BurmaNet News, January 27, 2011

[Editor]

January 27, 2011, Issue #4128


INSIDE BURMA
AP: Myanmar lawmakers gather for opening of parliament
UN News Centre: More funds required for Myanmar cyclone response, UN
agencies stress
Mizzima: Three political prisoners released

ON THE BORDER
DVB: Villages empty as fighting intensifies
Reuters AltertNet: UNHCR seeks access to Rohingyas detained in Thailand

BUSINESS/TRADE
Irrawaddy: Junta puts more state-owned properties up for sale
Guardian (UK): Bargain basement Burma – if you have friends in high places

REGIONAL
Nation (Thailand): Kasit to Suu Kyi: no support for dissidents

INTERNATIONAL
AFP: Myanmar faces flak over rights record
Irrawaddy: Burmese junta defends itself in Geneva

OPINION / OTHER
Economist: A parliament, but not as you know it; A far cry from real
representation
Al Jazeera: Myanmar hides behind 'democracy' – Alex Ellgee

PRESS RELEASE
Burma Forum on the Universal Periodic Review: Total denial in the face of
wide





____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

January 27, The Associated Press
Myanmar lawmakers gather for opening of parliament

Yangon, Myanmar – Lawmakers in military-dominated Myanmar have been
gathering in the capital of Naypyitaw for the opening of the country's
first parliamentary session in 22 years.

The state-run New Light of Myanmar reported Thursday that 435 members of
the lower house and 224 of the upper house will attend the opening in a
massive new building constructed after the capital was moved from Yangon
in 2005.

The legislators will be sworn in on Monday after elections in November
that critics decried as a sham meant to perpetuate military rule. Five
lower house seats remain empty because voting was canceled in five
politically unstable contituencies.

Parliament last met in 1988 in Yangon before a military crackdown on
pro-democracy demonstrations installed the current junta.

____________________________________

January 27, UN News Centre
More funds required for Myanmar cyclone response, UN agencies stress

Three months after Cyclone Giri struck Myanmar, key challenges such as
inadequate shelter, food insecurity and lack of livelihoods remain, United
Nations humanitarian agencies and their partners said today, calling for
additional assistance to support early recovery efforts.

The category 4 cyclone killed at least 45 people and affected 260,000
others when it hit the country's Rakhine state in late October. According
to Government estimates, at least 20,000 houses were completely destroyed,
leaving over 100,000 people homeless, and 56 per cent of schools have
collapsed or been damaged. Some 17,500 acres of agricultural lands and
nearly 50,000 acres of agricultural ponds were also destroyed.

Emergency relief was distributed in the period following the disaster,
covering basic needs such as food, health services, and temporary shelter,
according to a news release issued by the Office of the UN
Resident/Humanitarian Coordinator in Myanmar.

However, a joint assessment carried out recently by the UN and its
partners revealed that, as of January, an estimated 104,000 people are
still living with host families in the four worst-affected townships –
Myebon, Pauktaw, Minbya and Kyaukpyu. The shelter support delivered so far
has consisted primarily of tarpaulins and plastic sheeting, which are not
adequate in the longer term.

It is estimated that without additional external support, nearly 60 per
cent of affected houses will not be repaired or rebuilt before the next
rainy season, increasing the risk of another humanitarian crisis.

Food insecurity is another major issue, given the severe damage to
embankments, crops, boats and fishing gears, the news release noted.
Around 60 per cent of the rice production from 2010 has been lost, and
over 90 per cent of all rice fields have been damaged in Myebon alone.

Aid agencies are warning that the “significant” gap in funding threatens
to hamper early and medium-term recovery activities in the affected areas.
So far only $22 million of the $57 million needed for post-Cyclone Giri
relief and early recovery has been provided by donors.

“Humanitarian partners operating in Myanmar have been able to reach the
affected areas and are providing crucial support directly to the people,
in coordination with the Myanmar authorities,” noted UN
Resident/Humanitarian Coordinator Bishow Parajuli.

“But funding constraints mean that many communities are left vulnerable.
If shelters and embankments are not rebuilt before the monsoon season and
farmers are unable to plant their crops this year, the people in these
townships may face a prolonged crisis,” he added.

The slowing-down of support provided after Giri echoes that of the
response after Cyclone Nargis, which left some 140,000 dead and affected
the lives of an estimated 2.4 million people in May 2008, the UN pointed
out.

Only one-third of the approximately $690 million needed for the
Post-Nargis Recovery and Preparedness Plan, covering up to the end of
2011, has been forthcoming, and funding for recovery activities in the
Ayeyarwady Delta has nearly come to a halt.

____________________________________

January 27, Mizzima News
Three political prisoners released – Phanida

Chiang Mai – Three Burmese political prisoners who had served their full
sentences were released on Wednesday.

Writer Aung Kyaw San, the publisher of the Myanmar Tribune, was released
from Taunggyi Prison in Shan State; veterinary surgeon Dr. Nay Win was
released from Hpaan Prison in Karen State; and Phone Pyace Kywe was
released from Sittwe Prison in Arakan State.

They were sentenced to two years in prison under section 7 of the Unlawful
Association Act by the Insein Prison court, according to Aung Kyaw San,
who was arrested for collecting and burying corpses in the aftermath of 
Nargis Cyclone.

