BurmaNet News, January 12, 2011

[Editor]

January 12, 2011, Issue #4118


INSIDE BURMA
Mizzima: NLD to donate rice, water pipes to famine victims
Mizzima: Students’ protest leads to cut in school bus fare
Kaladan: Forced labor increased in Maungdaw

ON THE BORDER
Irrawaddy: Junta troops using prisoners as human minesweepers

BUSINESS/TRADE
Irrawaddy: China to operate oil wharf in Burma

OPINION / OTHER
Huffington Post: Corruption, kleptocrats, and politics: Sudan and Burma –
Matthew Smith
DVB: UN probe must include all armed groups – Kirsty Ogilvie

OBITUARY
DVB: Legendary filmmaker Maung Wunna dies – Shwe Aung

INTERVIEW
RFA: 'Inclusiveness' key to reforms – RFA with Aung San Suu Kyi




____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

January 12, Mizzima News
NLD to donate rice, water pipes to famine victims - Phanida

Chiang Mai––The National League for Democracy (NLD) will donate rice and
water pipes to famine victims in villages in four townships in Chin State.

Rat infestations in August 2010 lead to widespread crop destruction and a
severe food shortage in about 120 villages in Mindat, Matupi, Paletwa and
Kanpetlet townships in southern Chin State.

NLD General-Secretary Aung San Suu Kyi met with Pu Van Lian, the chairman
of the NLD (in Chin State), on January 10, and she promised to donate rice
to famine victims in Paletwa and Kanpetlet townships.

In the meeting, Pu Van Lian told Suu Kyi that some people in Mindat and
Thantlang townships also did not have enough food. NLD leaders are now
discussing how much they can help those townships, said Ohn Kyaing, an NLD
information committee member.

‘They said there was a water shortage in Falam Township. There is a stream
on the mountain about five miles from Falam. So, to get water, they need
to lay water pipelines. That’s why they asked us to donate water
pipelines’, said Ohn Kyaing.

Pu Van Lian said that water pipes with a diameter of two inches (about
5.08 centimeters) cost about 6 million kyat (about US$ 6,000), according
to Ohn Kyaing.

Chin National Party’s chairman Pu Zozam said, ‘I’m very glad to hear that
Aung San Suu Kyi will donate rice to the victims. I would like to urge her
to donate to us in the future, too.  All villages have suffered water
shortages’.

The Chin National Party contested in the 2010 election and won a total of
nine parliamentary seats .

Last month, Suu Kyi, members of the Committee Representing the People’s
Parliament and independent candidates who contested in the recent national
elections donated food and shelter valued at 20 million kyat (about
US$20,000) to Cyclone Giri victims in Arakan State.

The NLD, with the help of independent donors, businessmen and
international organisations, has donated food and money to cyclone Nargis
and Giri victims, people living with HIV and political prisoners. In early
January, the NLD also organised a trade fair in and the profits will be
donated to aid political prisoners and people living with HIV.

“We support many patients who live with HIV, and we will receive more
patients in our HIV centre. We have to struggle in order to be able to
help people’, Ohn Kyaing told Mizzima.

There are about 130 HIV patients in the NLD’s Thukha Yeikmyone Centre,
managed by NLD central committee member Phyu Phyu Thin, in South Dagon
Township in Rangoon.
____________________________________

January 12, Mizzima News
Students’ protest leads to cut in school bus fare - Aung Myat Soe

Bangkok––About 800 Burmese university students in Kalaymyo in Chin State
demonstrated and commandeered buses on Wednesday morning in protest over a
100 percent increase in school bus fares. The authorities gave in to their
demands later in the day.

School buses carrying students to the Kalay University, Technological
University and Government Computer University increased their fares on
January 1 to 400 kyat (US$0.45) from 200 kyat.

The students first gathered at Station Corner, a busy intersection, on
Bogyoke Street in Tahan Ward at about 7:30 a.m. and stopped all university
school buses, commandeered them, and went to the military regional command
headquarters located in Aung Thitsa Ward.

The students stopped the buses at a yellow warning line in front of the
headquarters and demanded that the authorities reduce the bus fare to the
previous rate, add more buses, provide bus service at regular times and
not to carry cargo on school buses.

Military officers led by garrison command commander Lieutenant Colonel
Aung Yin met with the students. After they agreed to the students’
demands, the students returned to their universities.

