burma. Those companies include Total and
Chevron, which has plowed billions into building and operating a
natural-gas pipeline that stretches from the Andaman Sea across Burma to
Thailand. The EarthRights International report was largely ignored, and
Gro Nystuen, chair of Norway's ethics council, which oversees where the
funds are invested, says it failed to persuade Norwegian officials that
they needed tougher action against Burma. "The threshold for excluding
companies [from Norwegian investments] is relatively high," Nystuen tells
TIME. "A presence in a state which [allegedly] abuses human rights is not
enough. It has to be a specific act by the company itself, and there must
be a risk of future abuses."

For campaign groups, the West's cautious attitude toward Burma is
frustrating. Some politicians "feel things must be getting better, but
we've been here before," says Mark Farmaner, director of the Burma
Campaign U.K. in London. "The generals' intention was exactly that: that
people would think change is on the way," he adds, calling existing E.U.
sanctions "toothless." In 2008, anticipating that Suu Kyi might be
released, human-rights groups, including Farmaner's, began to highlight
wider abuses in Burma by pushing for the release of about 2,000 political
prisoners and documenting the military attacks on ethnic villages.

Yet none of those alleged human-rights abuses has ignited Western passions
as much as the plight of Suu Kyi, whose iconic fame earned her a Nobel
Peace Prize in 1991 (and recently landed her on TIME's cover). Now, with
Suu Kyi free, most E.U. governments believe they ought to wait at least
until a new leadership is installed in Rangoon within the next few weeks.
Burma's military leaders are required to form a new government by Feb. 5,
three months after the election was held — an election that U.S. President
Barack Obama called "neither free nor fair."

Once a new government is in office, the E.U. could dispatch a high-level
mission to meet Burma's leaders and try to persuade them to begin
political talks with Suu Kyi and other opposition leaders, a European
diplomat in Brussels tells TIME. "There is a majority view in the E.U.
that Aung San Suu Kyi's release is a step in the right direction," says
the diplomat, who deals with Burma policies and spoke to TIME on the
condition that he not be named. "It is something to be acknowledged with
some sort of dialogue."

But while the quiet diplomacy continues, the generals appear in no hurry
to cede power — perhaps because they can look forward to billions of
dollars in revenue for years to come. Aside from the gas pipeline that
already cuts across Burma, a new offshore natural-gas field called the
Shwe Project, which has billions in investments from Korean, Chinese and
Indian companies, is expected to earn about $1 billion a year for the
Burmese government over the next three decades. No Western sanctions — old
or new — can put a stop to that.

____________________________________

January 10, Business Asia Select/Economist Intelligence Unit
Politics: Taking stock

Both the democracy movement and the junta are taking stock of the new
political climate in Myanmar following elections and the release of Aung
San Suu Kyi

Myanmar's much-persecuted democracy movement enters 2011 with, by its
impoverished standards, considerable cause for celebration. Although
recent elections were, to no great surprise, heavily rigged in favour of
the military junta and its allies, the release in mid-November of the
country's pre-eminent opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, has lifted the
hopes of her supporters both in Myanmar and around the world. Observers
are still digesting the implications of her release, while Aung San Suu
Kyi herself has used her freedom to reprise the promotion of peaceful
political reform.

Since her release from house-arrest, Aung San Suu Kyi has sought to
revitalise her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), and to
strengthen its ties with other emerging pro-democracy groups. During the
NLD leader's most recent, seven-year period of incarceration a new
generation of pro-democracy activists has emerged, many of whom are
serving lengthy jail terms for leading protests against the State Peace
and Development Council (SPDC, the ruling military junta) in 2007. A
number of new pro-democracy parties have also been formed during the past
year and contested the November 7th national elections.

In recent weeks Aung San Suu Kyi has had a number of meetings that appear
to be aimed at broadening the pro-democracy movement. She has urged NLD
youth members to develop a pro-democracy network, using modern
communications technology. Aung San Suu Kyi has also made it clear in a
number of interviews with foreign media that she is willing to work with
all pro-democracy groups, including those that contested the elections
despite the fact that she had called for a boycott. In late November she
met representatives of two parties that fought the elections, the
Democracy Party and the Peace and Diversity Party, and an agreement was
reached on developing joint political and social programmes, although
details have yet to be finalised. In a speech on Myanmar's National Day,
November 25th, Aung San Suu Kyi stated that she and her party were ready
to work with any group that wanted national reconciliation.

Despite the euphoria following Aung San Suu Kyi's release, the
pro-democracy movement is operating in a challenging environment. There is
limited freedom of assembly and practically no freedom of speech, with all
national media heavily censored. The NLD itself is no longer a legal
political party, and in late November the Supreme Court announced that it
would not consider an appeal lodged by the NLD challenging the decision to
disband the party. (According to the Election Commission, any party that
failed to register to take part in the election would lose its legal
political status--a ruling that the NLD claims should have applied only to
new political parties and not those formed under previous legislation,
which has not been repealed.) The NLD leader has sought to manage
expectations of what she and her party can achieve. Stating that the NLD
alone cannot bring about change, she has urged people to join the
pro-democracy movement and take action by themselves.

Foreign outreach

In addition to trying to strengthen the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar,
in recent weeks has had meetings with a number of foreign diplomats in an
effort to increase her party's influence internationally. The NLD leader
has been particularly keen to strengthen ties with regional neighbours,
such as China and India. However, for the most part Myanmar's neighbours
have continued with their efforts to engage the junta and have refrained
from criticising the election process. As current chair of the Association
of South-East Asian Nations, Vietnam recently issued a statement welcoming
the elections as a 'significant step' in the junta's road map to
democracy. In an interview with a Singaporean state-owned newspaper, the
Straits Times, Aung San Suu Kyi stated that she would like the Singaporean
government to have closer ties with the Burmese democracy movement, but
she avoided criticising the Singapore government's ties with the junta,
stating that she believed in the engagement process provided that it
included all sides.