‘I was sentenced to eight years in prison, but my sentence was reduced’,
said Aung Kyaw San.  ‘I served two years and seven months and 11 days
including the interrogation period. My detention during the interrogation
was not counted. The junta seems flexible, but in fact they have become
worse. Political prisoners didn’t get some rights which other prisoners
got’, he told Mizzima.

Describing prison conditions, he said reading is allowed in Taunggyi
Prison and political prisoners were allowed to watch TV two days per week,
but could not watch the news. Other types of prisoners had daily access to
TV, he said.

He said that in 1989, he had been arrested for his political actions, but
in 2008 when he  was arrested it was for working on cyclone relief
operations, and it was unfair.

He said he was arrested by a Military Affairs Security Unit  on his way
from Bogale Township to Rangoon, after burying and cremating the dead
bodies of cyclone victims.

While in prison, he said he translated books by Dr. Than Tun, a Burmese
historian, and he planned to publish the books, along with some books by
Ludu Daw Ah Mar.

His journal Myanmar Manager was banned in 1996. He published the Myanmar
Tribune before his arrest.

He said that among his fellow prisoners were Mya Aye and Jimmy, leaders of
the 1988 Generation students; 2007-Generation student leader Kyaw Ko Ko;
Taunngyi NLD chairman Kyaw Khin, and Thura Soe and Pe Htoo. He said Mya
Aye suffered a heart attack, and was only allowed to consult with an
inexperienced doctor.

Veterinary surgeon Dr. Nay Win, 51, said that on his release that he was
in good health. In the past, he said he had also been detained, from 1989
to 2004 for his political actions.

Nay Win that that he planned to do social work and that he wanted the
international community to know about the lives of the political prisoners
in Burma.

‘The lives of political prisoners are miserable’, he said. ‘They suffered
in prisons and labour camps. They are unlawfully charged and unfairly
detained. I want the international community to understand it. I want our
people to enjoy human rights like the people in democratic countries’.

He said there are 15 political prisoners in Hpaan Prison:  Hlaing Tun, NLD
member Nay Kyaw; blogger Nay Phone Latt; NLD member Kyaw Kyaw Naing;
Phatapah (Karen National Union); 88-Generation student leader Nyan Lin;
cameraman Thant Zin Aung; Nanda Sint Aung (2003 Generation All Burma
Federation of Student Unions member; Pyace Phyo Aung of Pathein; Aung Ko
Ko Htet of Kalay’ Kyaw Aye of the KNU; Aung Khine; Warti (aka) Ahshaung;
and Nyi Nyi Tun (aka) Nga Pyaw Kyaw.

He said Hlaing Tun, who has served an 8-year prison term, has suffered
mental illness and Nay Kyaw has suffered from a heart attack and
hypertension.

The third released prisoner, Phone Pyace Kywe, who was released from
Sittwe Prison, has stayed in Sittwe for two days but has plans to go to
Rangoon soon.

Along with the three political prisoners who were released, ABFSU member
Phyo Phyo Aung, a daughter of Dr. Nay Win; and Shane Yarzar Tun and Aung
Than Zin Oo were also arrested in 2008.

Phyo Phyo Aung, Shane Yarzar Tun and Aung Than Zin Oo were detained for
four years in Moulmein Prison in Mon State, in Taungoo Prison in Pegu
Division and Bhamo Prison in Kachin State under section 6 and 7 of the
Unlawful Association Act.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

January 27, Democratic Voice of Burma
Villages empty as fighting intensifies – Naw Noreen

Residents of two villages south of Karen state’s Myawaddy border town have
been forced to flee after a firefight broke out yesterday morning.

Hundreds of ethnic Karen men, women and children are now hiding in the
jungle around the villages of Kyaukkhet and Wawlay, which in recent months
have become the focus of battles between Burmese troops and an alliance of
Karen forces led by the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA).

“There is no one left in the village; not even monks,” said a Kyaukkhet
man yesterday evening. “We have to go into hiding and not everyone has
eaten yet. We have kids crying.

“Seeing this makes me sad. There are over 100 people here and they have no
vehicle for transportation or food to eat
We don’t know how to escape.”

Some who had managed to flee to Thailand have been left stranded on the
banks of the Moei river that separates the two countries, with Thai police
blocking the refugees from entering nearby villages.

Thailand was criticised days after fighting first erupted on 8 November
last year when it encouraged refugees to return to Karen state, despite
stability there being highly questionable.

A soldier from the DKBA told DVB yesterday evening that the fighting had
lasted all day. “[The Burmese army] is advancing in about three or four
columns from different routes [towards Kyaukkhet] – one of the columns is
pushing forward into our position on a hill and we are crushing them.”

No gunfire was heard today, but tensions remain high. Since early November
the border region has experienced near-continuous fighting that has
fluctuated in intensity.

Around 30 Burmese soldiers were reportedly injured in a battle on 23
January which forced some 150 refugees into Thailand’s Mawli Chai village.
The varying levels of Karen refugees in recent months add to the nearly
150,000 sided in camps along the border, some of whom have been there for
decades.
____________________________________

January 26, Reuters AltertNet
UNHCR seeks access to Rohingyas detained in Thailand

Bangkok – The United Nation’s refugee agency is trying to get access to
150-odd Rohingyas detained in Thailand in the past few days, amid fears
they may be deported back to Myanmar which does not recognise them as
citizens.