A student told Mizzima that the authorities and the university
administrative board promised not to take public action against the
students.

Since January 10, students from Kalay University had collected more than
500 signatures opposing the hike in school bus fares.

More than 1,000 students are enrolled at Technological University in
Tharyarwaddy village in Kalaymyo, more than 200 students at Computer
University in Kyigone village and more than 4,000 students at Kalay
University near Khai Kam village.

____________________________________

January 12, Kaladan Press Network
Forced labor increased in Maungdaw

Maungdaw, Arakan State:  A local elder preferring not to be named said
that forced labor is increased in Maungdaw Township recently. Since
January 1, Burma’s border security force (Nasaka) has been extracting
forced labor from villagers for road construction along the barbed wire
fence.

For instance, everyday,  many villagers from Nasaka area No. 5 and 6 have
to go to work site for building road along the barbed wire fence that had
already been constructed. Villagers, taking their own food have to go to
work site in early morning. Villagers have to get up early at around 2:00
am and have to cook their food and have to reach at 4:00 am at the work
site. Villagers have to go to work site by row boats from their villages,
the elder more added.

There are 22 Rohingya villages in Nasaka area No. 5 and five villages in
Nasaka area No. 6 including one Rakhine village. Since January 8, in every
house, one person must go to the work site excluding widows and handicaps.
But, villagers who gave Kyat 10,000 per family to the Nasaka and Rakhine
villagers are also excluded from going to the work site, said another
local trader preferring not to be named.

The road along the fence of Burma-Bangladesh border had already been
completed but the authorities now want to extend another 18 feet wide. As
a result, forced labor from villagers is immediately needed to build the
road again, the trade added.

Besides, in Maungdaw south, villagers of Aley Tan Kyaw, U Daung, Tharay
Kon Dan, Kunna Para and Korza Bill of Nasaka area No.7 are also engaged in
forced labor in construction of road along the fence, since January 1.

Earlier, the concerned Nasaka commander provided Kyat 1,000 per head, but,
later, villagers did not receive any money. It is learnt that the
commander along with local Village Peace and Development Council (VPDC)
Chairmen misused the fund for their purpose, said a businessman from
Maungdaw south.

In the meantime, the villagers under the control of Nasaka Headquarters of
Kawar Bill of Maungdaw Township are forced to provide wooden logs for
baking bricks in the Nasaka headquarters. But, the villagers are free from
the forced labor of road construction.

Meanwhile, the GE (Engineering Corps), who came to Maungdaw Township,
forced to villagers of Maungdaw north to build local roads in the
villages, an aide of Nasaka said on condition of anonymity.

A local youth said, “Villagers have no time for doing works for themselves
to support their family members as every day they have to go to work site
for road construction without any supporting.”

A local politician said that the States Peace and Development Council
(SPDC) continue harassments and systematic human rights violations against
the Rohingya community to weaken their will to resist and survive. 
Continued human rights violations have driven more Rohingya people from
Burma to take refuge in Bangladesh, Thailand and Malaysia and as IDPs
within the State.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

January 12, Irrawaddy
Junta troops using prisoners as human minesweepers – Sai Zom Hseng

The Burmese army has been using hundreds of prison inmates as porters and
human minesweepers in the recent conflict with a breakaway faction of the
Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), according to a human rights group
based in the Thai border town of Mae Sot.

An estimated 600 prisoners have been sent to the conflict area since
fighting broke out between the Burmese army and the DKBA on Nov. 7, said
the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPP), citing
accounts from three recently escaped prisoners.

“This shouldn’t happen in any situation,” said Bo Kyi, the joint secretary
of the AAPP, speaking to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. “They are, in effect,
executing these prisoners by other means.”
He added that the AAPP would continue to investigate the matter and
release a statement when it has gathered further evidence. If the claims
were true, he said, “It would definitely constitute a crime against
humanity.”

The three porters, who all came from Pakokku Prison in Magway Division and
were assigned to the Burmese army's Palaw Tapo camp in Myawaddy, Karen
State, escaped to Mae Sot on Tuesday and are receiving help from local
groups that support refugees on the border.

The oldest of the escaped prisoners, Thaung Htay Oo, 28, told The
Irrawaddy on Wednesday that they were part of a group of 30 inmates from
the same prison who had been sent to the area to act as porters.