The NLD leader has been more critical of India, stating in the Indian
media in late November that she was 'saddened' by India's lack of support
for democracy in Myanmar. Again, however, she avoided calling for
disengagement with the Burmese military regime, saying that she did not
'oppose relations with the generals' but calling on the Indian government
to form stronger ties with pro-democracy groups as well. In late November
both India and China voted against a UN resolution condemning human rights
violations in Myanmar and calling for the release of political prisoners.
For now, India appears to be prioritising its strategic ties with the
regime in Myanmar, as it is keen to secure access to major new offshore
gasfields and to improve security along the porous border between the two
countries.

In late November the UN special envoy to Myanmar, Vijay Nambiar, met Aung
San Suu Kyi, as well as Myanmar's foreign minister, Nyan Win, other
members of the junta and representatives of political parties that
contested the recent election. Mr Nambiar said that he had urged the junta
and the Election Commission to address concerns about election fraud 'as
transparently as possible'. He also called for the release of political
prisoners, and the inclusion of a wide range of opposition groups in any
political transition process. The fact that Mr Nambiar was allowed to
visit Myanmar was a positive sign (the junta has frequently denied UN
special advisers access to the country). However, opposition groups remain
sceptical about the extent to which the UN can influence the junta.

The junta takes stock

For the time being, the military regime is taking a wait-and-see approach
in its handling of the post-election activities of its opponents. The
junta has made no public response to the NLD leader's repeated calls for
dialogue. For her part, Aung San Suu Kyi has not yet fully tested the
limits of the junta's patience, for example by carrying out her promise to
travel around the country to meet her supporters.

The only issue that has drawn comment of sorts from the junta is Aung San
Suu Kyi's call for another 'Panglong conference'. This is a reference to
the meeting in 1947 that brought together General Aung San (the head of
the Burmese independence movement, and Aung San Suu Kyi's father) and the
leaders of the country's main ethnic-minority groups to discuss the shape
of the country's future as an independent nation. The junta made no
official comment, but the state-controlled media have said that such a
conference would 'do more harm than good' and would contradict the junta's
own planned road map for political change, which includes convening the
new parliament.

The junta is expected to convene parliament in late January--under the
constitution, the first sitting of parliament must take place during the
first 90 days after the election. The military will dominate proceedings.
According to official election results, the Union Solidarity and
Development Party (USDP), which is backed by the generals, won almost 80%
of contested seats (one-quarter of seats are reserved for the military).
Opposition groups claim that vote-rigging in favour of the USDP was
widespread. But opposition groups are finding it difficult to challenge
the results, in part because of the high fee demanded by the Election
Commission in return for accepting a complaint. Despite the problems, a
handful of pro-democracy parties were successful in winning seats in the
new parliament. Originally, most indicated that they planned to form
alliances in parliament to pursue a pro-democracy agenda. However, the
landslide victory for the USDP will limit the impact they can have.

In addition, now that Aung San Suu Kyi is free, she and the NLD (which did
not take part in the poll) are likely to become the focus for the
pro-democracy movement. Given the various obstacles that they face, it is
possible that some pro-democracy parties may yet choose to boycott the new
parliament when it is finally convened. However, the two largest
ethnic-based parties that won seats, the Rakhine Nationalities Development
Party and the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party, have both indicated
that they intend to take up their seats.

Democracy index ? Myanmar's woeful ranking

Myanmar remains one of the least democratic states in the world, ranking
163rd out of 167 countries surveyed in the Economist Intelligence Unit's
democracy index, the most recent edition of which was published in
mid-December. Only Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Chad and North Korea rank
below Myanmar in the index. Myanmar is among the countries considered
'authoritarian', a designation that also includes China, Vietnam and Laos.

The recent election was deeply flawed, and the outcome by no means
reflected the will of the people. A pro-military party led by recently
retired generals won a landslide victory, amid widespread complaints by
opposition parties of vote-rigging. The election result also reflected the
military regime's success in creating a climate of fear and intimidation.
Opposition parties were severely hampered in their efforts to campaign for
support in the run-up to the election, and financial constraints and a
lack of time to prepare meant that pro-democracy parties struggled to
field candidates and that in many constituencies the only candidates were
those representing pro-military parties.

There will be a small number of opposition figures in the new parliament,
and there is hope among pro-democracy groups that there will be gradual
change for the better, but the military will remain the dominant political
force, with practically no checks on its power. The military junta takes
all major policy decisions and appoints all government members, most of
whom have backgrounds in the armed forces. The government functions
poorly, undermined as it is by rampant corruption and abuse of power.
Regional military commanders enjoy considerable power in the areas that
they control.

Myanmar's score for political culture is relatively high, reflecting
widespread mistrust of the military and the strong demand for democracy
that exists in the country. But the public's democratic aspirations are
harshly suppressed by the military, with political opponents regularly
detained and subjected to torture. There is no freedom of expression, and
the media are heavily censored. Uprisings against the military have tended
to be sparked by economic distress; the mass protests in August-September
2007, for example, began as a response to soaring prices. Amid continued
economic hardship, there could be a renewed effort on the part of the
Burmese people to take to the streets to try to overthrow the military
junta. However, there is little likelihood that such an attempt would be
successful.

Democracy index 2010: Democracy in retreat, a free white paper containing
the full index and detailed methodology, can be downloaded from
www.eiu.com/DemocracyIndex2010.