The Rohingyas are a Muslim minority in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar.
Rights groups say they are one of the most discriminated people in the
world, suffering abuses and deprived of free movement, education and
employment under the country's military junta.

“We’re certainly concerned about the fate of reportedly two groups of 158
Rohingya boat people,” said Andrej Mahecic, UNHCR spokesman.

“We have approached Thai government and we have asked for access to these
people in order to do two things -- first to assess the situation and
secondly, to determine if any of them are in need of international
protection, in other words, if they’re refugees.”

Two groups of Rohingya men landed in Thailand on Saturday and Sunday en
route to Malaysia when engine trouble forced them to come ashore.

Local news reports said there may be a total of eight boats that have left
the former Burma although the other six boats are currently unaccounted
for.

Thai authorities reportedly said both groups would probably be
repatriated, sparking concerns from rights groups.

A group of 67 Rohingyas are in custody in Thailand’s southern Satun
province while another group of 91 has been transferred to Ranong close to
the border with Myanmar, UNHCR said.

The plight of the Rohingyas came to light two years ago when Thailand's
military was accused of towing 992 Rohingyas boat people to sea before
abandoning them to their fate with little food or water in boats without
engines.

“Certainly in the light of events of January 2009 ... and given the
commitment of the new Thai government to human rights, we are keen to open
the dialogue with the government,” Mahecic said.

“We are also ready to assist the solution of the latest situation in line
with the customary international humanitarian standards.”

Malaysia is home to 85,000 refugees and asylum seekers from Myanmar
although it is unknown how many are Rohingyas. The Myanmese constitute 92
percent of Malaysia's refugee population.

Rohingyas have also been seeking refuge in neighbouring Bangladesh since
the late 1970s. Thailand currently has around 150,000 refugees, mainly
from eastern Myanmar, in nine camps along the Thai-Myanmar border.

____________________________________
BUSINESS/TRADE

January 27, Irrawaddy
Junta puts more state-owned properties up for sale – Nayee Lin Latt

Burma's ruling regime has put another 76 state-owned premises and economic
enterprises up for sale as it speeds up its privatization drive ahead of
the formation of a new government sometime early this year.

According to reports in state-run newspapers, the sale includes premises
belonging to 13 ministries and the offices of the attorney-general and the
auditor-general.

An official from the Myanmar Privatization Commission (MPC) told The
Irrawaddy on Thursday that the current sale is part of the regime's
ongoing privatization process, but this time does not include any prime
properties.

“If you look at most of what is available now, you will see beverage
shops, theaters located in the outskirts of town, a sugar factory located
outside of Rangoon, and so on. They are still available because no one
wanted to buy them before,” said the official.

Many of the buildings are old and abandoned and will likely need to be
demolished and rebuilt, he said.

“We don't know who got all of the best properties or what price they paid
for them, but they're all gone now, so this is more like a clearance
sale,” he added.

According to MPC sources, the privatization process, which started in
2008, is now 70 percent complete and will be accelerated in the coming
months.

Last year, the regime sold 110 economic enterprises, 32 buildings, 246 gas
stations, and jetties along the Rangoon River and in port areas to private
companies.

Most of the transferred businesses were acquired by the Union of Myanmar
Economic Holdings Ltd, a military-run conglomerate, as well as businessmen
with close ties to top generals, including Tay Za of the Htoo Company,
Htun Myint Naing (Steven Law) of AsiaWorld, Zaw Zaw of Max Myanmar, Htay
Myint of Yuzana, Win Aung of Dagon International, and Khin Shwe of
Zaygabar Co Ltd—all of whom  are on US and other Western countries'
sanctions lists.

Many other properties have gone to relatives of senior military leaders.

“Father and sons companies are very successful nowadays,” remarked one
Rangoon-based business writer.

The regime reportedly plans to transfer 90 percent of state-owned
enterprises to the private sector before a new government is formed this
year.

Burmese economists dismiss suggestions that this will result in an
improved economic climate.

“There will be a change in ownership, but it won't make a difference
unless businessmen are willing to consider the benefit of the people,”
said one Rangoon-based economist.
____________________________________

January 27, The Guardian (UK)
Bargain basement Burma – if you have friends in high places – Joseph Allchin

Up to 90% of Burma's state-owned industry will be transferred to the
private sector. But who will benefit?

As an "official" parliament will sit on 31 January for the first time
since Burma's original dictator, Ne Win, abolished the last, more
legitimate one in March 1962, Burma's minister of industry, Khin Maung
Kyaw has concocted a bold economic move.

Maung Kyaw told local press earlier this month: "Up to 90% of state-owned
industry will be transferred to the private sector as the country makes
its transformation to democracy," adding: "This doesn't happen only in
Myanmar [Burma]; other democratic countries also use the same practice."

The last sentence is perhaps the most telling and rich with deceit, for
few economic schemes anywhere are shrouded in as much secrecy, or lack
what the World Bank would term "conditionalities".

Maung Kyaw is a military man, but one would assume that he knows, as
Burmese economist Aung Thu Nyein told the Guardian, the largest recipient
of state-owned assets is the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings (UMEH).

Which, the economist adds, is a "parastatal" company "run by the
military's quartermaster general".