“We couldn't pay a bribe to the prison officials, so we were sent to the
front line,” he said. “We had to carry ammunition, equipment and food for
the soldiers. The worst thing is that they used prisoners to clear
minefields ahead of their advance.”

He added that he and the two other escaped prisoners—Tin Zaw Min, 21, and
Moe Yarzar, 17—fled to Thailand to escape the fate of other porters they
had seen.

“There were many prisoners who were injured by the landmines after they
were forced to walk ahead of the soldiers. We ran away because we didn’t
want the same thing to happen to us,” he said.

Moe Yarzar, the youngest of the three, said that he and the other
prisoners from Pakokku Prison were sent to the front line at the end of
December, along with other inmates from prisons in Meiktila, Hpa-An and
Kawkareik.

“Tin Zaw Min and I were sentenced to five years after we beat up a
policeman who slapped my mother. The situation in prison was bad, but on
the front line it was much worse. That's why we decided we had to get
away, no matter what happens,” he said.

He added that even old men were sent to the conflict area if they couldn't
pay a 100,000 kyat (US $120) bribe to prison officials.

Sources on the border say that clashes that took place between DKBA
Brigade 5 and Burmese troops on Sunday and Monday were the most intense
since fighting started two months ago, suggesting that the Burmese regime
is stepping up its efforts to crush the rebel group.

DKBA Brigade 5 is led by Col Saw Lah Pwe, who broke away from the DKBA, a
longtime ally of the Burmese regime, late last year.

Other armed groups opposed to the Burmese regime, including the Karen
National Liberation Army and the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front,
have cooperated with Saw Lah Pwe’s Brigade 5 since fighting started on
Nov. 7.

Meanwhile, Thailand's government announced on Wednesday that Thai
nationals were prohibited from crossing the border into Burma, after a
Thai man was reportedly abducted by members of the DKBA and held for a
ransom of 300,000 baht ($9,800).

____________________________________
BUSINESS/TRADE

January 12, Irrawaddy
China to operate oil wharf in Burma

China's Qingdao Port has signed an agreement with the China National
Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) to build and operate a wharf on Burma's
western coastline from which China will send its crude oil brought from
Africa and the Middle East via an inland pipeline to Yunnan Province.

On Jan. 7, CNPC Southeast Asia Pipeline Co., Ltd. and Qingdao Port (Group)
Co. Ltd. signed a strategic framework agreement in Beijing on operating
the oil wharf in the Arakan coastal town of Kyauk Phyu in Burma, according
to the CNPC website.

The state-run China Daily quoted Zhang Hongbo, an industry analyst at
China International Trust and Investment Corporation (CITIC) as saying:
“This agreement is very important for Qingdao Port because this is the
first time the port will extend its management expertise overseas.”
CNPC is China's largest oil company. It is the majority shareholder in the
joint-venture project which is constructing a dual oil and gas pipeline
from Burma's western coast to China's Yunnan Province. Within Burma, the
company will build a 793 km-long gas pipeline and a 771 km-long crude
pipeline.

The construction of the pipelines officially started on June 3, 2010,
after Premier Wen Jiabao, who was then visiting Burma, attended a signing
ceremony in Naypyidaw with Burma's Prime Minister Thein Sein, certifying a
shareholder agreement between CNPC and Burma's state-owned Myanmar Oil and
Gas Enterprise (MOGE).

“The agreements defined CNPC Southeast Asia Co., Ltd. as the controlling
party of the joint venture to be in charge of the design, construction,
operation, expansion and maintenance of the Myanmar oil and gas pipeline,”
said the CNPC website.

But the CNPC gave Qingdao Port, the ninth largest port in the world, the
right to construct and manage the wharf in Burma through which China will
annually channel 22 million tons of oil and 12 billion cubic meters of gas
to Yunnan Province.

China has been expanding its contracts around the world to secure the
country's energy security. The cross-border oil and gas pipeline between
China and Burma is the fourth after the Kazakhstan-China Crude Pipeline,
the Central Asia-China Gas Pipeline, and the Russia-China Crude Pipeline.