So as the official dynamic of Burmese politics shifts and the military
changes its clothes, it has not forgotten to empty the pockets first.

As Burmese economist Professor Sean Turnell notes: "This demonstrates how
Burma is not a normal developing south-east Asian nation."

The military, however, will not be the only beneficiaries. In their
capacity as power-brokers they have developed a circle of business
cronies. Business families who have built empires in the middle of an
economy that was once the envy of the region and where now the UNDP
estimates that Burma has a GDP in terms of purchasing power parity of
around $881, compared with impoverished Cambodia's $1,619.

Among these cronies, perhaps the most notorious is Lo Hsing Han, a former
CIA ally from northern Burma.

Han's empire was, according to Burma scholar and author, Bertil Lintne,
built on heroin. "There is no other way," the author notes in his seminal
work on the drug trade in Burma, Merchants of Madness.

Han's family owns the Asia World conglomerate, which has taken ownership
of lucrative wharves along the crumbling Rangoon riverfront, where the
remnants of this colonial city melt into the tropical air and the apathy
of military rule.

Their other operations read like a Chinese state shopping list. From giant
dams in the foothills of the Himalayas to a pipeline that will traverse
the country, carrying Burma's natural gas to China.

Such projects will light and power that country's transformation, while
Burma's cities bathe in a darkness inspired by decades of mismanagement;
Asia World are the prescribed sub-contractors.

This bold "privatisation" experiment, however, is not without its
discontents, even within the military junta. In true Burmese fashion, a
whisper has emerged that the energy minister, Brigadier General Lun Thi is
not happy. From under his feet the crucial business of distributing fuel
to the populace has been transferred to the junta's cronies.

A handful of companies now run some 246 official, privatised filling
stations in major cities.

Turnell points out that fuel prices are always politically sensitive, and
were believed to be partly responsible for the popular uprisings in 2007
and 1988. As a result fuel prices were capped at roughly $2.50 a gallon
for sale to the public while retailers buy the fuel at roughly $2.30.

Such margins provide little if any incentive to expand distribution and
increase the number of stations in remote areas, resulting in rationing
and long queues at official pumps and a flourishing black market petrol
priceshave roughly doubled in some areas.

In all probability the companies themselves are involved in the black
market, just to make ends meet.

Lun Thi, it is therefore believed, is waiting for the mess of fuel
privatisation to blow up in the faces of the cronies and their military
sponsor, Than Shwe, so that Lun Thi can then reclaimthe politically
powerful role of fuel distribution.

Not only is the bidding for ownership of state-owned enterprises a closed
process, but there is also a strong likelihood that such cronies would
simply be told by the military what to do.

Such a modus operandi was elaborated in a WikiLeak. The cable not only
showed the world the general's desire to buy Manchester United but also
speculated that he simply told this gang of businessmen to open football
clubs, and in return gave them mining concessions.

While Burma's state-owned enterprises are in a decrepit state, few apart
from the state-run mining partnerships break even, and the natural gas
revenues (the country's most lucrative export) are alleged by the Turnell
and others to be held in Singaporean bank accounts to be spent on one of
Asia's largest standing armies and murky weapons programmes.

And so in the middle of this economic upheaval, little seems to have
changed on the streets, where a disgruntled black-market money-changer
wades through Burma's dual exchange rates. He mimes a noose around his
neck to describe the economic tragedy of this mineral-rich country.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

January 28, The Nation (Thailand)
Kasit to Suu Kyi: no support for dissidents

Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya told Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu
Kyi that his government supported democratisation and national
reconciliation in her country and would not support dissident groups
against the Burmese government.

Kasit met Suu Kyi in a Rangoon hotel last Saturday to brief her on the
Thai government's policy toward Burma. Thailand supports a plan to end
economic sanctions on Burma, he said.
Also discussed was the situation on the Thai-Burmese border. Kasit said
Thailand no longer supported or sheltered any armed dissidents in the
border area.

Thailand wants the Burmese military and ethnic minorities to end armed
conflict and sit down together for national reconciliation, Kasit said.

"But Burma has to solve its own problems, and outsiders cannot intervene,"
he said. "We will help Burma to gain peace and prosperity."

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

January 27, Agence France Presse
Myanmar faces flak over rights record

Geneva — Myanmar came under pressure in the UN human rights council on
Thursday to speed up genuine democratic reform, as Western nations blasted
"alarming" abuse and some Asian neighbours sought more change.

"The human rights situation in Myanmar is alarming," Sweden said in a
statement to the 47-nation assembly as the council held its first regular
review of Myanmar's human rights record.

Western countries including Britain, France and the United States called
on the military regime to free immediately more than 2,000 political
prisoners, end impunity for abuse, and halt forced labour, arbitrary
arrests and torture of critics.

US ambassador Eileen Donahoe warned of "ongoing, systematic violations of
human rights" and expressed concern about reports of "hundreds of cases of
torture of political prisoners."

"We remain deeply concerned about the very poor state of human rights,"
she added, warning that the elections last November were "neither free nor
fair," and "cannot be considered credible."
Asian countries broadly welcomed steps towards democracy with the release
of jailed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and steered clear of overt
criticism of the administration.

But many neighbouring countries and key members of the Association of
South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), including India, Indonesia and Thailand
signalled that they also wanted more progress on democratisation and
avoided acknowledging the elections.