Moreover, China has sought the right to operate foreign ports in recent
years. The China Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO), the country's largest
shipping company, won the right to operate Piraeus Port in Greece in 2009.
China has invested heavily in Kyauk Phyu deep seaport project in Arakan
State.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

January 12, Huffington Post
Corruption, kleptocrats, and politics: Sudan and Burma – Matthew Smith

Southern Sudan's vote this week for long-awaited independence from the
North comes amidst fresh allegations that President Omar al-Bashir stole
an estimated $9 billion of the country's oil wealth and stored it in
"illegal accounts."

The source of the corruption claim is no hack. He's the Chief Prosecutor
at the International Criminal Court (ICC), Luis Moreno-Ocampo, and he's
been working on the ICC indictment against Bashir for war crimes, crimes
against humanity, and genocide. His allegations appeared in a 2009 U.S.
cable released last month by Wikileaks, and on New Year's Day 2011 Ocampo
confirmed the allegations to the New York Times, adding that Bashir is
"doing business through third parties" and that the money is in "several
places, outside Sudan."

The leaked cable suggests the involvement of Lloyd's Bank in London.
Lloyds is no stranger to controversy. In 2009, the U.S. authorities fined
it $350 million as a result of criminal charges for disguising wire
transfers from Sudan and Iran in order to avoid U.S. sanctions against
those countries, and in 2007 the bank faced criticism for insuring vital
infrastructure projects for Burma's kleptocracy, pulling out of the
military-ruled country in 2009.

In response to Ocampo's claims, Lloyd's did what other banks have done in
similar situations and promptly denied the allegations, stating they held
no accounts in Bashir's name. This may be true but of course it doesn't
rule out that the funds could still be in Lloyd's bank, held by third
parties or concealed by other means. Intermediaries are commonly used to
conceal beneficial ownership, i.e. cronies are commonly used by
kleptocrats to hide their ill-gotten gains.

In a similar scandal involving Equatorial Guinea's President Obiang and
his family stealing their country's vast oil wealth - laundering it
through banks in the U.S., buying private jets and mansions - America's
Wachovia Bank took a similar tack as Lloyds and simply claimed Obiang
wasn't a client, despite a mountain of evidence at the U.S. Justice
Department that the Obiangs were doing business with the bank through
third parties.

At EarthRights International, we've had similar experiences with this
variety of convenient blindness in the banking sector. In 2009, we exposed
that the Burmese regime earned almost $5 billion dollars from a
controversial gas pipeline in the military-ruled country, led by France's
Total Oil, America's Chevron, and Thailand's PTTEP. We explained how
nearly all of the money was excluded from Burma's national budget through
a crude dual exchange rate scheme, and how large amounts were held in
offshore accounts in Singapore, some of which are controlled by
individuals closely associated with the regime but not on any sanction or
watch lists. We named two banks: The Overseas Chinese Banking Corporation
(OCBC) and DBS Group.

Like Lloyds and Wachovia, the banks in Singapore similarly denied the
allegations. "DBS does not have any involvement with the Yadana project,"
a spokesman of the bank said. We of course hadn't claimed the bank was
involved in the gas project, but instead that the bank was a repository of
Burma's natural resource-related revenue.

Likewise, OCBC told us "the State Peace and Development Council (Burmese
regime) do not maintain any accounts with us," failing to address how
Burma's rulers operate through third parties, which of course they do.

In 2010, I went to Paris with a leader of Burma's Shwe Gas Movement to
launch another EarthRights International publication, armed with new
figures and documentation. This time, we provided updated calculations of
gas revenues generated for Burma's dictators - information otherwise
outside the realm of public scrutiny in Burma, information the people have
a right to know - and we discussed yet another player in the country's
financial fiasco. Not from Singapore, London, or the U.S., but France: BNP
Paribas, the tenth largest corporation in the world.

We revealed that BNP had distributed the Burmese peoples' gas revenues to
each of the Yadana gas pipeline partners - Total, Chevron, PTTEP, and the
Burmese dictatorship - and furthermore, that BNP's Singapore branch held
Burmese gas revenues in several accounts, some on direct behalf of the
military regime. This revelation was colored by fresh reports that the
military rulers were illegally buying military hardware from North Korea
in violation of U.N. sanctions, while also developing an apparently
nascent and illicit nuclear weapons program in violation of international
law, all presumably using the peoples' natural resource revenues.

BNP, of course, promptly denied the allegations, saying that they were no
longer the project's "paying agent," implying the bank is no longer
directly in charge of distributing the gas revenues to the project
stakeholders. This of course doesn't rule out that one of its subsidiaries
or related entities became the paying agent - which sources close to the
bank say is likely. When asked if it was still holding the dictatorship's
revenues in accounts in its Singapore Branch, BNP declined to comment.

Sadly, money laundering, corruption, and partnerships between violent
regimes and willing banks is all too common, even when it's illegal.
Beyond Bashir, let's hope the people of an independent and oil-rich South
Sudan don't have to deal with it for years to come. Some are already
skeptical.

Note: a version of this post appeared also on EarthRights International's
blog.

____________________________________

January 12, Democratic Voice of Burma
UN probe must include all armed groups – Kirsty Ogilvie

Any UN Commission of Inquiry must be truly objective and should
investigate all parties to the conflict in Burma. Practically, the threat
of an investigation could do much to discourage violations of
international humanitarian and human rights law. Politically, a
comprehensive investigation might be less likely to antagonise the regime
and could engender the support of more of the international community.
Only such an impartial investigation could set the stage for real national
reconciliation.

It is clear that the UN should instigate a Commission of Inquiry into
international crimes committed in Burma. Failure to do so is evidence of
its continued impotence and inertia. Egregious human rights abuses such as
torture, extrajudicial killings, internal displacement, sexual violence
and the use of child soldiers have been documented for decades. The scale
and gravity of these breaches of international criminal law powerfully
suggest that they amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. An
objective investigation into the situation in Burma is therefore
imperative.

While the actions of the Burmese government in its various guises are
thoroughly deplorable, it must also be recognised that international
crimes have been perpetrated by non-state armed groups in Burma. Reports
of torture, forced labour and murder committed by these groups are less
well-documented and must equally be investigated. Additionally, the
recruitment of child soldiers and the use of land mines must urgently be
examined. The Burma Lawyers’ Council is trying to educate non-state armed
groups about humanitarian and human rights law in the hope that this will
help them to adhere to international legal standards. The mere threat of
an investigation could have immediate preventative effects and catalyse
real change in the attitudes of all armed groups.

Additionally, a partisan inquiry could be politically counterproductive.
An investigation only into the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)
would be seen, correctly, as a direct attack on the regime. It would be
unlikely to engender cooperation from the military and would almost
certainly muzzle any steps towards dialogue with the generals. China would
be likely to seek to protect the regime in the belief that an
international investigation would increase instability in the border
regions.

When considering international investigations and judicial processes, we
must look beyond the purely legal. Such processes also aim to be
anthropologically cathartic. By giving victims of violence the opportunity
to confront those held to have wronged them, these processes allow
meaningful collective reconciliation and can avoid the perpetuation of
enmity. The suggestion that only one party to a conflict is blameworthy
denies the victims of other parties a voice. A one-sided investigation
could deny the real harm suffered by thousands of civilians at the hands
of non-state armed forces. Enmities could remain unresolved, or, as
history has demonstrated, deepen. Beware victors’ justice. To be truly
beneficial, a Commission of Inquiry must investigate the perpetration of
crimes by all parties.

It is understandable that some members of the opposition movement might be
uneasy about the investigation of anti-regime armed groups. At this stage,
however, concerns about international prosecution are premature. Both the
Tutsis and the Hutus were investigated by the Commission of Experts
instructed by the UN Security Council to investigate the situation in
Rwanda. The Hutu extremists were found to be ultimately responsible for
the atrocities committed, and it was only they that were consequently
prosecuted in the specially created international tribunal.

There is no established protocol for the creation of a Commission of
Inquiry. An inquiry could be instigated by various bodies including the UN
Security Council, the Secretary-General, the Human Rights Council or the
International Labor Organization. The appeal of the first is that it is
the only UN body that could force a referral to the International Criminal
Court or set up another international tribunal. It is therefore arguable
that only a Security Council mandated Commission of Inquiry would have any
real potential bite.

A UN Commission of Inquiry would not be the first in Burma. In response to
an ILO Commission of Inquiry, several Tatmadaw Kyi soldiers found guilty
of recruiting minors were eventually punished. The Secretary-General’s
2010 report to the UN General Assembly on children and armed conflict
states that a tiny number of child soldiers have been released through
Burmese Government mechanisms. These commendable, if inadequate, steps
demonstrate that objective investigations and recommendations can have
some beneficial effect in and of themselves.