"Myanmar stands at an important crossroads in its transition to
democracy," India said in a statement.

It underlined the need for "more inclusive, broad-based and expeditious"
reforms and greater efforts "to address the major human rights concerns.

Thailand sought improvements in the country's laws to "promote greater
accountability" as well as more efforts to engage ethnic groups and deal
with human rights.

"We urge the authorities in Myanmar to work to consolidate the gains
achieved and ensure further positive developments," said Thai envoy Kanita
Sapphaisal.

However, neighbouring China voiced support for Myanmar and warned that
"pressure and sanctions of a political nature will not produce solutions."

Myanmar told the council it had "reached the final stages of its
transition to democracy" with the convening of its new parliament next
week.

The elections were "free from vote rigging, violence and any kind of
intimidation," ambassador Wunna Maung Lwin added.

Advocacy group Human Rights Watch described the half-day debate as an
opportunity to "put one of the most brutal and intransigent authoritarian
systems in the world under the spotlight."
"Burma's human rights record remains deplorable, and forming a new
parliament after sham elections in 2010 shouldn’t fool anyone," said HRW's
deputy Asia director Elaine Pearson in a statement.
____________________________________

January 27, Irrawaddy
Burmese junta defends itself in Geneva

Burma defended its human rights record at the Universal Periodic Review
held by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human
Rights (UNHCR), in Geneva on Thursday.

During a three-hour review, a number of UN member countries including
Britain, France and the United States called on the Burmese military
regime to end repression against ethnic minorities, free the more than
2,000 political prisoners, and stop forced labor, arbitrary arrests, and
the torture of dissidents.

But Burma's delegation, led by Dr. Tun Shin, the country's Deputy Attorney
General, responded that the Burma enjoys a free press, has committed no
human rights violations, and cooperated with the UN Human Rights Special
Envoy to Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana.

“The Universal Periodic Review is an opportunity for the intentional
community to place principled press on the government of Myanmar to comply
with the universal human rights norms,” said Phil Robertson, Deputy
Director of Asia Human Rights Watch, in an interview with Al Jazeera.

 “But the Burmese government has been very good at making promises in
these kind of forums and then forgetting them as soon as the diplomats
get on the plane and head back home,” he said.

This week, Human Rights Watch released a report describing Burma's
continued human rights violations. Meanwhile, the Burmese junta prepares
to convene the first session of the parliament in the country in more than
22 years—a parliament which will be dominated by pro-military lawmakers of
the junta's proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party.

On Thursday, elected representatives of political parties started
gathering in Naypyidaw to attend the opening of Parliament on Monday.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

January 27, The Economist
A parliament, but not as you know it; A far cry from real representation

Singapore – In the sprawling new capital of Naypyidaw, Myanmar’s enormous
showcase parliament building awaits its first legislators. After a general
election in November, the military government hopes that the opening of
the bicameral parliament on January 31st, amid suitable pomp, will appear
to usher in a new democratic era. Its first job will be to form an
electoral college to choose a fresh president and two vice-presidents.

Also awaiting the legislators will be the new laws and rules governing
their conduct, published with rather less fanfare on January 11th and
running to 17 bound volumes. These give a better guide to what might be
expected of the new parliament than any pronouncements by the regime.
According to those who have seen the rules, MPs may not, for example,
simply ask a question. They first have to submit the question to the
director-general of the lower house ten days before a parliamentary
session, after which it will be vetted to ensure that it does not reveal
state secrets, trouble international relations, or undermine the
“interests” of the state. Should the poor, defenceless question survive
that mangle, the speaker of the lower house still has the right to reject
it, with no appeal.

Members themselves have been warned not to bring “cameras, radios,
cassette players, computers, hand phones, and any kinds of
voice-transmission or recording devices” into parliament on opening day.
And no citizen should even think of turning up to sample the cut and
thrust of parliamentary debate. Without the direct permission of the
speaker, such an enormity would warrant at least a year in prison or a
hefty fine.

Both the lower and upper houses will be dominated by the Union Solidarity
and Development Party (USDP), a proxy for the military government. The
USDP won an overwhelming majority of seats at the election, in part
because of a boycott by the main opposition party, the National League for
Democracy (NLD), led by Aung San Suu Kyi, released in November from house
arrest. The NLD won the previous free election in 1990.

In both houses the USDP has nearly four-fifths of the contested seats.
Meanwhile, the army has a reserved quota of a quarter of all seats in both
chambers, as well as in the regional state parliaments. A
military-controlled parliament therefore has the means to keep dissent to
a minimum. The dictator, Than Shwe, could easily win the presidency should
he want it. He may, however, prefer to stay in the background and pull
strings.

Parliamentary opposition, such as it is, will come from two sources, the
National Democratic Force (NDF) and the so-called ethnic parties, 17 of
which won at least one seat, representing Myanmar’s diverse ethnic
patchwork. The NDF is made up mostly of former members of the NLD who
disagreed with Miss Suu Kyi’s call to boycott the election. They won a
mere 16 seats, but have been talking a good game in the run-up to
parliament’s opening. Khin Maung Shwe, a senior NDF official, argues that
“although we have small numbers, we have a chance to use our voice on
behalf of the people.” He says that the NDF will table three motions: an
amnesty for political prisoners, a new competition law for business and a
new law concerning rights to agricultural land.