Notably, however, Commissions of Inquiry established by the Security
Council with regard to the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Darfur were all
part of a process that ultimately resulted in international criminal
trials. We should not be too hasty to leap to criminal proceedings.
Lawyers may talk about the integrity of the pursuit of international
justice, but we are navigating inherently political waters. Even the ICC
retains the right to refuse a case where an investigation may aggravate a
conflict or destabilise a reconciliation effort. Highlighting this, some
fear that the indictment of Omar al-Bashir has significantly hindered
peace-building efforts in Darfur. Thirty years after the fall of the Khmer
Rouge, the functioning of the internationalised Extraordinary Chambers in
the Courts of Cambodia is threatened by political discontent.

The creation of any international judicial mechanism for Burma is a long
way off. Since Burma is not a party to the Rome Statute, the ICC cannot
initiate proceedings without the order of the Security Council. More
immediate concerns therefore include persuading China and Russia not to
veto a Security Council mandated Commission of Inquiry. To that end it is
critical that calls for an investigation are cogent, developed and
impartial. Though political and economic interests may be difficult to
overcome, it is likely that China would at least consider supporting
measures with the potential to lay the groundwork for genuine security in
the border areas.

Kirsty Ogilvie is a Fellow of International Criminal Law at the Burma
Lawyers’ Council, and was called to the Bar of England and Wales in 2010.

____________________________________
OBITUARY

January 12, Democratic of Voice Burma
Legendary filmmaker Maung Wunna dies – Shwe Aung

The renowned Burmese film director and writer Maung Wunna has died at his
home in Rangoon after a yearlong battle with lung cancer.

The 63-year-old, who was due to celebrate his birthday next week, had
written more than 20 novels and directed nearly two dozen films during a
career in which he won two Burmese Academy Awards.

He won Best Director for his first film in 1970, ‘Kattipa Hpanat See Shwe
Htee Saung’, which translates as ‘Wearing velvet shoes under a golden
umbrella’ – a Burmese term for prosperous living.

“Well I’m very sad for my father’s death. But I am proud of him,” said his
son, Pyay Zin.

Maung Wunna’s death comes seven months after that of his younger brother,
Thu Maung, also a well-known writer and actor. His father, Thar Du, was
also a film director.

Burma’s film industry dates back to around 1910. Following the 1962 coup
that heralded the start of military rule, the industry has been subject to
increasingly restrictive censorship laws, and films are now rarely
political in their nature. Film stars deemed politically active, such as
Aung Lwin and Tun Wai, have been banned from appearing in films.

____________________________________
INTERVIEW

January 11, Radio Free Asia
'Inclusiveness' key to reforms – RFA with Aung San Suu Kyi

In a Dec. 31 program, Aung San Suu Kyi discusses Burma’s 1990 elections,
says she does not want to see her country’s military rulers put on trial,
and points to surprising sources of support.
Q:  How are you? Now that the 2010 elections are over, how are we going to
accept the results of those elections with reference to the results of the
1990 elections? How are we to proceed? Also, can the NLD accept the fact
that the 1990 elections have been voided?  [Note: The National League for
Democracy, the political opposition party led by Aung San Suu Kyi, won the
1990 elections in a show of overwhelming support by the Burmese people,
but those results were ignored by Burma’s ruling generals.]

A:  I am well except for the fact that my throat is not so clear. I think
that is because I have been speaking too much. If I cut down on my talks,
I am sure my throat will feel much better. If I may express my opinion
with regard to the 2010 and 1990 elections, we cannot discard the results
of the 1990 elections. The reason is not because the NLD won the elections
or because the NLD wanted to hold on to its victory. It is to respect the
will of the people. It is also because we agree to the principle of
democracy, which is having a high regard for the wishes of the people.

Just as there are people who have accepted the 2010 elections, our
National League for Democracy did not accept those elections right from
the beginning. That is why, as we commit ourselves to the political
process of our country, we will adhere to the political principle of
directing our efforts not only from within the parliament but also from
outside the parliament.