Still, given the numerical and procedural odds against it, the opposition
will struggle to make headway. Indeed, by taking part in a democratic
charade, the NDF might merely provide a figleaf for the dictatorship. As
it is, ASEAN, the ten-nation Association of South-East Asian Nations, is
using the opening of parliament to argue for the lifting of longstanding
Western sanctions on the grounds that the country has reformed itself. Mr
Khin Maung Shwe rebuffs his party’s critics, arguing that the NDF is
“neither a military puppet nor on a confrontational line”.

More might be expected of the ethnic parties, as they at least have
sizeable minorities in the seven state legislatures (out of 14) to which
they were elected. Nonetheless, it is certain that the central government
will want to keep a tight control over these assemblies too. The state
parliaments will not sit in their regional capitals, as you might imagine,
but in the parliament building at Naypyidaw.

The NLD, for its part, dismisses the parliament as a sham. Win Tin, a
party official who was jailed for 19 years before being released in 2008,
says that “the parliament is nothing. Whether inside parliament or
outside, the situation is almost the same. You have no freedom of
expression.”

Instead, Mr Win Tin says, the NLD can act “as a second government”.
Although the NLD is still fighting in the courts to regain its legal
status as a political party, forfeited because of last year’s election
boycott, it realises it needs to be more creative in its opposition. One
idea is to use the internet to create a sort of “online parliament”, where
issues can be debated among those in opposition, both inside and outside
the country. This week Miss Suu Kyi got her first internet connection. She
has also been spending a lot of time visiting welfare and other programmes
run by her party to try to rebuild it from the grassroots.

Despite government hopes that parliamentary sittings will sideline Miss
Suu Kyi, evidence suggests that she remains as popular in Myanmar as ever.
Indeed, the real test of the regime’s claims to be heading in a new
democratic direction will come not in parliament but when Ms Suu Kyi tries
to travel out of Yangon, taking her message to the rest of the country.
That is when the regime has clamped down hard before, forcing Miss Suu Kyi
to endure years of house arrest. Will it dare to do so again?

____________________________________

January 27, Al Jazeera
Myanmar hides behind 'democracy' – Alex Ellgee

Myanmar's new "disciplined democracy" doesn't offer hope for any real
democratic change.

As underpaid workmen make their finishing touches on Myanmar's new
parliament building, the junta edges closer to its long-calculated
"disciplined democracy".

When Than Shwe, the most prominent general, said the phrase during Armed
Forces Day last year, shivers were sent down the backs of those inside
Myanmar and beyond its borders who have fought long and hard for a "true
democracy".

Invitations to attend the January 31 opening of parliament have already
been sent out to the recently elected MPs. And like everything in a
country under the rule of a military regime, the grand event has a long
list of rules, starting with a ban on recording devices.

Reading the recently released parliamentary laws, it is easy to gain an
understanding of what the despotic leader, Than Shwe, meant by a
"disciplined democracy". Without the consent of "The Speaker", no member
of parliament is allowed to ask any questions during parliamentary
sessions. In order to receive permission to ask a question, a letter must
be sent 10 days before. The actual question itself is regulated under a
law that states each MP must abide by the national cause - not doing so
will get the question rejected.

Eighty per cent of the seats have been allocated to the regime-sponsored
Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Most appropriately called
the "Generals' Selection", the recent election involved rampant electoral
fraud and intimidation, giving the USDP an easy win.

With such undemocratic principles and an unhealthy future ahead, what are
the alternatives and how can Myanmar - also known as Burma - possibly
achieve them?

Looking for change

Depressingly, the answer is that given the junta's skillful ushering in of
"disciplined democracy", very little can be achieved in the near future.

As the MPs scurry into parliament in their traditional dress, realists
will see a curtain closing on the pro-democracy movement. Despite the best
efforts of countless Burmese dissidents and rebel soldiers, the regime has
succeeded in creating Myanmar politics in dictator style.

Optimists, however, won't see the convening of parliament as the final
curtain. Hope for change was recently escalated by the release of National
League for Democracy (NLD) leader, Aung San Suu Kyi.

Despite having spent thirteen of the last nineteen years under house
arrest, a large chunk of the Burmese population has retained faith in her
ability to save them from poverty and oppression.

Since her release, she has remained cautious and despite numerous
interviews, has said very little. Her party has stated they are willing to
review the NLD's sanctions policy and continue to seek "national
reconciliation". Her courage, bravery and dedication to her people is
unwavering.

But the problem does not lie in her ability or inability; the problem lies
in the regime's somewhat magnificent ability to gain such a grasp on a
nation, despite such little public support. As Suu Kyi spent her days
confined to her crumbling family mansion, the generals slowly built a new
country in a way that not even she can shake from their grip.

Suu Kyi continues to seek dialogue with the generals, but it is very clear
they have no intention to speak with her, and nor do they need to. It is
obvious they feel confident enough to progress on their road to democracy
without her interfering too much.

They have even benefited from her; her calculated release was just one
week after the sham elections, just as reports of fraud were trickling
out, attention was quickly diverted and pressure eased.

Recently I interviewed an elderly NLD member, who had worked with her for
the last twenty years. When asked whether he felt that Suu Kyi now
released can really change Burma, he replied, "She can only change the
country if she is allowed into politics and given some power ...
unfortunately the generals will never allow this".

She has announced plans to help ethnic leaders coordinate a second
Panglong Conference, which her father first held in 1947 between the
various ethnics to gain independence from British rule.

While having the potential to bring the ethnics together, the generals
would undoubtedly see it as a threat to their reign, and respond by
imprisoning Suu Kyi and others involved.

If the generals feel as though Suu Kyi is gaining political momentum in
any way, few will be surprised if she is returned to house arrest, as has
been done three times before. Even worse, many of her supporters fear that
any threat to the regime's grip on power could ignite fresh plans for an
assassination.

It was members of the new government who organised the Depayin Massacre,
when intoxicated members of the USDP - formerly the Union Solidarity and
Development Association (USDA) - attacked Suu Kyi's rallying convoy and
killed over seventy NLD members.

For over two decades, activists have hoped for some miraculous event to
occur which will topple the regime and allow the NLD to take power.

However, not only has such an event not happened, Than Shwe and previous
leaders before him have only further entrenched an entire system of
military rule, continually consolidating power on every front. Now this
includes a political wing, the USDP!

And while the West rightfully convenes meetings on sanctions and discusses
UN investigations into the junta's human rights abuses, Than Shwe and his
cronies dig deeper into their cosy, well-lit capital buildings in their
jungle hideout, Nay Pyi Daw.

A dark future

Following the Saffron Revolution, the chances of another uprising are very
slim.

The leaders are imprisoned and having seen monks and protesters beaten in
the streets, few want to relive the nightmares with once again no rewards.

Others place hope in divisions in the top ranks - potentially spurred on
by the threat of UN human rights investigations - but the rewards of being
part of the regime are too great, and the willingness of Asian neighbours
to confront the generals far too small. As a result it is highly unlikely
we will see any military officials standing up to regime leaders any time
soon.

Facing heinously undemocratic laws and greatly outnumbered, the
pro-democracy MPs who will take their seats in parliament on January 31
offer little hope for dramatic change.

These politicians who made the bold move to participate in the election
believe they can nudge gradual change over time - and potentially improve
conditions in parliament for the promised 2015 election.

However, it is hard to change a regime that clearly doesn't want to
change. Therefore, it is easy to understand why the exiled activist
community cannot accept working with the junta as the "best game in town".

For many dissidents, working with the junta means accepting defeat,
enriching their already wealthy pockets, disrespecting the work of over
2,100 political prisoners who are languishing in Burmese prisons, and
allowing sanctions to be lifted in a country where forced relocation and
labour is common practise.

But, as the current situation presents itself, even the idealists must ask
what other viable choices remain.

As Suu Kyi slowly finds herself once again unable to achieve any solid
progress, these few elected MPs who wish to change Burma may be the
greatest current hope.

This is not a positive thing; little change can be expected to come from a
parliament dominated by the military, which have a particular skill in
flushing out nationwide dissent, let alone a few opposition MPs.

Already, these elected MPs have drawn up bills to propose in parliament
and recently a statement from five ethnic parties called for a lifting of
US-backed sanctions. The statement was later backed up by two other
pro-democracy parties: the National Democratic Front (NDF) - a splinter
group of the NLD - and the Democratic Party (DP).

Having been elected as MPs, their calls came with some weight and were
also joined by ASEAN, though the NLD was yet to finish reviewing their
anti-sanctions policy.

Suu Kyi is not the reason sanctions have been placed on the regime.
Although obvious, it needs reminding that sanctions are due to the
regime's brutal treatment of pro-democracy forces.

Remove the sanctions?

Recently, commentators have been saying more focus needs to be put on the
regime to change before sanctions can be lifted.

While that would be ideal, countless groups and countries have been trying
for decades, with little progress. It is difficult to change a regime
which is delusional to the extent they are convinced they know what is
best for Myanmar.

The rewards from lifting sanctions would undoubtedly be enjoyed by the
cronies and families of the generals, who have recently inherited all the
country's most valuable assets through rampant overnight privatisation.

It would also decrease international interest in staunch pro-democracy
groups, and strengthen the Burmese military against ethnic armies who
struggle for self determination.

It would, however, put the country on a slow and painful climb to a better
economy. And while the regime has laid down a complex legal safety net, if
they feel secure, then draconian laws will not be enforced, allowing
"disciplined democracy" to advance gradually into a more healthy political
system.

For two decades, potential political leaders have languished in dark
prisons, ethnic minorities have died in jungle battlefields, and students
have bled in the streets to bring democracy to the Burmese people.

Accepting the convening of parliament as the best choice for many is
understandably unthinkable, but with the generals having so carefully
crafted their precious Republic of the Union of Myanmar, major political
change is highly unlikely.

That is not to say the international community should give up on their
dream for a new Burma, free of oppression and poverty. Now more than ever,
the regime needs pressuring, and exiled groups need support and direction
to create new avenues, which will benefit Burmese society in the long run.

Most importantly, all groups, both inside and outside Burma, must work
together - and with the elected MPs - on both pragmatic as well as
"idealistic" approaches, that use past work as lessons to learn from, but
are not afraid to re-examine old positions in order to do what is in the
best interests of the people.

Whatever good may eventually come out of parliament, the first day it
convenes marks the beginning of the junta's "disciplined democracy", and
will forever be a dark day for the Burmese democracy movement.