In Burmese politics, the principle of all-inclusiveness is a very
important factor. When we speak of all-inclusiveness, we mean everybody
who is interested in politics, everybody who is interested in social
affairs, and especially all of those—and I would like to emphasize
this—who have been incarcerated for their beliefs. I believe that they
must be released as soon as possible, so that they may participate in the
political process of our country.

Q:  I am 18 years old and am attending school in London. Europe and
America have imposed sanctions on Burma’s military leaders because of
their repression of the Burmese people, and many would like to see those
leaders sent before the International Criminal Court (ICC). Do you want to
see Burma’s military government sent before the ICC, and are there other
ways to apply more pressure?

A:  It is important to consider carefully whether one would send the
military government before the ICC as a means of applying pressure on
them, or because one holds a grudge against them. It would not be good for
the country if such an action were taken because of a grudge. I only want
to create a situation in which there would be no reason for sending anyone
from our country before the ICC.

Q:  At a time when the democratic forces in our country regard Burma’s
monks as their heroes, there are also many monks who bully and abuse the
people. Especially in Pegu, there are monks who commit crimes for which,
if they were laymen, they would have been sentenced to death. Many are
involved in black marketeering, and some have even stolen the treasures
that are kept in the pagodas. But when people inform the authorities about
these crimes, the authorities are reluctant to take any action against the
monks for fear that this could lead to public disturbances.

A:  Since we are all Buddhists, we are very careful not to offend the
monks. This is why it is not unusual for laypeople to be careful not to
judge whether or not a monk has violated his vows and broken the monastic
rules. I think that when there is a violation, the monks should handle
such cases on their own.

Q:  Greetings. I am a member of the Myanmar [Burma] Student Monks’
Association in Sri Lanka. I have heard that a Second Panglong Conference
is going to be held and that some people say the military government
should be included, while others say they should not be included. How do
you plan to proceed if the military government decides not to participate?

A:  It is true that I would like the Tatmadaw [Burma’s military] to be
included in the Second Panglong process, but whether or not they
participate is not a decision I can make. In any case, I think that it
will be necessary for us to hold the 21st Century Panglong in order to
build a genuine Union spirit. This may or may not take the form of a
conference—that is why we are using the term 21st Century Panglong. I
would like to respectfully say that in these modern times, because of the
advancement of technology, opinions and views can be presented without
everyone gathering in one particular place.

Q:  Just as our goal is the emergence of a federal union where all the
ethnic nationalities and the people of our country, including the
military, can live together peacefully in friendship and for better or
worse, it is also our strong belief that you—Daw Aung San Suu Kyi—are our
leader as we march steadfastly along the difficult path to that goal. This
is why all of us who now live in Australia would like you, our leader, to
advise us as to how  we should direct our efforts as we work in the
interests of the Burmese people now and in the future.

A:  I am very pleased to hear on the radio about the activities you and
others in Australia are involved in to support democracy and human rights
in Burma. I am very encouraged to hear that the Burmese people, including
the ethnic nationalities, living abroad are working in their own way for
the development and benefit of our country.  What I see now as the most
important thing for our country is the emergence of an all-inclusive
political process in which all of our people can participate. I would like
everyone to work for this purpose with unity.

Q:  I am a former member of the Insein Township NLD Youth Organization.
Just as I am elated by your release from detention, I am also concerned
that you might be detained again. When I was arrested in 2007, I was
transferred from the Kyaikasan interrogation center to the No. 3 Hmawbi
police battalion. While I was detained there, the noncommissioned officers
who watched over me told me that they have great respect for you. They
said that they trust you and rely on you, and that they put their hope in
you because of the difficult lives they face. Could you offer them some
encouraging words to make their lives better?

A:  I remember you, and I hope that you are well. I am both happy and sad
to hear about your experiences in detention. I would like to say that when
we hear of the love, respect, and reliance that the police NCOs have for
us, we would like to reciprocate with our own loving-kindness as well.
When I was detained at the Yemon detention center at the No. 3 Hmawbi
police battalion in 2003, I would mentally recite a prayer of appreciation
before my meals, thanking the people who provided me with the food being
given to me by the Tatmadaw. And in gratitude, I always vowed to myself
before my meals that I would do my very best to find a solution to the
differences between the Tatmadaw and the people of Burma. In accordance
with those vows, I would like to say that I am working toward that goal. I
wish you good health and happiness, and that you may achieve all of your
wishes.