Alex Ellgee is a freelance journalist based on the Thai-Burma border,
focusing on Burmese politics and ethnic issues.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not
necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.

____________________________________
PRESS RELEASE

January 27, Burma Forum on the Universal Periodic Review (BF-UPR)
Total denial in the face of wide

Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Burma (AAPP-B), Arakan
Rivers Network (ARN), Burma Fund UN Office, Burma Lawyers’ Council (BLC),
Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO), Emergency Act Team vs Backpack
Health Worker Team, Federation of Trade Unions of Burma (FTUB), Foundation
for Education and Development (FED), Human Rights Education Institute of
Burma (HREIB), Human Rights Foundation of Mon Land (HURFOM), Kachin
Women’s Organization Thailand (KWAT), Kaladan Press Bangladesh, Shwe Gas
Movement, Women and Child Rights Project (WCRP)

Today, the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva examined Burma's
human rights record as part of its first Universal Periodic Review (UPR).
Burma’s ruling military regime sent a large delegation to Geneva, led by
Deputy Attorney General Dr. Tun Shin, who categorically denied
state-orchestrated widespread, systematic and persistent human rights
violations against the people of Burma.

Throughout the three-hour UPR dialogue, States raised numerous concerns,
including the issue of political prisoners, treatment of ethnic and
religious minorities, and impunity for perpetrators of gross human rights
violations that may amount to crimes against humanity. Despite
well-documented evidence to the contrary, the Burmese delegation said
that, “Accusations of rape against ethnic women are baseless, with the aim
of discrediting armed forces.” They claimed, “The armed forces have a zero
tolerance policy towards serious human rights violations, including sexual
violence,” and that “There is no widespread occurrence of human rights
violations with impunity.”

More than 2,190 people are languishing in Burma’s prisons for peacefully
exercising their basic civil and political rights, but the Director
General of Prisons Zaw Win said, “They are imprisoned because they have
breached prevailing laws, not because of their political beliefs.” He even
went as far as to claim that, “There are no prison deaths resulting from
torture.” However, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Burma, a member of the Burma Forum on the Universal Periodic Review
(BF-UPR), has documented the deaths of 146 political prisoners in
detention since 1988, due to torture and denial of medical treatment.

Representatives of the BF-UPR, a coalition of fourteen human rights and
civil society organizations, were in Geneva for the Review.

BF-UPR representative Aung Myo Min said, “The military regime’s dismissal
of any criticism of its human rights record and their refusal to even
acknowledge the abuses that are taking place underscores the urgent need
for an international independent investigation into allegations of war
crimes and crimes against humanity. Establishing a UN-mandated Commission
of Inquiry is an essential first step to ending the culture of impunity
and deterring human rights violations.”

“Despite the claims made in the regime’s National Report to the UPR that
the rights to freedom of religion and non-discrimination are guaranteed
under law, Burma’s ethnic and religious minorities face ongoing
persecution as part of a state policy of forced assimilation,” added
BF-UPR representative Salai Ling.

In its National Report, the regime also claimed it is “bringing about
balanced development... to enable the national races to enjoy the benefit
of development”. BF-UPR representative Paul Sein Twa said, “The right to
free, prior and informed consent is denied in Burma, so large-scale
development initiatives like dams and extractive projects rarely benefit
affected communities. They disrupt local livelihoods, and lead to further
impoverishment.  In reality such development projects have resulted in
gross human rights violations, including mass displacement and forced
labour, especially in ethnic areas.”

Meanwhile, it is deeply disappointing that all nine member States of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) chose to commend the regime
on its 7 November elections as a positive development while failing to
address the ongoing humanitarian crisis in eastern Burma as a result of
intensified armed conflict since the elections, which has caused thousands
of refugees to flee into neighbouring countries. Their expressions of
support on the implementation of the 7-Step Roadmap is also of particular
concern, as the Roadmap fails to genuinely include all stakeholders in the
country, and has resulted in a deeply flawed Constitution that enshrines
impunity and fails to meet international human rights norms and standards.

The Burma Forum on the Universal Periodic Review urges the military regime
to act now and immediately halt all human rights violations and accept the
numerous recommendations made during the Review including: immediately and
unconditionally releasing all political prisoners; reforming the
judiciary; ratifying and effectively implementing all international human
rights treaties; ensuring full rights to ethnic and religious minorities
both in law and in practice; and in particular, the establishment of a
Commission of Inquiry in line with the Special Rapporteur on the situation
of human rights in Myanmar’s recommendation, as proposed by the Czech
Republic.
For media interviews, please contact:

Geneva:
Aung Myo Min, Executive Director, Human Rights Education Institute of
Burma, +41 (0)77 501 1453

Salai Ling, Program Director, Chin Human Rights Organization, +41 (0)76
715 3298

Paul Sein Twa, Coordinator, Burma Environment Working Group, +41 (0)77 501
1453


Thailand:
Khin Ohmar, Coordinator, Burma Partnership, +66 (0)81 884 0772
For general enquries, please contact:

Geneva:
Giyoun Kim, UN Advocacy Programme Manager, FORUM-ASIA, +41 (0)79 5957931

Thailand:
Cheery Zahau, Programme Coordinator, Human Rights Education Institute of
Burma, +66 (0)84 9213423